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The National
2 days ago
- Politics
- The National
Ali Larijani: Iran's former speaker who is making a quiet comeback
As Iran picks itself up following last month's war with Israel, the country's leadership is trying to find a diplomatic way out of the current predicament over its nuclear programme. It has resumed engaging with other parties to the 2015 nuclear agreement (outside of the US). These include the three European powers – France, Germany and the UK – as well as China and Russia. The Europeans have threatened to use the so-called 'snapback' mechanism in the 2015 deal to re-impose UN sanctions on Iran. As it seeks to avoid such an outcome before the deadline expires next month, Tehran must also recalibrate its relations with Moscow – especially as their military co-operation in the Ukraine war has led to criticism in Europe. Ali Larijani, a former Iranian parliamentary speaker and currently an adviser to supreme leader Ayatollah Ali Khamenei, surprised many by travelling on Sunday to Moscow, where he met Russian President Vladimir Putin. According to the Kremlin, the unannounced talks were focused on 'the escalated situation in the Middle East and around the Iranian nuclear programme'. Much speculation now abounds on the probable message Mr Larijani took to Mr Putin and how this might affect Iran's posture vis-a-vis Russia. The choice of Mr Larijani for such a sensitive trip is noteworthy since he doesn't hold an official position in government, although Iran's foreign ministry said he was in Moscow on behalf of President Masoud Pezeshkian – and that the ministry helped organise the trip. As an appointee of Mr Khamenei and a stalwart in the establishment, Mr Larijani carries enough diplomatic and political heft to have warranted a meeting with the Russian leadership. He has been in similar situations before, having visited China as the sitting speaker in 2019, in the company of then-foreign minister Mohammad Javad Zarif. Even after leaving office, he continued to help steer Tehran's relations with Beijing. However, his Moscow trip signals something more than a diplomatic process. It appears to mark a political comeback for Mr Larijani, who is playing an increasingly prominent role in Iranian politics these days. With his country in flux, and as the question of 'after Mr Khamenei, who?' becomes ever more pertinent, the former speaker could be harbouring lofty ambitions. Although the Islamic Republic was founded by an anti-monarchical revolution, it has a political aristocracy of its own – and this includes the Larijani family. Son of a prominent cleric, Mr Larijani has held several influential positions in government. Before he became speaker in 2008, he was a national security adviser and before that the head of the state broadcaster. He and his four brothers – all accomplished in their own ways – are part of a powerful conservative family with marital ties to other key families within the political class. Mr Lairjani's father-in-law is the late Morteza Motahhari, a well-known cleric and a key figure in the 1979 revolution. Despite having powerful links, the Larijani family was on the sidelines for many years. Mr Larijani always had impeccable conservative credentials. He was the bete noire of the reformist movement during his tenure at the state broadcaster, primarily over the state TV's constant negative coverage of then-president Mohmmad Khatami, who was a reformist. Yet not long after, the Larijanis found themselves in choppy political waters. Mr Khatami's successor, the hardline Mahmoud Ahmadinejad, came down heavily on the family, accusing its members of corruption, thereby making a significant dent in their image. Mr Larijani thereafter allied himself to the centrist president Hassan Rouhani, attracting even greater ire from hardliners and getting disqualified from running for the presidency on two occasions. His brother Sadeq, a former head of the judiciary, lost re-election to the influential Assembly of Experts last year. But as the pendulum of power once again swings inside the Islamic Republic, hardliners find themselves on the back foot as Mr Larijani and his brothers gradually return to the limelight. When Israeli missiles were raining down on Lebanon last November, Mr Larijani visited Beirut to meet then-prime minister Najib Mikati and Speaker of the Parliament Nabih Berri. The trip received plenty of attention and since then, his profile has continued to grow. He frequently posts on social media, and he gets more air time on TV. In May, he made a well-publicised visit to the Tehran Book Fair. When foreign dignitaries visit Iran, they often make it a point to meet him. During last month's 12-day war, Mr Larijani decried Israel's attacks while urging forbearance on the part of the Iranian government. In doing so, he projected an image of someone with a steady hand and plenty of experience, wisdom and foresight – qualities that are in short supply within the establishment right now. The former speaker hasn't hidden his political ambitions. As mentioned earlier, he sought to run for president twice. Having backed several centrist candidates in last year's parliamentary election, he has positioned himself as a pragmatist. His resume includes not only many years in government but also extensive military experience, having served in key positions within the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps. He is statesman-like and has a sense of humour, which would make him personable to many voters. The question then is whether he will receive the green light to run for high office one day. Recent developments suggest this might already be in the works.
Irish Times
3 days ago
- Politics
- Irish Times
Iran's leaders turn to a new brand of nationalism after Israeli and US attacks
The event had all the typical trappings of Ashura, Iran's ritualistic Shi'ite Muslim mourning period. The kneeling crowds were dressed in black. They beat their chests in unison. Then Iran's supreme leader, Ayatollah Ali Khamenei , beckoned the man leading the chants and whispered in his ear. Grinning, the singer broke into a tune that would have been wildly out of place at a religious ceremony for the Islamic Republic just a few weeks ago: 'Ey Iran, Iran', a patriotic anthem. 'In my soul and spirit, you remain, O homeland,' he sang, as the crowd recited the words back to him. 'Wasted be the heart that does not tremble for you.' Iran has emerged from its war with Israel – briefly joined by the United States – deeply wounded. Its military defences are battered, its nuclear programme was pummelled and its population has been devastated by a heavy civilian toll over the 12-day war. READ MORE Amid that bleak outlook, the country's leaders see an opportunity. Outrage over the attacks has sparked an outpouring of nationalist sentiment, and they hope to channel that into a patriotic moment to shore up a government facing daunting economic and political challenges. A billboard in Tehran depicts missiles and the mythological figure of Arash the archer. Photograph: Arash Khamooshi/The New York Times The result has been an embrace of ancient folklore and patriotic symbols that many of Iran's secular nationalists once saw as their domain, not that of a conservative theocracy that often shunned Iran's pre-Islamic revolutionary heritage. In the ancient city of Shiraz, a billboard depicts Israeli prime minister Binyamin Netanyahu kneeling before a statue of Shapur I, the third-century Persian king, mimicking a frieze from the ruins of the ancient city of Persepolis. In Tehran's Vanak Square, a popular shopping area, a billboard has been erected for Arash the Archer, the mythological figure said to have created Iran's borders by launching his life force from an arrowhead. Now, instead of arrows, it is the missiles of the Islamic Republic being fired across his bow. 'We are witnessing the birth of a fusion of Shi'ite identity and Iranian nationalism – and it is the result of the attack on Iran,' said Mohsen Borhani, a law professor at Tehran University and well-known political commentator. With no reliable polling data to offer insights on popular sentiments, the effectiveness of this patriotic craze has been hotly debated among Iranians and analysts alike. Some Iranians are sceptical that any newfound nationalism will increase the government's popularity, arguing that it simply reflects the widespread anger over the Israeli and US attacks. Government supporters gather in Tehran to commemorate victims of Israel's recent attacks. Photograph: Arash Khamooshi/The New York Times Before the Israeli attacks, some Iran analysts had expected domestic turmoil this summer: Alongside an economic crisis, Iran's water, electricity and fuel supplies had been failing as temperatures soared. The war seems to have led to an opposite effect. Now some Iranians appear willing to stomach more government restrictions, including the tightening of internet access. The Iranian government has also begun a massive crackdown against what it says are infiltrators and spies, but which rights groups say is also sweeping up dissidents and minorities. US president Donald Trump and Netanyahu's calls for Iranians to rise up against the government in the wake of the strikes has led even some critics of the Iranian government to argue that they could not countenance protesting right now. 'People do not want domestic change to be driven by foreign governments,' Lida, who works in Tehran, told The New York Times in a voice message. She asked not to be identified by her full name because of the government's warnings against contact with foreign media. 'It goes against my national pride that a country comes and violates my land and hits our nuclear sites,' she said. 'OK, fine, this nuclear programme is not my dream or aspiration, but in the end it is part of my land and territory.' This is not the first time that leaders of the Islamic Republic have leaned on nationalism or traditional symbols in times of crisis. At the end of the Iran-Iraq War of the 1980s, historians say, Iran's revolutionary leadership often turned to nationalist rhetoric. But the scale and scope of the latest effort to galvanise the population is different, Iran experts say. 'The revolutionary leadership has recognised that when the going gets tough you have to dive deep into that nationalist rhetoric to bring people together,' said Ali Ansari, the founding director of the Institute for Iranian Studies at the University of St Andrews. 'They want to use the war as a way of encouraging national solidarity – something that they haven't had for many years.' That approach was especially striking as the country entered Muharram at the end of June, a period of mourning in Shi'ite Islam that lasts for about a month. Ashura, marking the 10th day of that period, is when Shi'ites grieve for Imam Hussein, the grandson of the Prophet Muhammad. This year, Iran's madahs, or religious singers, brought politics into the celebrations. At shopping malls in the city of Yazd, they blended pious verses into patriotic songs that were once banned – including a religious version of an anthem penned during the second World War, and often associated with the era of the Pahlavi monarchy that the Iranian revolution overthrew in 1979. Some Iranians have not welcomed the fusion of nationalist and Islamic rhetoric, including the family of Tooraj Negahban, the lyricist who penned Ey Iran, Iran. The madah who recited it in front of Khamenei wove in religious phrases including 'Iran of Karbala' and 'Iran of Ashura'. A critic of the Islamic Republic, Neghaban died in exile in Los Angeles in 2008. 'For years, you have silenced our voices. You have erased our names from books and the media,' the family wrote in a post on an Instagram page in his name. 'Now that you have nothing left to shout, you are singing the same anthems you used to curse.' Some Iranians, like Borhani, the Tehran University professor, argue that the theocracy's turn to nationalism shows that religion alone can no longer galvanise Iran's 90 million people, particularly those in their 30s or younger, who form the bulk of the population. Others say the widespread use of patriotic tunes in Ashura rituals around the country has created an authentic new expression of Iranian patriotism. Shahrzad, a university student in Tehran, described the shift as 'engineered nationalism.' 'Authentic nationalism comes from the streets, from protests, from shared pain, not from government podiums,' she said in a voice message. Even if the war – and the wave of nationalism it has spurred – has helped the government retain control, some question how long it will last. 'When the dust settles and people start to ask questions, they will see that there's still no water, still no gas, still no electricity,' Ansari said. 'Everything depends on the country having an economic renaissance – and it can't do it.' – The New York Times
The National
4 days ago
- Politics
- The National
Why Iranian anti-regime protesters are out on the streets of London now
Squally showers of rain fell as tourists gathered around the statues of Winston Churchill and Nelson Mandela in London's Parliament Square. The scene could not have been further removed from the equivalent in Tehran, but here was a group of Iranian protesters literally regrouping in the wake of what US President Donald Trump dubbed the '12-day war' a few weeks ago. Why marshal up for a protest now, on a mid-summer Sunday, when a strange interregnum between peace and war has settled into place? The reasons for taking to the streets remain urgent. Organiser Ellie Borhan explains that the need for a new system is more pressing than ever. Under a new banner of the National Co-operation Campaign, the organisers would like to provide a bigger tent for the exiles opposed to the system headed by Iranian supreme leader Ayatollah Ali Khamenei to push their agenda. It is worth noting that sometimes these protests can turn violent. There were clashes outside the Iranian embassy in London less than a month ago, which led to arrests of both protesters and supporters of the current establishment in Tehran. Teenagers and pensioners alike gathered on Sunday. There was even an Elvis-like singer who sang freedom songs. Many were royalists who would want the son of the Shah deposed in 1979 restored to power. Whether the people of Iran would come out for that remains a deeply controversial topic of conversation on these occasions. To the question as to why come on to the streets now is a straightforward answer. Many of these people are enduring threats in the UK and facing family safety issues back home. Some have arrived in the UK in the past few years, while others have been here for decades. Despite enjoying the protection of the UK laws, and some police presence around their demonstrations, there is a potential cost to this assembly. But to keep the cause of change in Iran alive, these demonstrators emphasised the importance of amplifying the voices of Iranians still inside the system. It is not long before talk turned to the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps, the defender of the Iranian establishment, and how it has acted since the American and Israeli bombing raids on the country. For Ms Borhan herself, something has changed. She has been campaigning in the UK for years. But when the war was on, the IRGC included her family in the round-up of those that it deemed suspicious. 'Any person who is on the front of these protests, who is planning them or setting up events inside the Parliament, is raising awareness of what is happening inside Iran,' she said. It is already taken for granted that many of the people who choose to take a public stand in the UK cannot do so without knowing that this means a cut-off from their homeland. If they return to Iran, they risk problems with the authorities and potential detention. Tariq Ahmad, the former UK Middle East minister, spoke last week of how conscious he was while in office about the issue of prisoners and hostages when he was dealing with his Iranian counterparts. The fact that these people were in detention and facing dangers was something real to him, and it guided his diplomatic interactions with Tehran. Iran is in intense discussions with the big three European powers over its nuclear programme in the wake of the American-Israeli bombings. The Europeans have threatened to use their powers to 'snap back' UN sanctions on Tehran by the end of the summer, if these talks do not involve meaningful concessions. Yet, at the same time, France is appealing for three of its citizens, and the UK is working to secure the release of a married couple, who are being held in Iran. These are real factors, too, in diplomacy stemming from the system's internal controls. The IRGC's raid on Ms Borhan's family home led to a physical assault on her brother, as well as degrading and inhumane treatment, during the interrogation. She said the IRGC's search for his connections to her dissent included a strategy of damaging his dignity. Once reunited with her mother, who was also held, the family convened a crisis meeting before deciding to leave their homeland. For the opposition, there is a bitter coincidence of external weakness mixed with steelier internal repression coming out of recent events. They can see that Mr Khamenei was forced to shelter in a bunker during the spiral of events that not only saw bombs fall on the nuclear facilities, but assassinations of key figures associated with Iran's nuclear programme and the IRGC itself. Yet the propaganda and internal repression grow stronger. Exposed as lacking the capability to respond to aerial attacks or through its regional network of allies, the Iranian leadership is left with the tools it has to turn on its own people. Ms Borhan notes that this loss of prestige for the system has resulted in a bitter harvest inside Iran. 'They lost their pride,' she said. 'They couldn't even keep their own people safe in Iran. Everyone saw how much they have been weakened.'
New York Times
4 days ago
- Entertainment
- New York Times
Iran's Leaders Turn to a New Brand of Nationalism After Israeli and U.S. Attacks
The event had all the typical trappings of Ashura, Iran's ritualistic Shiite Muslim mourning period. The kneeling crowds were dressed in black. They beat their chests in unison. Then, Iran's supreme leader, Ayatollah Ali Khamenei, beckoned the man leading the chants, and whispered in his ear. Grinning, the singer broke into a tune that would have been wildly out of place at a religious ceremony for the Islamic Republic just a few weeks ago: 'Ey Iran, Iran,' a patriotic anthem. 'In my soul and spirit, you remain, O homeland,' he sang, as the crowd recited the words back to him. 'Wasted be the heart that does not tremble for you.' Iran has emerged from its war with Israel — briefly joined by the United States — deeply wounded. Its military defenses are battered, its nuclear program was pummeled and its population has been devastated by a heavy civilian toll over the 12-day war. Amid that bleak outlook, the country's leaders see an opportunity. Outrage over the attacks has sparked an outpouring of nationalist sentiment, and they hope to channel that into a patriotic moment to shore up a government facing daunting economic and political challenges. The result has been an embrace of ancient folklore and patriotic symbols that many of Iran's secular nationalists once saw as their domain, not that of a conservative theocracy that often shunned Iran's pre-Islamic revolutionary heritage. Want all of The Times? Subscribe.
Wall Street Journal
4 days ago
- Politics
- Wall Street Journal
Toppling Tehran Isn't Like Sacking Saddam
In his letter, 'Regime Change in Tehran Isn't Worth the Risk' (July 16), Dan DePetris uses the examples of Afghanistan, Iraq and Libya to caution unseating Ayatollah Ali Khamenei. But there are more differences than similarities between those cases and Tehran's. Iraq and Libya are states that European empires manufactured in the 20th century. Afghanistan has had brief periods of independence, but throughout history it has largely been a territory, mired in war, over which other empires (including Iran) have contested.
