Latest news with #Babur
The Hindu
19-05-2025
- Politics
- The Hindu
Allahabad High Court upholds lower court's order appointing Advocate Commissioner to survey Sambhal mosque
The Allahabad High Court on Monday (May 19, 2025) upheld a lower court's order appointing an Advocate Commissioner to survey the 'disputed' Shahi Jama Masjid in Sambhal. The mosque committee had approached the High Court challenging the survey, which was ordered under the suit filed by Hindu plaintiffs claiming the mosque had been built on the site by Mughal emperor Babur in 1526 after demolishing the Harihar temple, dedicated to Kalki, the last avatar of Lord Vishnu as per mythology. Last November, a civil court in Sambhal ordered a survey of the mosque by an Advocate Commissioner. Soon after, Ramesh Raghav, the designated officer, conducted a harried survey of the mosque. The survey was followed by communal violence in the town, leading to the death of four persons. The mosque committee, in its arguments, submitted that the dispute regarding the mosque had already been settled in the year 1877 and could not be adjudicated in the instant suit. Justice Rohit Ranjan Agarwal observed that the lower had not committed any error, irregularity or illegality in allowing the survey. 'The argument set up by advocate SFA Naqvi that dispute in regard to Masjid already stood settled in 1877 and decree having been confirmed by this Court cannot be accepted at this stage in view of the fact that judgment of 1877 speaks of an old building, whereas in 1920 Juma Masjid was declared as a protected monument under the Act of 1904,' the court noted. The court added that if the title suit was decided in favour of the mosque committee in the year 1877, then, why had it entered into an agreement in the year 1927 subjecting the structure in dispute to the Act of 1904 as the alleged agreement does not reveal the ownership of the mosque committee and clearly noted that the structure needed to be protected in pursuance of the Act of 1904 by Archaeological Department. The court also noted this was not a case where any conversion of place of worship was taking place or any religious character of the place of worship was being changed and that the Hindu petitioners had only sought the right to access to a protected monument declared in the year 1920, under Section 18 of the Act of 1958. 'Once, it is an admitted position that the structure in question has been declared as a protected monument in 1920 and the same remained unchallenged till date, it is bound to be governed by provisions of law which existed when the notification was made and, thereafter, the laws enacted to govern such protected monument,' the court said. It added that once the revisionist himself has subjected to the Act of 1904 (Act to provide for the preservation of Ancient Monuments) and, thereafter, to 1958 (Ancient Monuments and Archaeological Sites and Remains Act), he cannot take shelter of the Places of Worship Act of 1991 that aims to prevent the conversion of any place of worship and maintain the religious character as it was on August 15, 1947.
Scroll.in
19-05-2025
- Politics
- Scroll.in
Allahabad High Court rejects petition against survey of Sambhal mosque
The Allahabad High Court on Monday rejected a petition filed by the Shahi Jama Masjid management committee against a trial court order from November that directed the appointment of an advocate commissioner to survey the premises of the mosque in Sambhal, Live Law reported. The structure has been at the centre of a controversy since November 26, when violence broke out in Sambhal after Muslim groups objected to the court-ordered survey of the Shahi Jama Masjid. Five persons were killed in the clashes. The trial court had ordered the survey on November 19 on a suit filed by Hindu activists claiming that the mosque had been built in 1526 by Mughal ruler Babur on the site of a 'centuries-old Shri Hari Har Temple dedicated to Lord Kalki'. The proceedings in the case were deferred in effect since November 29, when the Supreme Court directed the trial court to wait until the mosque committee's petition was listed before the Allahabad High Court. On December 12, the Supreme Court barred trial courts from passing orders, including survey directions, in pending lawsuits concerning the religious character of places of worship. It also said that no new suits can be registered in any court across the country until further orders while it hears a clutch of petitions challenging the constitutional validity of the 1991 Places of Worship Special Provisions Act. The Act does not allow any changes to the religious character of a place of worship as it existed on August 15, 1947. These directions also extend to the case in Sambhal and thus the advocate commissioner's survey report of the disputed mosque has been submitted to the local court and is kept in a sealed cover. In in the interim, the Shahi Jama Masjid management committee of the mosque filed a petition in the High Court against the conduct of any survey at the mosque, Bar and Bench reported. The Archaeological Survey of India had also filed its responses in the case. It said that the mosque had been designated as a 'Centrally Protected Monument' by the government and could not be characterised as a 'place of public worship' because there were no supporting records for such a claim. The provisions of the 1958 Ancient Monuments and Archaeological Sites and Remains Act became applicable to such sites after Independence, the ASI said, adding that official records did not identify the mosque as a religious place, Bar and Bench reported. Under the Act, the ASI and the Union government had the authority to declare and preserve protected monuments, rendering any unauthorised ownership claims, such as those by the Shahi Jama Masjid management committee, legally irrelevant, the government agency added.
The Hindu
02-05-2025
- Politics
- The Hindu
Rajput Pride vs Historical Fact: Karni Sena Protests Ignite Debate on Rana Sanga and Babur
Published : May 02, 2025 07:24 IST - 10 MINS READ On April 12, thousands of Karni Sena members marched through Agra, with swords and guns glinting under the sun. They were demanding an apology from Samajwadi Party (SP) Rajya Sabha MP Ramji Lal Suman for his remarks on the Rajput king Rana Sanga. The protest culminated in a Rakt Swabhiman Sammelan (Blood Pride Conference) at the Ram Garhi ground. In anticipation, the Uttar Pradesh Police blocked over 500 locations and deployed 10,000 personnel, with drones monitoring the city from above. Earlier, on March 26, Suman's residence was vandalised. He responded by hiring bouncers for personal security and, on April 11, approached the Allahabad High Court seeking protection. Founded in 2006, the Karni Sena is a right-wing group known for its aggressive advocacy of Rajput rights and identity. Suman sparked controversy by calling the 16th century Rajput king a 'traitor' for allegedly inviting the Mughal ruler Zahir-ud-din Muhammad Babur to India in 1526 to defeat Ibrahim Lodi, the Sultan of Delhi. Suman claimed this was a historical fact based on Babur's memoir, Baburnama, and argued that if Muslims are labelled as Babur's descendants, then Hindus must be descendants of the 'traitor' Rana Sanga. He made these remarks during a discussion in the Rajya Sabha on March 21 and refused to apologise even in the face of a backlash from BJP leaders and the Karni Sena. 'Nowadays, it has become common to claim that Indian Muslims have the DNA of Babur. But the truth is that Muslims of India do not consider Babur their leader. Babur did not come with religion; he came with a sword. The ideals of Indian Muslims are rooted in the tradition of Sufi saints,' said Suman, a Dalit MP nominated to the Rajya Sabha by the SP in February 2024 as part of the party's 'Pichchda, Dalit, Alpasankhyak' strategy. Following a furore in the Upper House, Rajya Sabha Chairman Jagdeep Dhankhar expunged Suman's remarks. But he noted that social media amplified them, fuelling the controversy. The past as a political weapon On April 19, SP president and Lok Sabha MP Akhilesh Yadav visited Suman at his home in Agra. Condemning the attack against Suman, he said it was not a random act but a targeted move that had the government's backing. Barely a week later, on April 27, Karni Sena members attacked Suman's convoy in Aligarh, throwing tyres at his vehicles and causing collisions. Police escorted Suman to safety, and no injuries were reported. Talking to reporters soon after, Suman underscored growing atrocities against Dalits and a failing law and order situation in Uttar Pradesh. Akhilesh Yadav asked if the State government was complicit or had surrendered to lawlessness. Also Read | Christophe Jaffrelot: 'At stake is survival of Indo-Islamic civilisation' According to popular historical narratives, Rana Sanga (1482–1528) was a prominent Rajput ruler of Mewar, a kingdom in present-day Rajasthan. Considered a cultural icon and an embodiment of Rajput 'valour and resistance', he is remembered as a battle-hardened warrior who reportedly bore around 80 wounds—cuts and arrow marks—earned in fierce combats. In Maharana Sāngā: The Hindupat, the Last Great Leader of the Rajput Race, the judge and academic Har Bilas Sarda describes Rana Sanga at death as 'the fragments of a warrior': having lost an eye in a fight with his brother Prithviraj, an arm in the battle against the Lodi King of Delhi, and a leg to a cannonball. There are two key sources supporting the claim that Rana Sanga invited Babur to India, according to Ruchika Sharma, a Delhi-based expert in medieval history who runs a YouTube channel called Eyeshadow and Etihaas. 'The first is the Baburnama where Babur mentions that Daulat Khan, the governor of Punjab under Ibrahim Lodi, and Rana Sanga's envoys, both visited Babur's court in Kabul and urged him to attack Ibrahim Lodi,' she said, adding that the second source is Suraj Bhan Bhardwaj's book Contestations and Accommodations: Mewat and Meos in Mughal India, which corroborates this claim. Sharma said that the 16th century ballad 'Hasan Khan ki Katha', composed by Narsingh Meo, also talks about Rana Sanga sending emissaries to Babur's court inviting him to attack Lodi. However, she said historians such as G.H. Ojha and Rima Hooja, after reviewing Rajput sources, argue that Rana Sanga did not invite Babur. 'They suggest that it was Babur who sought Rana Sanga's help and that the latter agreed to assist him,' she said, adding that regardless of the specific details, it is clear that 'some sort of agreement' existed between Babur and Rana Sanga. In fact, Babur himself expresses disappointment in the Baburnama that even though he was promised assistance by Rana Sanga, the latter did not show up at the battlefield. 'While we were still in Kabul, Rana Sanga had sent an envoy to testify to his good wishes and to propose this plan: 'If the honoured Padshah will come to near Dihli from that side, I from this will move on Agra.' But I beat Ibrahim, I took Dihli and Agra, and up to now that Pagan [Rana Sanga] has given no sign whatsoever of moving,' Babur wrote in his memoir, translated into English by Annette Susannah Beveridge. 'It was expected that Babur, after having defeated Ibrahim Lodi, would return to Kabul with the looted wealth just like his ancestors, leaving the territories open for Rana Sanga's capture,' said Sharma, adding that Babur also mentions in the Baburnama that the man who had once invited him to Delhi was now standing against him, further reinforcing the notion that Rana Sanga had invited Babur initially. 'A broader ideological project' Historical accounts, including the Baburnama, note that Rana Sanga's growing fame and his victory at the Battle of Bayana in February 1527 had demoralised Babur's troops. To rally his soldiers ahead of the decisive Battle of Khanwa on March 16, 1527, Babur declared the campaign a jihad. He renounced wine and took an oath to uphold Islamic principles, portraying Rana Sanga and his allies as 'infidels' to inspire his largely Muslim army. The academic and social activist Ram Puniyani linked the controversy to the RSS-BJP campaign that, he said, communalises history by portraying Muslim rulers in medieval India as representatives of modern Indian Muslims, casting them as outsiders. 'This isn't just about Rana Sanga and Babur; it's part of a broader ideological project,' said Puniyani. He noted that this perspective stems from the British's 'divide and rule' strategy, which politicised religious identities. 'As India moved towards Independence, the divide deepened, with the Muslim League on one side and the Hindu Mahasabha and the RSS on the other. These groups further communalised history, framing Muslim rulers not through political or economic lenses but purely through religion,' he said. Puniyani pointed out that the Mughal-Rajput era, often mischaracterised as 'Muslim rule', was in fact marked by significant Rajput participation. 'Today, that complexity is erased—Mughal-Rajput politics is reduced to Hindu-Muslim binaries. Figures like Aurangzeb are selectively vilified, while their more nuanced actions are ignored.' Highlights According to popular historical narratives, Rana Sanga (1482–1528) was a prominent Rajput ruler of Mewar, a kingdom in present-day Rajasthan. Considered a cultural icon and an embodiment of Rajput 'valour and resistance', he is remembered as a battle-hardened warrior who reportedly bore around 80 wounds—cuts and arrow marks—earned in fierce combats. In Maharana Sāngā: The Hindupat, the Last Great Leader of the Rajput Race, the judge and academic Har Bilas Sarda describes Rana Sanga at death as 'the fragments of a warrior': having lost an eye in a fight with his brother Prithviraj, an arm in the battle against the Lodi King of Delhi, and a leg to a cannonball. Arguing that the current distortion of history under the RSS-BJP combine is not accidental, he said: 'The BJP is using every available tool to construct a specific narrative. One is the portrayal of a terrorism-free India under its rule. Another is the selective retelling of Indian history, especially [that of] the Mughal era. What was actually a Mughal-Rajput phase is simplistically labeled the 'Mughal period'. Atrocities committed by individual rulers are spotlighted to stigmatise Muslims today, while more complex realities—such as Aurangzeb's temple donations or diplomatic gestures—are downplayed or omitted.' Referring to other recent controversies such as 'Sherbet jihad' and the portrayal of Aurangzeb in the Bollywood film Chhaava, he said: 'This distortion doesn't just obscure history; it polarises the present and undermines India's pluralistic ethos.' At a press conference on April 15, Akhilesh Yadav accused the BJP of intimidating his party leaders, citing the revocation of the security cover for him as a sign of the government's intent. 'Only the fearful rely on such protection,' he said. Clarifying that the SP supports heritage, he warned against using traditions to suppress rights. 'History can't be rewritten to serve current agendas: kings had no caste, and power wasn't caste-based. Let history remain history when it hinders progress,' he added. Underscoring that interpretation of historical events through a nationalist, religious, or caste lens distorts the past, Sharma argued: 'In the 16th century, India wasn't a unified nation but a subcontinent with fluid, shifting borders. Babur wasn't an outsider in the modern sense; his empire stretched into the region just as Rana Sanga's or Ibrahim Lodi's did. Religious identities, too, were far more fluid. The rigid binaries we apply today didn't exist then. Among Muslims, there have been legendary Shia-Sunni wars.' She said that Rana Sanga's battles were not religious crusades. 'His battles were about territorial expansion and consolidating power, and his confederacy included Muslims. In the Battle of Khanwa, Ibrahim Lodi's own brother, Mehmood Lodi, fought alongside Rana Sanga against Babur. Similarly, Hasan Khan Mewati, a Muslim from Mewat, supported Rana Sanga,' she said adding that when Lodi attacked Ranthambore, Rana Sanga had sought the help of the Sultan of Gujarat, Muzaffar Shah, against Lodi, a Muslim ruler. 'Such political alliances were pragmatic, not ideological.' Also Read | When 'othering' meets alienation: Being a Muslim in India Sharma said even the Maratha ruler Chhatrapati Shivaji did not waging a caste or religious war. 'His campaigns often targeted fellow Marathas, and he imposed taxes like Chauth and Sardeshmukhi on them, not the Mughals,' she explained, adding that even the term 'Rajput' as an identity only solidified much later, especially after Rana Sanga's death, around 1562, following the composition of 'Padmavat' by the Sufi poet Malik Muhammad Jayasi. 'The Rajput identity, as we understand it today, took form under the Mughals, and later the British solidified it further through the creation of the Rajput regiment,' she said. Historians remain divided on Rana Sanga's death. Some say he was poisoned by his allies to prevent another attack on Babur after the battle of Khanwa. Others believe he eventually died from his wounds. After Rana Sanga's death in 1528, one of his wives, Rani Karnavati, assumed regency over Mewar on behalf of her young son, Vikramaditya. According to a widely recounted historical legend, when Bahadur Shah of Gujarat laid siege to Chittorgarh—Mewar's capital—in 1535, Karnavati sent a rakhi to Mughal Emperor Humayun, son of Babur, appealing to him as a brother for protection. Touched by the gesture, Humayun reportedly abandoned his Bengal campaign to come to her aid. But before he could arrive, Karnavati and thousands of women performed jauhar (mass self-immolation) on March 8, 1535, to avoid capture. Humayun's forces later defeated Bahadur Shah and reclaimed key territories, including regions around Mewar, paving the way for Vikramaditya's eventual restoration. The episode is often linked to the origins of the Raksha Bandhan festival in the subcontinent.
India.com
29-04-2025
- Politics
- India.com
Pakistan will be in big trouble if India directly attacks..., generations could be destroyed due to...
Pakistan will be in big trouble if India directly attacks…, generations could be destroyed due to… The recent terror attack in Jammu and Kashmir's Pahalgam on 22 April has further escalated tensions between India and Pakistan, pushing relations between the two countries to a dangerous turn. As many as 26 people lost their lives in the attack. The situation has deteriorated to such an extent that discussions of war have begun. As Pakistan is threatening nuclear retaliation, India has also indicated a strong response. In such a scenario, the big question is if India decides to respond, should it limit its action to the border? Or should New Delhi directly target the very capability with which Pakistan is threatening the world – nuclear bases? Experts believe that if India aims to neutralise Pak's nuclear power, it must avoid scattered action and focus directly on Pakistan's nuclear bases. Pakistan Is Increasing Its Nuclear Stockpile As per a report by Bulletin of the Atomic Scientists, Islamabad is rapidly increasing its nuclear stockpile and preparation has also been made to make weapons and launch them at all three levels, that is – land, air and sea. The main focus is to enhance its ability to attack every corner of India. The report states that Pakistan's 'full spectrum deterrence' strategy includes all three types of nuclear weapons – strategic, operational and tactical. Missiles are being prepared keeping in mind to launch it from anywhere. Notably, these bases are very close to the Indian border such as Gujranwala Garrison and Pano Akil Garrison, which are only 60-85 km away. Locations Where One Strike From India Could Ensure Total Destruction Gujranwala Garrison: This garrison of Pakistan is just 60 km away from the Indian border. Pak has deployed tactical nuclear missile systems here, such as Nasr (Hatf-9), for a quick launch. Its range is so much that Punjab, Haryana and Delhi can be directly targeted. Pano Akil Garrison: India's western border can be targeted from this base in Sindh province. Launchers of missiles like – Babur and Shaheen are often seen in satellite images. The spot has space for about 50 TELs (launching trucks). Akro Garrison: The base has six special bunker-like garages for missile launchers. Two cross-shaped underground structures built underground confirm that serious nuclear operations can be carried out from here. TELs of Babur cruise missile have also been seen in this garrison. Sargodha Garrison: A site in Pakistan, integral to the nation's nuclear program since the 1980s, houses over ten underground bunkers and associated infrastructure. A nearby facility, the Sargodha Weapons Storage Complex, stores nuclear weapons. Khuzdar Garrison: Pakistan's construction of three new TEL (transporter erector launcher) garages and underground weapons storage facilities in its southwest has raised concerns in India due to the base's strategic location. As per the report, if India targets these Pakistani central nuclear sites in a pre-emptive attack, then Pak's nuclear capability could be completely destroyed.
India.com
28-04-2025
- Politics
- India.com
India's Missile Power: A Step Ahead of Pakistan in Range, Reach, and Readiness
New Delhi: India and Pakistan—two nuclear-armed neighbours—have long been racing to build stronger missile systems. While Pakistan has made progress with support from other countries, India's home-grown missile program has gone much further. Thanks to years of hard work, innovation, and focus on self-reliance, India now stands ahead in both quality and quantity of missiles. Here's how India's missile systems are stronger than Pakistan's—whether in terms of range, variety, or advanced technology. Longer Range and Stronger Reach Pakistan's most powerful missile, the Shaheen-III, can travel up to 2,750 km—enough to cover most of India. But India's Agni-V missile can fly over 5,000 to 8,000 km, reaching even China, Europe, and beyond. The full Agni series, from Agni-I to Agni-V, gives India the ability to respond to different threats at different distances. More importantly, India has submarine-launched ballistic missiles (SLBMs) like the K-4, with a range of 3,500 km. This gives India strong second-strike ability—meaning, even if attacked first, it can strike back from hidden submarines. In contrast, Pakistan's missile range stays within South Asia. India's far-reaching missiles offer strategic power that Pakistan simply doesn't have. More Advanced and Varied Missile Types Pakistan's missile collection mainly includes short and medium-range weapons like the Nasr (70 km) and Ababeel (2,200 km), plus cruise missiles like Babur and Ra'ad. These are useful for close-range or regional use. India, however, has a much wider variety. The BrahMos, developed with Russia, is a supersonic cruise missile that travels at Mach 3 and can be launched from land, sea, air, and submarines. In comparison, Pakistan's Babur is subsonic and slower. India also has missiles like Pralay (500 km) and Shaurya (700 km) that are quick to launch and highly accurate. In 2024, India tested a hypersonic missile that flies at Mach 9—something Pakistan hasn't achieved yet. This broad range of missiles means India can handle many types of threats, quickly and effectively. Strong Missile Defense System India has built a Ballistic Missile Defense (BMD) system to shoot down incoming missiles—even nuclear ones. It has two layers: PAD (Prithvi Air Defence) for high-altitude interceptions. AAD (Advanced Air Defence) for lower-level threats. This system can stop missiles coming from as far as 5,000 km away. On top of this, India has also bought the Russian S-400 air defense system, adding another layer of protection. Pakistan has only just started working on a basic missile defense system like Hatf-IX, which is still in its early stages and far less capable. India's defense systems reduce the chance of successful enemy attacks and give it a huge advantage in any future conflict. Made in India: Innovation and Independence Pakistan's missile program relies heavily on help from China, North Korea, and Iran. For example, Pakistan's Ghauri missile is based on North Korea's Rodong-1. This dependence makes it hard for Pakistan to create new or original systems on its own. India, in contrast, has focused on building its own technology since the 1980s, when the Integrated Guided Missile Development Programme (IGMDP) was launched by Dr. A.P.J. Abdul Kalam. India learned to make everything from ring-laser gyroscopes to composite rocket motors. Even under Missile Technology Control Regime (MTCR) restrictions, India developed most of its missile systems indigenously. Today, more than 90% of India's missiles are made with Indian technology. This protects India from foreign sanctions and delays—something Pakistan still struggles with. Matching Pakistan's Tactical Missiles Pakistan's Nasr missile is built for use in battles close to the border. It carries a small nuclear warhead and is aimed at countering India's stronger army. But India has an answer—Prahaar (150 km) and Pralay (500 km), which are just as effective and more accurate. India also has air-launched missiles like Rudram-II and BrahMos-A that can strike deep inside Pakistan without even crossing the border. These are great for precision strikes, like targeting terrorist camps. With these tools, India can neutralize Pakistan's short-range missiles and tactical advantages. Ready for the Future India isn't just focused on today—it's preparing for tomorrow. New developments include: MIRVs (Multiple Independently Targetable Re-entry Vehicles) for missiles like Agni-Prime, which can hit multiple targets with one missile. Hypersonic glide vehicles that are faster and harder to stop. Scramjet engines and advanced satellite navigation for better control and speed. Pakistan has also tested its Ababeel missile with MIRV features—but it's still in early testing. India's upcoming Phase-III BMD is being built to stop even hypersonic threats, keeping it far ahead of regional rivals. Conclusion: India's Clear Advantage India has built a powerful missile force that beats Pakistan's in range, variety, technology, and defense. While Pakistan has made progress with missiles like Shaheen-III and Babur, India's Agni-V, BrahMos, and BMD systems place it in a whole different league. Most importantly, India's focus on self-reliance means it can keep improving without depending on others. With a missile program that is both strong today and ready for tomorrow, India remains one step ahead—defending its borders and making its mark as a global missile leader. (The author Girish Linganna of this article is an award-winning Science Writer and a Defence, Aerospace & Political Analyst based in Bengaluru. He is also Director of ADD Engineering Components, India, Pvt. Ltd, a subsidiary of ADD Engineering GmbH, Germany. You can reach him at: girishlinganna@
