Latest news with #B-2SpiritBomber
&w=3840&q=100)
First Post
a day ago
- Politics
- First Post
Alaska summit: Putin wins hands down as Trump gifts him time
The Alaska summit proved that neither Trump knows Putin nor can guarantee a ceasefire or peace It was the typical high-voltage Donald Trump pomp and power show at the Joint Base Elmendorf-Richardson in Anchorage, Alaska, on Friday. A B-2 Spirit Bomber escorted by four F-35 Lightnings conducted a flyover as a desperate Trump tried to persuade Vladimir Putin to reciprocate his unrequited love. They shook hands on the red carpet and later posed on a blue stage emblazoned with 'ALASKA 2025' amid parked F-22 Raptors. However, hours before, Putin, in his subtle yet powerful style, had already delivered his message loud and clear: Make USSR Great Again (MUGA). STORY CONTINUES BELOW THIS AD Harking back to the Soviet Union's superpower days of global dominance during the Cold War, Russian foreign minister Sergey Lavrov arrived at a hotel where Trump and Putin later met sporting an unusual dress breaking the diplomatic protocol. A black jacket over a white sweatshirt emblazoned with 'CCCP'—Union of Soviet Socialist Republics—and light blue denims. Lavrov's dress wasn't merely symbolic; it conveyed two messages. First, Putin's longing for the USSR's lost greatness and anger at its disintegration, which the Russian president had termed 'the greatest geopolitical catastrophe of the 20th century'. Second, Russia's immense confidence in being back in the diplomatic fold after being declared a pariah by the West since Putin invaded Ukraine in February 2022. The stage was set. The performers were ready. Trump was accompanied by Marco Rubio (secretary of state), John Ratcliffe (CIA director), Steve Witkoff (special envoy to Ukraine and the Middle East). Scott Bessent (treasury secretary) and Howard Lutnick (commerce secretary). Putin's entourage comprised Lavrov, Yuri Ushakov (foreign policy adviser), Andrei Belousov (defence minister), Kirill Dmitriev (Russian Direct Investment Fund chief) and Anton Siluanov (finance minister). The audience expected to be spellbound by a scintillating performance by the brilliant cast. However, the most-anticipated drama was a big flop for the American audience and international media. STORY CONTINUES BELOW THIS AD Neither Trump nor Putin took questions from a quote-famished media as reporters jostled to get even one comment. Both made their statements and left the media disappointed. Antagonist Putin turns protagonist The Russian president came, he saw and he conquered. Putin was brimming with confidence from the moment he agreed to take a ride on The Beast, Trump's armoured limousine, at the latter's request. He was a virtuoso, an artiste who had crafted and polished his skills in dealing with five American presidents—Bill Clinton, George W Bush, Barack Obama, Joe Biden and Trump (six times in his first term).After the summit ended, Putin was the first to address the media as Trump stood silent by his side. Putin got what he eagerly sought—that too on American soil. Despite being shunned by the West, especially the Joe Biden administration, and having an ICC arrest warrant for committing war crimes in Ukraine, his performance was excellent. First, Putin, whose troops occupy around 18 per cent of Ukraine, including Crimea, 70 per cent of Donetsk and almost all of Luhansk (Donbas) and two-thirds of Kherson and Zaporizhzhia, came out with the biggest gain. STORY CONTINUES BELOW THIS AD Putin has time till November-end to capture more Ukrainian territory and to negotiate with both Trump and Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelensky from a more powerful position. By December, Ukraine's harsh winter would set in, making fighting extremely difficult. The Russian advance in eastern Ukraine has been incremental but continues. Putin has around three months to turn these slow gains into strategic wins. Moreover, neither Trump nor Putin announced the venue and date of another meeting. Putin wants to freeze the gains and the conquered areas in Russia's fold and Zelensky to drop his goal of joining NATO. The Ukrainian president rejects both demands. Before and after the summit, Trump said that a tri-lateral meeting between Putin, Zelensky and him would be the best option to reach peace. The Alaska summit was held months after Trump showed a willingness to meet Putin. Convincing Putin and Zelensky to meet face-to-face will require intensive diplomatic efforts and hectic parleys between the three countries. That will allow Putin to buy more time to advance further inside Ukraine. STORY CONTINUES BELOW THIS AD Zelensky was quick to highlight how Putin will use the opportunity. '… we anticipate that in the coming days the Russian Army may try to increase pressure and strikes against Ukrainian positions in order to create more favourable political circumstances for talks with global actors', he wrote on Telegram. Second, Putin re-established diplomatic ties with the US amid a grand welcome in a country that led Nato against him without the Russian leader taking one step back. 'The past period was very difficult for bilateral relations. And, let's be honest. They have slid to the lowest point since the Cold War. … Obviously, sooner or later, it was necessary to correct the situation—to move from confrontation to dialogue. And in this regard, a personal meeting of the heads of the two states was really overdue,' he said with Trump by his side. Third, the much-touted summit hinged on a territorial swap between Russia and Ukraine—rejected by Zelensky—to reach a peace deal and end Europe's bloodiest war since WWII. That's what Trump had been chiming before the summit to the shock of European allies. However, during a virtual call with European leaders later, he said that any territorial concession should be decided by Ukraine. There was no discussion about a territorial swap at the meeting. STORY CONTINUES BELOW THIS AD Fourth, Putin didn't even agree to a ceasefire—forget a peace deal. Earlier too, he never agreed to a ceasefire and continued with the onslaught despite several attempts by Trump and Witkoff, who had met Putin four times in over two months. Despite praising Trump and his administration for facilitating 'the resolution of the Ukrainian conflict', Putin didn't indicate ending the conflict. Fifth, he again blamed Ukraine, as did Trump during Zelensky's White House visit in February, for starting the war and repeated how Russia's security is under threat. 'I have said more than once that for Russia, the events in Ukraine are associated with fundamental threats to our national security.' On the other hand, Putin, using his trademark tactics, terming Ukrainians 'brotherly no matter how strange that may sound in today's conditions'. 'We have the same roots and everything that is happening for us is a tragedy and a great pain.' Putin put the ball in Trump's court while conflating Russia's 'legitimate concerns' and the 'root causes of the crisis' with a ceasefire and Ukraine's security. 'Therefore, our country is sincerely interested in putting an end to this. But at the same time, we are convinced that for the Ukrainian settlement to be sustainable and long-term, all the root causes of the crisis must be eliminated.' STORY CONTINUES BELOW THIS AD Putin was referring to Nato's eastward expansion and Ukraine's ambition to be part of the military bloc. Though Ukraine's security 'must, without a doubt, be ensured' and 'I would like to hope that the understanding we have reached will allow us to get closer to that goal and open the way to peace in Ukraine', Russia's 'legitimate concerns must be taken into account, and a fair balance in the security sphere in Europe and the world as a whole must be restored'. Putin said. Sixth, he massaged Trump's ego without conceding anything. 'Overall, we have established a very good business-like and trusting contact with President Trump,' he said knowing well how Trump gloats in self-praise and all the more when patted on the back by an adversary like him. 'And I have every reason to believe that by moving along this path, we can—the quicker the better—reach an end to the conflict in Ukraine,' Putin said without mentioning a timeline to end the war or even a ceasefire. STORY CONTINUES BELOW THIS AD Putin's best shot was slamming Joe Biden and praising Trump for saying that the war would have never happened if he were the US president. 'And in the end, I would like to add one more thing. I'd like to remind you that in 2022, during the last contact with the previous administration, I tried to convince my previous American colleague that the situation should not be brought to the point of no return when it would come to hostilities and accept it quite directly back then—that is a big mistake,' he said of Biden without naming him. In the biggest boost to the US president's ego, he said that if Trump were the president in 2022, the war wouldn't have started, as claimed by him during the 2024 US election campaign. 'Today, when President Trump is saying that if he were the president back then, there would be no war, and I'm quite sure that it would indeed be so. I can confirm that,' Putin said. He even invited Trump to Moscow for another meeting—if it is held at all—in a rare public use of English. 'Next time in Moscow?' he said as the joint presser ended triggering an expected reaction from Trump, who said, 'Ooh! That's an interesting one. I don't know. I'll get a little heat on that one, but I could see it possibly happening. Thank you very much, Vladimir.' Trump was never in control of the plot Trump looked visibly exhausted. The American president expected to mesmerise the audience—but his performance was below average. There was no ceasefire or peace deal, contrary to his boastful claims of one in the offing, as Russia continued to attack Ukraine during the around-three-hour meeting. Inviting Putin to the US was Trump's first mistake. The cringeworthy display of military power play and posing with Putin, flanked by Raptors, was the second mistake. The big, hollow claims and threats made by Trump in the months and days leading up to the summit were his third and biggest blundTrump is all bluster and no bite whenever he confronts an equally dominating and powerful adversary like Putin or Chinese President Xi Jinping. Trump wrote the Alaska summit script, but Putin controlled the plot. The Russian leader pulled the strings and his American counterpart danced all along—even in the months before the summit. Trump, like his predecessors, has failed miserably to read the former KGB agent, despite meeting him five times and talking to him over the phone nine times in his first presidency, seven calls after office and another six calls in his second term. Russian leaders have always outsmarted their American counterparts. Two months after America's failed Bay of Pigs invasion in Cuba, John F Kennedy met Soviet leader Nikita Khrushchev at a summit in Vienna in 1961. In 1962, Khrushchev deployed nuclear missiles in Cuba, jolting Kennedy and bringing the world to the precipice of Armageddon. 'Kennedy allowed himself to be bullied by Khrushchev [in Vienna] and he regretted it,' according to award-winning journalist Evan Thomas, who authored the book Being Nixon: A Man Divided. 'Some scholars think that Khrushchev felt like he could push Kennedy around. And that made him, perhaps, more likely to put the missiles into Cuba.' Trump failed like Kennedy. From his campaign trail's hollow claim to end the war in 24 hours if he returned to power to cajoling and coercing Putin, Trump's blustering narrative of how he could influence the Russian leader to sign a peace deal fell flat and exposed his flaws. When Putin rejected his ceasefire offers, Trump threatened sanctions. The Russian president was unrelenting. Soon, Trump's frustration with him was public. He was visibly 'very angry' and 'pissed off' at the 'bullshit' thrown by 'crazy' Putin. Finally, he gave Putin a 50-day deadline to end the war or face more sanctions and secondary sanctions on top buyers of Russian crude oil (China and India). He failed. Then Trump reduced the deadline to 10-12 days. He failed again. Trump had also boasted that he would know exactly in 'the first two minutes' of the meeting whether a deal could be made', and also vowed to 'walk' away from the table if the talks remained inconclusive. In the end, it boiled down to a no-show with Trump's blow-hot-and-cold attitude resulting in a mockery. Trump's 'two-minute' boast fizzled out as the meeting lasted for more than two-and-a-half hours—neither did he walk away from the unproductive talks as pledged earlier. In his statement, shorter than that of Putin's, Trump's usual strategy of fake claims regarding the war and his one-sided bromance with Putin were on display. '…I believe we had a very productive meeting. There were many, many points that we agreed on, most of them, I would say,' he said despite Putin not agreeing to even a ceasefire. 'There are just a very few that are left. Some are not that significant. One is probably the most significant, but we have a very good chance of getting there. We didn't get there, but we have a very good chance of getting there,' he added. Aware that he had achieved nothing but zilch, Trump admitted that there were 'a couple of big ones [points] that we haven't quite gotten there, but we've made some headway. So, there's no deal until there's a deal'. Sensing that he would be pilloried by the media for failing to squeeze even one ounce of concession from Putin, Trump conveniently put the onus on NATO and Zelensky. 'It's ultimately up to them. They're going to have to agree with what Marco and Steve.' Finally, he was back to his admiration for Putin, who has always manipulated him. Claiming that Putin and he 'really made some great progress today', Trump said, 'I've always had a fantastic relationship with President Putin—with Vladimir. We had many, many tough meetings, good meetings.'To please Putin further, Trump reiterated that the Russian interference in the 2016 US presidential election was a 'hoax'. 'We were interfered with by the Russia, Russia, Russia hoax. It made it a little bit tougher to deal with, but he [Putin] understood it. I think he's probably seen things like that during the course of his career. He's seen—he's seen it all. But we had to put up with the Russia, Russia, Russia hoax. He knew it was a hoax, and I knew it was a hoax.' Trump's statement was a redux of his meeting with Putin in Helsinki in July 2108 when he sided with Russia against US intelligence agencies and denied any election interference. In another feat of imagination, Trump concluded by saying that both were on the same page about stopping the killing of Ukrainians. 'We had some good meetings over the years, right? … Let's do the most productive one right now. We're going to stop, really, 5, 6, 7 thousand, 1000s of people a week from being killed, and President Putin wants to see that as much as I do.' Post-summit comments show who's winner A few days before the summit, the White House was careful not to portray it as a Trump show that could guarantee a ceasefire or a peace deal. However, Trump was back to his boisterous ways claiming that Putin wants a peace deal, not to occupy the whole of Ukraine, because of their rapport. 'I think he [Putin] has wanted the whole thing,' he told Fox News host Brian Kilmeade's radio show. 'But because of a certain relationship that he has with me running this country, I believe now he's convinced that he's going to make a deal. He's going to make a deal. I think he's going to.' Later, he doubled down on his claim at the White House. 'I think President Putin will make peace.' Trump's claim sounded very stale. In February, he made the same claim. 'I mean, I know him very well. Yeah, I think he wants peace. I think he would tell me if he didn't.' The Alaska summit proved that neither Trump knows Putin nor can guarantee a ceasefire or peace. Putin didn't concede anything while Trump gave away everything. The post-summit comments proved how Putin had outmanoeuvred Trump. In his first comments after the summit, all Putin had to say was a few words of praise for Trump and how they 'talked about a possible resolution of the Ukrainian crisis on a fair basis'. 'The visit was timely and very useful. We discussed practically all areas of our cooperation,' he said without providing any details about the points of cooperation, a ceasefire or peace. 'We naturally respect the position of the US administration, which sees the need for an immediate end to hostilities, and we would also like to see this happen. We would like to move towards resolving all issues by peaceful means. No indication of a ceasefire, an end to the conflict or even a trilateral meeting with Trump and Zelensky. On the other hand, Trump granted Putin's wish. 'I wouldn't be thrilled if I didn't get it [a deal],' he told Fox News on the way to Alaska. 'Everyone says, 'You're not going to get a ceasefire. It'll take place in the second meeting.' But I'm not going to be happy with that.' Several hours later, Trump made a predictable U-turn realising that he had returned empty-handed—no ceasefire but only a peace deal. In the event, there was no agreement on a ceasefire, and Trump downplayed its importance in a post on Truth Social as he returned to Washington. 'It was determined by all that the best way to end the horrific war between Russia and Ukraine is to go directly to a Peace Agreement, which would end the war, and not a mere Ceasefire Agreement, which often do not hold up,' he posted on Truth Social after returning to Washington. It's obvious that Putin didn't agree to a ceasefire and called for a peace deal so that he could buy more time to continue his assault and seize more Ukrainian territory. That's the reason both presidents refused to interact with the media at Anchorage. If Trump had revealed what transpired at the meeting and how he agreed to Putin's insistence on a peace deal, not a ceasefire, he would have faced a barrage of questions. Dmitry Medvedev, deputy chairman of the Security Council of Russia and a former president, summed it up precisely how Putin got what he wished for without preconditions. 'Important fact. The meeting has demonstrated that negotiations are possible without preconditions while the Special Military Operation continues,' he wrote. The writer is a freelance journalist with more than two decades of experience and comments primarily on foreign affairs. He tweets as @FightTheBigots. Views expressed in the above piece are personal and solely those of the writer. They do not necessarily reflect Firstpost's views.
Straits Times
23-06-2025
- General
- Straits Times
Turkey sandwiches and stealth: Preparing for B-2 bomber missions
FILE PHOTO: B-2 Spirit Bomber from the U.S. Air Force is seen during the annual Red Flag military exercise between the United States, Britain and Australia, in Nevada, U.S., January 23, 2024. REUTERS/Carlos Barria/File Photo FILE PHOTO: A U.S. Air Force B-2 Spirit bomber takes off from Andersen Air Force Base, Guam January 11, 2018. Picture taken January 11, 2018. U.S. Air Force/Airman 1st Class Gerald Willis/Handout via REUTERS/File Photo WASHINGTON - Before strapping into the cockpit of the U.S. Air Force's B-2 Spirit stealth bomber for missions that can stretch beyond 40 hours, pilots undergo weeks of preparation that focuses not only on flight plans, but what to eat. The B-2, a $2 billion flying wing built by Northrop Grumman, played a key role in delivering strikes on Iran's nuclear sites on Saturday. It demands extraordinary endurance from its two-person crew. That starts with understanding how nutrition affects alertness and digestion during intercontinental flights that can span nearly two full days. "We go through sleep studies, we actually go through nutritional education to be able to teach each one of us: one, what wakes us up and then what helps us go to sleep," said retired Lt. Gen. Steve Basham, who flew the B-2 for nine years and retired in 2024 as deputy commander of U.S. European Command. Pilots are trained to be cognizant of foods and how they slow or speed digestion - critical in an aircraft with a single chemical toilet. Basham's go-to meal: turkey sandwiches on wheat bread, no cheese. "As bland as you possibly can," he said. With a 172-foot (52.4 m) wingspan and stealth profile, the B-2 can fly 6,000 nautical miles without refueling, but most missions require multiple mid-air refuelings. That process becomes increasingly difficult as fatigue sets in. Refueling is done blind - pilots can't see the boom extending from a tanker full of gas attaching to the B-2 16 feet behind their heads. Instead, they rely on visual cues from the tanker's lights and memorized reference points. At night, especially on moonless flights, the task becomes what Basham called "inherently dangerous." "Adrenaline kept you going before you went into country," he said. "The adrenaline goes away. You try to get a little bit of rest and you still got that one last refueling." The B-2's cockpit includes a small area behind the seats, where pilots can lie down on a cot. Sunflower seeds help some stay alert between meals. Despite its cutting-edge design - features that make it stealthy reduce infrared, radar and acoustic signatures - the B-2's success hinges on human performance. The aircraft's two-person crew replaces the larger teams required for older bombers like the B-1B and B-52, placing more responsibility on each member of the flight crew. The B-2's fly-by-wire system, which relies entirely on computer inputs, has evolved since its 1989 debut. Early software lagged behind pilot commands, complicating refueling, Basham said. Updates have improved responsiveness, but the challenge of flying in tight formation at high altitude remains. During Operation Allied Force in 1999, B-2s flew 31-hour round trips from Missouri to Kosovo, striking 33% of targets in the first eight weeks, according to the Air Force. In Iraq, the aircraft dropped more than 1.5 million pounds of munitions across 49 sorties. The Air Force plans to replace the B-2 and B-1 fleets with at least 100 B-21 Raiders over the coming decades. The B-2 costs about $65,000 per hour to operate, compared to $60,000 for the B-1, Pentagon data shows. "Our pilots make it look easy, but it's far from easy," Basham said. The B-2's complicated missions can't be done "without a massive, massive array of planners on the ground throughout the world and maintainers that make sure you've always got a good aircraft." REUTERS Join ST's Telegram channel and get the latest breaking news delivered to you.
India.com
23-06-2025
- General
- India.com
What makes B-2 bomber special? No other country except US could build it because..., it can...
What makes B-2 bomber special? No other country except US could build it because…, it can… America's B-2 Spirit Bomber: The 'Made in US' B-2 Spirit Bomber is not an ordinary aircraft, but an 'invisible' plane that America developed in the 1990s, surprising the world. What makes this bomber so special and why is it the only weapon of US that no other country has been able to replicate? Let's explore B-2 Spirit Bomber's power, technology, and features. What is B-2 Bomber? The B-2 Bomber was designed by taking inspiration from the falcon, the world's fastest flying bird. Also known as Stealth Bomber, the aircraft is famous for its unique stealth design. It does not have a separate tail or head like traditional aircrafts, rather, its entire body looks like a large wing. Stealth Technology – The Real Strength What makes the B-2 bomber unique and lethal is its stealth technology. The biggest feature of the B-2 bomber is that it becomes almost 'invisible' to the radar because of its extremely complex 'low observable technology'. The aircraft is made of special radar-absorbing materials that helps in making it invisible to radars. The surface of B-2 is also very smooth with a design that scatters the radar waves, making it very difficult to identify it on the enemy's radar. The aircraft's weaponry is internally mounted, eliminating external protrusions. Furthermore, its engine exhaust is cooled to evade detection by infrared sensors. Power and Firepower B-2 bomber is capable of carrying upto 18,000 kg of conventional or nuclear weapons. It can drop a variety of bombs, including bunker-buster bombs like the GBU-57 MOP. At the same time, its range without refuelling is more than 11,000 km. With aerial refueling, the aircraft can attack anywhere in the world. Why Couldn't Anyone Else Make It? The extreme complexity and high cost of the B-2 Spirit bomber, exceeding $2 billion USD per aircraft, prohibit its production by any nation besides the United States, as noted in a recent defence report. The technology's secrecy and advanced nature make it virtually impossible to replicate. Unique materials, intricate manufacturing, and aerodynamic complexities present insurmountable obstacles for other nations. Notably, Russia and China are also developing their own stealth bomber aircraft, but so far no country has been able to match the range, payload and unmatched stealth capabilities of the B-2. This is why the B-2 remains a lethal aircraft and a masterpiece of American military engineering.
9 News
21-06-2025
- Politics
- 9 News
US moves B-2 bombers as Trump weighs Iran options
Your web browser is no longer supported. To improve your experience update it here A US defense official said there has been no order given to move forward with any kind of operation against Iran using the B-2s. As of Saturday, the planes are flying over the Pacific and appear to be headed toward Guam. A B-2 Spirit Bomber is seen in Nevada on January 23. (Carlos Barria/Reuters/FILE via CNN Newsource) Two US defense officials cautioned that any movement of B-2s does not mean an operation is imminent but rather is intended to provide the president with options. Another US official said moving aircraft can be a show of force and a deterrent as Trump deliberates. B-2 bombers are the only plane capable of carrying the Massive Ordinance Penetrator, which experts have highlighted as the only type of bomb potentially capable of destroying Iran's underground Fordow nuclear facility. Each B-2 bomber is able to carry two of these "bunker buster" bombs, which weigh an impressive 30,000 pounds (13607kg) each. The movement of the B-2 bombers comes as Trump has spent much of the past week in the Situation Room, reviewing attack plans and quizzing officials about the potential consequences of each. The president indicated that his two-week timeline for a decision on US military involvement in Iran is the "maximum" amount of time – and that he could make up his mind sooner. Donald Trump speaks with reporters upon arriving at Morristown Municipal Airport in Morristown, New Jersey on Friday, June 20. (AP) Trump is set to hold a meeting with his national security team in the Oval Office on Saturday and Sunday evening. The White House didn't respond to a request for comment. On Friday night, eight US Air Force KC-135 Stratotankers took off from Altus, Oklahoma, according to data from FlightRadar24. Over Kansas the tankers refueled two groups of planes, identified on air traffic control audio by their callsigns MYTEE11 FLT and MYTEE21 FLT. The callsign MYTEE has previously been associated with special activity flights by B-2 bombers, and multiple flight trackers on social media said the planes being refueled were B-2 bombers out of Whiteman Air Force Base in Missouri. Flight tracking data and air traffic control audio reviewed by CNN show the bombers refueled again off the coast of California, and over Hawaii. Satellite imagery taken on Thursday showed six KC-135 refueling planes stationed at Diego Garcia, a remote island in the Indian Ocean that could be used to refuel the bombers should they continue onward to Iran. Israel World Iran conflict USA US POLITICS Donald Trump CONTACT US
