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News.com.au
18 hours ago
- Business
- News.com.au
Bulk Buys: Calls for Aussie green iron grow, but we're missing the crucial ingredient
Green iron has become a major talking point in Australian political circles But the biggest handbrake on the nation-building industry could, ironically, be Australia's raw materials Cyclone Metals is blazing a trail in the space at Canada's Iron Bear project Recent weeks has seen a re-emergence of a long-running debate in Australian mining and the political landscape around it. Do we continue to dig it and ship it, selling our iron ore and coal to China in a network that makes us the quarry for the world's dominant steelmaker? Or can we revive a long crippled manufacturing sector at home, saving the world from an industry responsible for 8% of global carbon emissions by becoming producers of green iron at home. One barracker, the Rod Sims chaired Superpower Institute, claimed in a report last week that we could turn the $120bn iron ore export industry into a $386bn green iron export sector by 2060. They've called for government intervention to make it happen. That includes a production tax credit to supplement a proposed credit designed to make green hydrogen production $2/kg or below, equivalent to a carbon price of $170/t. Other recommendations are to support shared infrastructure, a green hydrogen certification scheme, grants that can support 15% of capital cost on top of an already announced $1bn green iron investment fund, up to $500m for projects producing 0.5Mt of steel or more a year, and a host of more general recommendations to support global carbon pricing initiatives. Industry backers The push for domestic green iron has come from business quarters as well, notably Andrew Forrest and his iron ore giant Fortescue (ASX:FMG), which is building a 1500tpa pilot plant at its green energy hub at Christmas Creek, at the same time as it dials back investments in its much touted hydrogen division amid a backdrop of economic uncertainty. Forrest himself has laid out warnings that Australia's iron ore exports could be at risk of losing their crown as ore grades slide and high-grade African deposits like Simandou come online. It's a curious position given Fortescue' own iron ore, sans its Iron Bridge magnetite mine, is among the lower grade products on the market, with some variations. Lower grade iron ore can work in concert with higher grade products in the blast furnaces that dominate the steel market in China and emerging player India, since it is typically blended to reach an optimal blend for the steel mill, based on market prices for steel and various inputs including iron ore and coal. China has stated its intention to reduce emissions from the steel sector, regularly promoting capacity swaps that involve the retirement of older factories for newer ones with better emissions profiles. It has largely done that via the development of electric arc furnace plants that need scrap steel to operate. There are some limitations there – recycled steel isn't great for high-end products like cars or high-tech equipment, while blast furnace lives remain relatively young. The plants, which use coal as the reductant to convert iron ore into crude steel, will remain in operation for decades yet. The easiest way to reduce steel emissions in billion tonne a year producer China is therefore higher iron ore grades with lower impurities, which require less coal and energy to produce the same steel tonne. To really curb emissions you need a direct reduced iron plant, which tends to operate with natural gas as the reducing agent. Theoretically, this process could be emissions free if that gas can be swapped out for hydrogen, something which has been studied for a while in Europe. But there's a bigger limitation. Australia has great stores of natural gas and abundant wind and solar resources to power a hypothetical hydrogen production process. However, it's the very specific grade of iron ore needed to produce DRI steel that will be the blocker. Australian iron. ore producers ship hematite, which has a high (but in the Pilbara's case declining) grade in the ground. But it is magnetite concentrates, which need to be beneficiated to deliver higher grades with lower impurities to the market, that are key for DRI. "With abundant high-grade iron ore resources and processing facilities, countries like Brazil, Canada and Sweden are better positioned for this transition. If it wants to remain competitive, Australia must focus on developing its magnetite iron ore sector," IEEFA energy finance analyst Sorough Basirat warned. "Over the past two decades, several large-scale concentrate plants have been launched to supply high-grade feedstock, along with two smaller-scale pelletising operations. Despite significant investment, however, these projects have often been plagued by delays, budget blowouts and operational setbacks. "Australia must act swiftly to remain competitive. Green iron is more critical to Australia than to any other country, given that iron ore is its leading export and that the country is the world's largest iron ore exporter. "The clock is ticking for Australia. Major miners must accelerate their efforts and adopt viable solutions quickly, or Australia risks missing out on this once-in-a-generation opportunity." Global potential That doesn't mean there aren't already Australian companies waking up to these changing tides. Cyclone Metals (ASX:CLE) this year sewed up a deal for Brazil's Vale, producer of around 60% of the iron ore globally suitable for DRI steelmaking. In recent times DR pellets assessed by Fastmarkets have nabbed a premium of around US$50/t over the prevailing price of 65% Fe iron ore, which itself runs a premium to the commonly quoted 62% Fe price – the latter is currently US$95.80/t. Cyclone Metals owns the 16Bt Iron Bear magnetite complex in Canada's Labrador Trough, one of the few places known to produce magnetite of the purity required to have DRI potential. With Vale in line to spend US$138m proving it up for an eventual 75% stake, it's one of the few deposits on the ASX with genuine potential to join the ~125Mtpa market for DR grade iron ore. "We've got a resource and we've done variability test work, so we've got results which for all intents and purposes is the easiest resource to upgrade to the DR grade that we're aware of," Cyclone CEO Paul Berend said. "(Rio Tinto's) IOC has got something a bit similar and they're about 250km from us, but they're much, much smaller in size and Vale is able to make DR pellets from much lower grade material from their southern system." That is proprietary to Vale, something Berend says shows developing DR grade iron ore projects in Australia is not outside the realm of possibility. But Iron Bear's mineralogy has given the project a leg up. Unlike blast furnaces, where impurities are extracted and separated in a slag, DRI plants need extremely low silica levels in their feedstocks. "When you see a silica floating below 1.5% you're getting into the zone. The Fe grade of a pellet is around 66% because you add things into pellets, you add bentonite and other stuff, binders," Berend said. "The Fe grade goes down, but it's misleading. It's the concentrate that you need to look at. "And even if you do get a concentrate, which has Fe and the silica which are the two things that you need to worry about, you still have to be able to get to the compression strength and the porosity, which not all orebodies, and enable you to do." Still an opportunity That doesn't mean Australia can't join the movement towards DRI. "Australia has a challenge with the ores, but has a huge advantage in terms of energy costs. So that's a very interesting situation for us to be in," Berend said, noting that Australia like other locations that host DR plants like the Middle East has its own sources of natural gas and renewable energy. "And I would invest very heavily in processing because there's lots and lots of iron ore in Australia, people haven't looked at the magnetite deposits in the way they should. And I'm sure there's clean magnetite deposits out there that we could find." Magnetite ores with higher grades and lower impurities will save emissions in traditional blast furnaces as well, Berend noted. "There's a challenge here Australia because if we don't interact together we're going to miss the boat for the next generation of ores," he said. "People get distracted by this siren of let's try and do zero carbon steel. It makes no difference to the footprint for the planet of steelmaking. "We can do green steel in Western Australia, but it will still be a very marginal thing for the next century or 50 years. And whilst it's interesting and we should do it, the bigger picture is decarbonise the steel industry by having cleaner raw material baskets, cleaner coal, cleaner iron ore. Immediate impact." Cyclone and Vale recently completed phase 4 of the met testwork at Iron Bear, producing 2.3t of DR grade concentrate at 71% Fe and 1.2% silica with low deleterious elements, along with 3.5t of blast furnace concentrate and, critically, 260kg of direct reduction pellets grading 68.4% Fe and 1.5% silica. A scoping study is due by the end of June. Elsewhere across the ASX there are a host of other magnetite hopefuls. In WA Gina Rinehart's Hancock Prospecting is still working on studies into a deposit in the Pilbara known as Hardey and in the Yilgarn in a partnership with Hawthorn Resources (ASX:HAW) and Indian-backed Legacy Iron Ore (ASX:LCY). In South Australia Magnetite Mines (ASX:MGT) continues to hold the Razorback project near the long-running but clouded SIMEC Mining operation. In the Pilbara and Mid West are the long-established Sino Iron and Karara Mining operations, while in Tasmania, Grange Resources (ASX:GRR) operates the small Savage River mine, where an underground development to extend its life is in the works. Falling iron ore prices appear to have scuttle the Southdown development proposed by Grange in WA's Great Southern region, while in Hawsons Iron (ASX:HIO) continues to plug away in NSW. In Africa, AKORA Resources (ASX:AKO) is targeting the development of its 2Mtpa Bekisopa project in Madagascar, which unlike most magnetite projects can be upgraded to grades similar to the iron ore produced in WA's Pilbara with simple beneficiation. That means it can be developed as a low-cost DSO operation, costing just US$60.6m to establish and with capital payback in 1.8 years according to a recent PFS. FID is expected in mid-2026 with the first shipment due in Q3 2027 if all goes to plan. MD Paul Bibby said on the release of the March PFS that further drilling could confirm additional mine life beyond the initial 6 years, with the long-term vision of building a high-grade concentrate operation beyond the initial DSO project. According to assessments of the port capacity at Toliara, minimal upgrades would be needed to support Bekisopa's anticipated Stage 2 green steel iron concentrate product handling of a nominal 5Mtpa rate. What about coal? While iron ore prices have been relatively stable this year in the face of weak steel industry profits and macroeconomic uncertainty, coal has suffered dearly. Prices of US$187/t for the top-grade Queensland coking coal don't seem too bad until you factor in the much higher cost base for incumbent miners since the pandemic, and the fact most producers don't actually realise that benchmark price. Thermal coal is even more sold off, down at around US$103/t after a couple of mild northern winters. Experts don't think met coal prices, in particular can stay so far into the cost curve forever. Speaking to Stockhead last week, Precision Funds Management's Dermot Woods said it was just a matter of time before the market moved for its key pick in the space, Whitehaven Coal (ASX:WHC). " If you take how hard it is to get a project off the ground in any commodity and then multiply that by all the green tape around getting a coal asset up anymore," he said. " We're sort of bemused that people aren't willing to pay more of an option premium for something like Whitehaven, which is making OK money at the moment. "If you can compare and contrast to lithium, which also isn't working at the moment, but the price is going down and down and the coal price is level. " People are pricing in this coal price forever, whereas they're pricing severe mean reversion back to sort of US$12-1500 ... on lithium. " I don't think that the average person understands how much costs have gone up in the coal space or what the real all in sustaining costs are there. " I don't think there's a lot of people making much money in coal at the moment, so it's a matter of time to – and you never know when these prices happen – but until coal runs really hard."
ABC News
a day ago
- Business
- ABC News
Coalition back together
The Liberals and Nationals are officially back together, announcing their new shadow ministry. Meanwhile, the Albanese government is facing blowback for approving the extension of Australia's largest gas project.
The Guardian
2 days ago
- General
- The Guardian
The moment I knew: he lost an election, but he was still smiling
D aniel and I went to the same high school in Melbourne. He was a year older than me, and we must have passed each other thousands of times, but I have no memory of ever talking to him. We knew of each other but we didn't know each other's names. We met properly for the first time at a pre-drinks when I was in my first year of university. He was holding a six-pack of beer and looked vaguely familiar. I introduced myself, he offered me one of his drinks and we got talking. Not long after, we started dating. We'd walk on the beach in St Kilda together, cook meals and grab coffee whenever we could. It was simple, easy and just felt right. Nomi and Daniel in 2014 I quickly realised Daniel and I could dive deep into a shared passion of ours – Australian politics – without it ever turning into a fight. At the time, I was studying politics as part of my arts/law degree, and Daniel had been a member of the Labor party since he was 16. In Daniel, I found someone who spoke the same language and shared similar values. Politics wasn't the sole foundation of our relationship, but when something big happened, we weren't shy about debating it. While we were still at university, Daniel landed a job working for a politician. I decided to copy him, and I emailed every member of parliament in Victoria until one of them offered me a role. If he could do it, so could I. We pushed each other forward like that and we still do. When Daniel decided to run for federal parliament at just 21, I campaigned with him every step of the way. We door-knocked together and handed out his flyers. People would do a double take when they met him, looking at his scuffed Converse sneakers. He ran in a safe Liberal seat, against a candidate who later became Australia's trade minister. Slim chances didn't bother Daniel, though. He ran for office because he had the time and believed in the cause. I remember being so proud of him for trying his best, even in the face of great odds. The night of the election, we hung out and watched the results roll in live on TV. Daniel was exhausted after handing out how-to-vote cards all day, and we both knew he'd lost. Despite that, he still had a big smile on his face, and in that moment I knew this was my guy. I felt so moved watching how much Daniel gave of himself – not for praise, but because he truly cared. It was one of those quiet, powerful moments. Nomi and Daniel Kaltmann at home, where they live with their five children When I ran for parliament, years later, Daniel returned the favour. He hung my posters around our neighbourhood and helped me letterbox. When the votes were counted and I didn't win, he knew exactly what to say, because he'd been there too. We've been married for a decade now and have five kids together. Despite the chaos of our busy life, Daniel and I regularly have animated discussions about what's going on in the country. Our garage is still a jumble of old campaign signs wedged between prams and half-empty tins of paint. The kids sometimes drag one out, asking if we really did run for parliament and if we won. We laugh, because that was never the point. For us, politics is about trying to make Australia a better place. These days, we're more likely to be caring for our children than campaigning, but the ideas that motivated us back then still drive us. We did it for the children we were dreaming of, and now we're raising them. Tell us the moment you knew Do you have a romantic realisation you'd like to share? From quiet domestic scenes to dramatic revelations, Guardian Australia wants to hear about the moment you knew you were in love. Your responses, which can be anonymous, are secure as the form is encrypted and only the Guardian has access to your contributions. We will only use the data you provide us for the purpose of the feature and we will delete any personal data when we no longer require it for this purpose. For true anonymity please use our SecureDrop service instead. Show more
ABC News
3 days ago
- Business
- ABC News
After 45 years watching politics, here's my last wish for this government and its big mandate
"Dear government, don't be terrible." There was no greater sin in journalism, back in the day, than using the personal pronoun in your copy. It has proved a good rule to follow over the past 45 years. Not just in a style sense but in terms of the state of mind in which you write: it's not about you, it's about your readers, or viewers even. When this column resumes in July, it will be contemplating more global matters, instead of Australian politics. But the transition, the fact that this is the last column on Australian politics, suggests a small amount of indulgence or reflection may be allowed. Political reporting can often have a Postcards from the Edge feeling about it: a report from a very different jungle to the one most normal people inhabit, with hopefully a bit of translation and explanation thrown in for good measure about how and why politicians act as they do. But this particular column aims to turn things around a bit: a postcard sent back to our pollies, with a few reflections drawn from four decades of having to watch them in action, close up. First, as an indulgence taken purely on behalf of readers, let us agree that the federal Coalition can be put aside. That seems only fair, given that the Coalition seems so determined to be irrelevant. Please come back, opposition MPs, when you've remembered what you are there for, or possibly when you have something more intelligent to say. In the meantime, try not to embarrass us all with your apparent complete lack of reflection on why you may have not only been rejected by the electorate, but now represent less than a third of the House of Representatives. You have stumbled around, splitting and reunifying, slagging each other off, on matters of "high principle" which seem to be completely malleable to the number of positions various parties get on the frontbench. Instead, let's focus on the new government: the one that has won an exceptionally large number of seats in the House of Representatives and which is probably already doing stuff that's affecting us voters. All governments are new after an election, whether they realise it or not, whether they have been in power for years or not. There are inevitably some different bums on seats. But more importantly, the context in which the government of the day is thinking about issues will have totally changed: both the economic and global circumstances, and the political circumstances. What new governments can do with their numbers in the House and in the Senate is regularly discussed. But what they are able to do (important distinction) or should do is discussed less. Having watched many federal elections (14) and therefore many transitions of government, it is never clear that new governments quite understand how their mandates, or more importantly, their scope for action may have changed. It's not just about the number of seats they hold in the House of Representatives and the Senate. It's about the relative power of the other parties and the messages that the electorate seems to have sent. And it's particularly about understanding what constraints that might have been shaping judgements for the past few years — constraints that have become so entrenched you don't even realised they are there — may have shifted or been removed entirely. The 2025 election has been generally seen as a message of a rejection of the fringes — at both ends — and a move to the centre. The prime minister has spoken about the idea of "progressive patriotism" as being central to his campaign "We spoke about doing things the Australian way, not looking towards any other method or ideology from overseas," he said. "At a time where there's conflict in the world, where people are often divided on the basis of race or religion, here in Australia, we can be a microcosm for the world." So there's a nice thought. But whether you want to prosecute a case for a nice thought, or a really complex policy agenda, you need to be both able and willing to sell it. The political landscape for the past 15 years has been treacherous, starting with the hyper-aggressive politics of Tony Abbott's leadership of an opposition which sought to bring down the Gillard government on the floor of the parliament. The biggest thing that the Albanese government has to get its head around is that the ultra-toxic nature of conservative attack politics has fundamentally shifted. Sure, News Corp and its Sky After Dark franchise continues to prosecute a particular message. But there is no clear and effective attack dog politician in the mould of Tony Abbott or Peter Dutton now obvious in the Coalition ranks. And the ideological policy underpinnings which drove them — particularly Abbott — are also in splinters. Think how that political agenda and it associated tactics have affected politics, and the caution of the Labor Party. Labor embraced AUKUS, for example, without any apparent thought or contemplation, because it did not wish to be in a different position on foreign policy, defence and the US alliance to the Coalition. This is not to suggest Labor should immediately abandon AUKUS. It's just that, with the Coalition in disarray, the prospect of Labor being in power for two terms, and US President Donald Trump apparently determined to make the US look like the world's most unreliable ally, Australia now has the space to consider what is actually in our best individual strategic interests. That's a space we have effectively never been in before, given our obsession with Great and Powerful Friends. There are so many other underlying presumptions about political norms generated by the Coalition: the ones on debt and deficits; on personal wealth; on migration and dog whistling on race. Once again, it is not a question of overturning policy, just of having the clear eyes to rewire politics without the fear of these political attacks necessarily cutting through. There's a couple of other ideas that are reinforced by watching a lifetime of political theatre. The first is about only half remembered memories. People speak ad nauseum of golden days when governments, and/or the parliament got things done. From someone who lived and worked through those times: don't get sucked into all the stuff about how social media makes it harder. Believe that none of the tax reforms, the social welfare reforms, the energy reforms, or whatever, were actually easy. Everything was fought, as it is now, tooth and nail, whether that be by the Hawke/Keating governments or the Howard government. The arguments only started to fail when politicians got too tired to keep prosecuting them. When the exasperation with "dumb" journalists or voters got too much. In a famous bit of correspondence originally reported in 2008, the former Hawke and Keating government minister, Gordon Bilney, wrote a letter to a local government bureaucrat once he was on his way out the door. "One of the great pleasures of private life is that I need no longer be polite to nincompoops, bigots, curmudgeons and twerps who infest local government bodies and committees such as yours," it said. "In the particular case of your committee, that pleasure is acute." To those who knew him, it was very Gordon Bilney. But it reflects the exhaustion people in the political process inevitably feel, and which can be the most debilitating limitation on getting things through. One of the smartest people to occupy a senior ministerial advisory post once said that he knew it was time to go when he found himself thinking, when confronted by someone lobbying on a policy: "don't you think we haven't already thought of that?" There's a bit of that air around this government already. And if they are going to be successful in using this term to produce change, that has to change. Another truism that has snuck into politics, particularly Labor politics, is that you can't have conflict in your ranks. Well the finance minister, Peter Walsh, publicly advocated for a completely different set of tax reforms to those of the Treasurer during the Hawke years and the government did not fall. A range of opinions is a good and healthy thing, and keeps a government (particularly one with a big majority) vibrant and credible. So just accept — even welcome — some friction, particularly the sort of high class friction provided by figures like Ed Husic, who has demonstrated more decency, bravery and class on the vexed issue of Gaza than anyone else in the Parliament. You are not all managing factions now, or a Labor Party conference. You are speaking for all of us in a world where opinions are rapidly changing. Not being a terrible government means considering just what opportunities you have to change the conversation now that you are not wedged so savagely from the left and right. A despairing Abraham Lincoln, desperate to get a general who would aggressively prosecute the war on the Union's behalf wrote to General "Fighting Joe" Hooker in 1863 in words which Australian voters might borrow in a letter to a government which has a once in a generation capacity to produce change: "Beware of rashness, but with energy, and sleepless vigilance, go forward, and give us victories." And that is all that I can wish for Australian governments to deliver to its people, as I end four decades of keeping watch on what our governments do in our name. Laura Tingle finishes this week as 7.30's political editor. She starts as the ABC's global affairs editor in coming weeks.
ABC News
5 days ago
- Business
- ABC News
Sussan Ley unveils shadow cabinet
Sabra Lane: They're reunited. After a week's split, the Liberal and National parties are back as a coalition. Yesterday, the Liberal leader Sussan Ley revealed a refreshed shadow cabinet. The messy separation played out while Ms Ley's mother died. The new Liberal leader announced the new-look opposition frontbench alongside Nationals leader David Littleproud. She spoke with me earlier. Sussan Ley, thanks for joining AM, but condolences on the loss of your mother. Sussan Ley: Thank you so much, Sabra. It's good to speak with you. It's been a tough couple of weeks personally, but also I've reflected often on the incredible privilege of leading the opposition, leading the Liberal Party. And I'm so keen to get out there now that we've reformed the coalition to work hard for the Australian people and every single community in every single corner of this country. Sabra Lane: Just on that, you thanked David Littleproud yesterday for being respectful and productive, but some Australians would be very puzzled by that because many think the way that the Nationals behaved in the past fortnight was anything but respectful, especially as you were dealing with your mother's illness and death. Sussan Ley: There's a lot of to-ing and fro-ing. There's a lot of commentary. There's even commentary about the commentary with this, but David and I are firmly focused on the future. We walked into that party room yesterday and we walked out both chatting to each other about the communities we seek to represent and in particular, the flooding in Northern New South Wales and how quickly we wanted to work together to be on the ground to support those communities. So while the nature of coalition agreements can be vigorous debate, and as I said, back and forth, I'm delighted that as a coalition, we will be a team that takes the fight up on behalf of the Australian people. Every government sabre needs the strongest possible opposition. We both really believe that we work better when we work together. Sabra Lane: Jacinta Nampijinpa Price, who defected from the Nationals to join the Liberal Party for a tilt at a leadership position that fizzled, says of the new shadow cabinet, I'll be honest to say that there are probably some appointments that have not been predicated on experience or merit. This is the team we have to work with. How confident are you that the Senator is going to be a team player? Sussan Ley: I'm very excited about the team. Can I say that, Sabra? Sabra Lane: But on her words? Sussan Ley: Well, she is part of that team. She's an incredible Australian in terms of her ability to connect. But I'm very proud of my team. I'm very proud of everything they offer. And it's not just the team in the shadow ministry. And that's an important message to get across. As I said yesterday, I spoke to every one of the 54 members of my party room, because everyone is involved. And I want to harness the talents of every single individual as we go out and do what we've been elected to do, which is work hard for the Australian people. Sabra Lane: On the nub of the question, though, sorry, those words don't sound like she's fully on board. Sussan Ley: Jacinta Nampijinpa Price is taking on a crucial role in defence as the shadow minister for defence industry and defence personnel. And I know working with Angus Taylor as our shadow minister for defence, this is going to be a terrifically important combination. We have Phil Thompson also in that team, and we've got work to do to present the case that we need to think carefully and work hard. Sabra Lane: Much of the criticism about the coalition's performance at the election was that many policies were lacking, that hadn't been worked through or released too late. Some were out of touch with modern Australia. How is this team going to rectify that? Sussan Ley: Modernising the Liberal Party is not about moving it to the left or to the right. It is about meeting people. Because it's true, Sara, we suffered a resounding defeat and we didn't meet the expectations of Australians. And we have to go out into those communities and we have to listen closely and we have to change. This is a new team with a fresh approach that will do things differently. We're not focused on the internals. We're not focused on what happens inside the building in Canberra, important though that is from time to time. We're very much focused on the work that we need to do. Sabra Lane: On net zero, Australia signed up to an international agreement pledging to achieve net zero carbon emissions by 2050. The coalition has said it will review that commitment to the policy. If it's ditched, won't Australians just interpret that as the coalition being an organisation of climate change deniers? Sussan Ley: Australia must play its role in reducing global emissions. There is an important role for us to play. But it is always a balance between power prices, what Australian households are paying and how they're struggling to afford to pay their power bills as we go into winter. And we must have... Sabra Lane: The nub of that question, sorry, was again, people might view the coalition as just being an organisation of climate change deniers. Sussan Ley: Well, I completely reject that. Australians, no, and that includes our team. We must reduce emissions, but we must have a stable, reliable energy grid. And that's the perspective that I will bring to the policy development in this space. Sabra Lane: How will your leadership style be different, say, from Peter Dutton's? Sussan Ley: Without reflecting on any previous leader, Sabra, I know that I bring two things to the team straight away, and that is my very strong work ethic and also my consultation. It's not about lecturing from the top. It shouldn't be in opposition. It's about listening. As we develop policy going forward, we will see them through the timeless prism of the values that we have as Liberals. And I know that, again, with the team that I have around me, we can do this job really well. Millions of Australians voted for us at the last election. Millions didn't. But right now, we're here for every single one to prove to them that we are up for the task and to earn their faith and trust in us. Sabra Lane: Sussan Ley, thanks for talking to AM this morning. Sussan Ley: It's a pleasure, Sabra. Sabra Lane: And Sussan Ley is the new Federal Liberal Party leader.
