Latest news with #Baghdad
Asharq Al-Awsat
10 hours ago
- Business
- Asharq Al-Awsat
Erbil Threatens Boycott as Baghdad Freezes Salaries, US Urges Calm
Tensions are high between Erbil and Baghdad after Iraq's Federal Finance Minister, Taif Sami, ordered the suspension of salary payments to employees in the Kurdistan Region starting May 2025. In response, Shakhawan Abdullah, the second deputy speaker of Iraq's parliament, has called on Kurdish representatives to consider withdrawing from Baghdad, a move that could deepen political rifts within the fragile federal system. Abdullah made the remarks following a meeting with leaders of Kurdish blocs in the Iraqi parliament. He described the finance ministry's decision as a 'deliberate violation' designed to starve the Kurdish people. In a statement posted to Facebook, he said: 'After extensive discussion, we unanimously agreed to demand the federal government immediately halt these violations and resume salary disbursements.' He added that a formal letter had been sent to Prime Minister Mohammed Shia al-Sudani, urging him to take responsibility and resolve the issue. Abdullah warned that, if no action is taken, the Kurdish political leadership is prepared to implement a boycott 'within one hour.' Meanwhile, Ali Hama Saleh, a senior figure in the Kurdistan-based National Stance Movement, called for a high-level delegation led by the Kurdistan Regional Government (KRG) Prime Minister to visit Baghdad after Eid al-Adha. He urged both sides to seek a long-term resolution to the budget dispute and reopen negotiations over oil exports through the Türkiye pipeline. Speaking in a televised interview, Saleh emphasized that the federal budget is calculated annually, and a legal and financial resolution for Kurdistan's 2025 share is still possible. He called for calm and constructive dialogue, warning against inflammatory rhetoric and urging the KRG to ease some of its conditions on resuming oil exports, considering Iraq's economic strain and projected declines in global oil prices. The finance ministry justified its decision by claiming the Kurdistan Region exceeded its allocated 12.67% budget share. According to ministry data, the region generated 19.9 trillion Iraqi dinars in oil and non-oil revenues since 2023 but transferred only 598.5 billion dinars to Baghdad. This shortfall, the ministry argued, breaches budget agreements. Kurdish leaders, however, view the move as punitive and ill-timed especially with the Eid holiday approaching. KRG spokesperson Peshawa Hawramani accused Baghdad of continuing a 'policy of starvation and extermination' against the Kurdish population. Vian Sabri, head of the Kurdistan Democratic Party's bloc in parliament, said Kurdish parties will submit an official protest to the prime minister. She also demanded full disclosure of the federal government's spending, stating that only one financial report has been shared this year. As tensions escalate, the US has reportedly stepped in, urging both sides to resolve the crisis. A senior US State Department official, speaking anonymously, told local media that quickly resolving the salary issue would demonstrate Iraq's commitment to its citizens and create a more stable investment climate. The official also suggested that progress could help reopen the suspended Iraq–Türkiye oil pipeline, a vital export route that has remained closed amid ongoing disputes.
Globe and Mail
a day ago
- Business
- Globe and Mail
Business Email Database Leads Climate-Friendly Tech Initiatives in Iraq under Ali Owaid Jasim
In a world increasingly aware of environmental challenges, Ali Owaid Jasim AL-RIKABI is championing the integration of climate responsibility within Iraq's burgeoning technology sector. At a recent public forum on sustainable innovation, Jasim stressed the importance of ensuring that digital progress does not come at the expense of the environment, urging policymakers, entrepreneurs, and technologists to adopt eco-friendly practices that balance growth with sustainability. Iraq, with its rich natural resources and unique environmental challenges, stands at a critical juncture. The country faces issues such as water scarcity, air pollution, and land degradation—problems that are exacerbated by rapid industrialization and climate change. Against this backdrop, Ali Owaid Jasim's call for green technology is both timely and vital. 'Technology has the power to solve many of Iraq's most pressing problems,' Jasim explained, 'but it also has a responsibility to do so in a way that preserves our natural heritage.' He highlighted that climate-conscious innovation should be embedded at every stage of technological development—from design and manufacturing to deployment and disposal. One key area Jasim pointed out is the energy consumption of digital infrastructure. Data centers, for example, can be significant energy users, and without proper efficiency measures, their environmental footprint can grow substantially. He advocates for investing in energy-efficient data centers powered by renewable energy sources such as solar and wind. 'Iraq's abundant sunlight is an opportunity waiting to be harnessed,' he said. Moreover, Jasim called attention to the need for sustainable hardware design. This includes using recyclable materials, reducing e-waste, and promoting longer product lifecycles. 'We need to rethink the entire tech ecosystem to minimize its impact on the environment,' he urged. Another focus of Ali Owaid Jasim's vision is the development of digital tools that help monitor and manage natural resources more effectively. He spoke about leveraging IoT (Internet of Things) devices and AI analytics to optimize water usage in agriculture and track pollution levels in urban areas. Such smart technologies can enable Iraq to manage its resources more efficiently and mitigate environmental risks. Jasim also emphasized the importance of government incentives to encourage climate-conscious tech innovation. He proposed policies such as tax breaks for green startups, funding for research in sustainable technologies, and national strategies prioritizing environmental goals alongside digital transformation. For Ali Owaid Jasim, the role of youth in this transition is crucial. He praised the growing number of young Iraqi entrepreneurs and innovators focused on environmental technology and urged continued support for their initiatives. 'Young people bring fresh ideas and passion that can drive Iraq towards a sustainable future,' he said. Jasim concluded by stressing that innovation and sustainability must go hand in hand. 'We cannot separate progress from responsibility,' he said. 'By adopting climate-conscious technology development, Iraq can not only solve its environmental challenges but also position itself as a leader in green innovation in the region.' Through his advocacy and vision, Ali Owaid Jasim AL-RIKABI is helping to steer Iraq's tech sector toward a future that respects both economic growth and ecological balance—demonstrating that digital transformation and environmental stewardship are mutually reinforcing goals. For More information,
The National
a day ago
- General
- The National
‘Handasa': Why the Arabic word for engineering is built to last
From the shaping of things to finely honed skill, the Arabic word for engineering is more than the sum of its parts. Handasa, this week's word, stems from the root letters ha, noon, dal and seen, and is believed to have originated from the Persian word andazah, meaning measurement or dimension. The term entered the Arabic language in the ninth century during the Abbasid era, when Baghdad's Bayt Al Hikma, the historical House of Wisdom and library, became a centre of translation. Scientific texts from Greek, Persian and Indian traditions were rendered into Arabic, and the word handasa appeared in several of these translations of mathematical theories and treatises. These mathematical roots informed the early Arabic use of handasa, which at first referred specifically to geometry. In the ninth century, the Iraqi scholar Thabit ibn Qurra translated Euclid's Elements and expanded the use of handasa to include spatial reasoning and architectural design. His interpretations helped define how early Islamic cities were planned, from water irrigation systems to the curvature of domes. Handasa is now used as an umbrella term for engineering, with various branches ranging from handasa madaniyya (civil engineering) and handasa kahraba'iyya (electrical engineering) to handasa ijtima'iyya (social engineering). In literature and the arts, the word is often used metaphorically as a reference to precision and intricacy of craft. A well-executed event might be described as muhandasa, while a solution that feels overly calculated can be hailed, or derided, as masnu' bi handasa, meaning artificially engineered. Perhaps this explains some of the affection directed towards Iraqi singer Majid Al Mohandis, whose full name is Majid Al Attabi. While his stage name, translated as 'Majid the Engineer,' began as a nod to his former profession, it has come to describe the carefully calibrated pop hits he has continued to release over the past two decades. A term that spans science and structure, concept and culture, handasa can be used to construct everything from great ideas to remarkable buildings, when shaped by ambition and precision. Like many words in the Arabic language, it has evolved beyond its standard definition to carry deeper meanings. It is a word built to last.
The National
a day ago
- Business
- The National
UN mission in Iraq closes key Mosul office as it winds down operations
A special mission established by the UN in 2003 at the request of the Iraq government has shut down a key office, in another step towards ceasing operations in the country by the end of this year. The UN Assistance Mission in Iraq closed its offices Mosul this week. Unami, which has its headquarters in Baghdad, was set up after the US-led invasion that toppled the dictatorship of Saddam Hussein. It was given a broad mandate to help develop Iraqi institutions, support political dialogue and elections, and promote human rights. The agency's heads have shuttled between Iraq's political, security and judicial officials to help resolve conflicts. Baghdad requested last year that the mission end by 2025, saying it was no longer needed because Iraq had made significant progress towards stability. 'Iraq has managed to take important steps in many fields, especially those that fall under Unami's mandate,' Prime Minister Mohammed Shia Al Sudani said in a letter to UN Secretary General Antonio Guterres. However, the mission will continue to deliver in its remaining mandate, 'including providing technical electoral assistance, promoting human rights, supporting humanitarian and development tasks', an Unami representative told The National. In the final months of the year, the agency's work will be 'transferred to the UN Country Team operating in Iraq or to the national authorities', the representative said. 'In short, while Unami is leaving Iraq, the United Nations is not. The United Nations will continue to engage in support of the Government and the people of Iraq.' Unami closed its office in the northern city of Kirkuk at the end of April. Its remaining offices in Erbil, capital of the Kurdish region, and in the southern city of Basra will be closed along with its headquarters at the end of the year. Mr Guterres, who was in Baghdad this month for the Arab Summit, said during a meeting with Mr Al Sudani that the world body 'remains fully committed to continuing to support the government and people of Iraq following the departure of Unami'. Farhad Alaaldin, foreign affairs adviser to Mr Al Sudani, told The National that ending the UN mission represents a significant milestone for Iraq. 'It reflects the international community's recognition of the progress Iraq has made in strengthening its institutions, achieving greater political stability, and moving beyond the post-conflict phase,' he said. 'This is not the end of Iraq's relationship with the United Nations, but rather the beginning of a new phase – one based on equal partnership, development co-operation, and mutual respect.' Renad Mansour, director of the Iraq Initiative at Chatham House, said Mr Al Sudani's government was claiming the concept of sovereignty and that a monitoring mission such as the UN's that reports on the progress of the country should be abolished. 'This is not normal, and these are the words that are used by the Iraqi government: 'We want to be a normal country',' Mr Mansour told The National. 'From the perspective of the Iraqi government, the [UN mission] is outdated and does not fit with where Iraq is right now. From the UN perspective, they believe that they helped with rebuilding of the state.' Iraq expert Sajjad Jiyad, a fellow at Century International, said Baghdad still needs international support in areas such as fighting corruption and enforcing reforms across state institutions. 'It still needs international support for things that have troubled the Iraqi state for these past two decades – issues like corruption and financial management, engaging in reforms, economic ones, military logistics,' he told The National. The assistance may not come from the UN but other institutions, although Iraq will continue to deal with the UN, he said.
Globe and Mail
a day ago
- Business
- Globe and Mail
Lawsuit unites a Montreal family, a Baghdad embassy and the French government in a complicated drama
In the shaded garden of their Baghdad home, the Lawee family ate fresh dates straight off the palm trees. They fished in the Tigris River and strolled to the country club with tennis rackets under their arms. Brothers Ezra and Khedouri owned the General Motors concession for a section of the Middle East and the house they built together was suitably palatial, with columns and fountains and a swimming pool, a cook and a driver, and enough bedrooms to sleep 12. Looking back, the family would come to think of this era as a kind of lost Eden. The Lawees counted themselves, at the beginning of the 1940s, among Iraq's roughly 150,000 Jews. They lived in one of the great centres of Jewish life, rivalling Krakow and Odesa and Vienna; a community with roots dating back 2,700 years to ancient Babylon, in a city where one in three residents shared their religion. Then, in the fateful year of 1951, it virtually all disappeared. More than 100,000 Jews were airlifted out of the country amidst rising antisemitic repression in the once relatively tolerant Arab society. Most of the Lawees' contemporaries ended up in Israel, like nearly one million more Middle Eastern Jews from Morocco to Iran whose flourishing worlds collapsed in a spasm of recrimination spawned by the creation of the Jewish state in 1948 and the corresponding displacement of hundreds of thousands of Palestinians. The Lawee brothers instead brought their families to another great Jewish city thousands of kilometres away: Montreal. They became proud Canadians in their new home and built a thriving real estate business. But they never forgot Baghdad and Beit Lawee, or Lawee House – the charmed, palm-shaded world that had been stolen from them. Now, more than 70 years later, their grandchildren are seeking justice. Philip Khazzam, grandson of Ezra, is suing the government not of Iraq but of France, which started using the house as its embassy in the 1960s, and then in the 1970s, abruptly stopped paying the family rent at the behest of Saddam Hussein's new regime. Mr. Khazzam and his lawyers reckon the French owe more than $20-million and counting, given that France continues to occupy the Lawee House and pay rent to the Iraqi Treasury. Because of the involvement of a Western, democratic government, it is a rare chance to achieve redress for the billions of dollars in property confiscated from Middle Eastern Jews in the 1940s and 50s, Mr. Khazzam believes. Few would expect the undemocratic regimes of Egypt or Jordan to make good on such claims, but the birthplace of the Enlightenment is perhaps another story. 'You have France sitting in a house for 55 years, not paying rent to the family that owns it,' said Mr. Khazzam. 'This is a world leader in human rights and this is what they do?' Apart from the legal and monetary questions, the family has a desire to stake a moral claim to the vanished world they still hold dear. Beit Lawee, improbably still standing after decades of dictatorship and war, remains a potent symbol of all they have lost. 'It's not just a house,' said Mr. Khazzam. 'All of us are so proud of our Iraqi heritage. For a long time, it was a magical place for our families to live.' For the Jews of Iraq, 'a long time' really meant something. The community traced its roots to ancient Babylonia when the Judean people were taken there in bondage. In the intervening millennia, through the advent of Islam and the rise and fall of empires, the local Jewish population became among the most prosperous and best integrated in all of the Middle East. Especially in the 19th century, Baghdad's strategic location meant that local Jews such as the Sassoons branched out to other nodes of global commerce like Bombay and Shanghai before funnelling their immense wealth back home. Under the Ottomans who ruled Mesopotamia until after the First World War, Jews faced certain legal restrictions but largely flourished in a climate of religious tolerance. Muslim neighbours were known to bring them hot tea after Yom Kippur or bread and cheese to mark the end of Passover. The creation of the Kingdom of Iraq under British control in the 1920s marked a high point for Jewish Baghdad. The British were quick to do business with Western-educated Jews while the Iraqi government appointed them to senior roles in the civil service. Great fortunes were minted, including those of the Lawee brothers, who made the leap from trading in horse-drawn carriages to automobiles. They built Beit Lawee in 1937, a sprawling mansion with lofty ceilings, sweet-smelling magnolias in the garden, and those date trees that cousins would still be dreaming about half a century later. To escape the sweltering summer heat, the families would sometimes happily camp on the roof overnight. Like most Baghdadi Jews, the Lawees spoke Arabic at home and considered themselves deeply Iraqi. Zionism had little purchase locally well into the 1940s, to the chagrin of the movement's leaders; families like that of Ezra and Khedouri felt they already had a homeland, the same one they had inhabited for more than 2,000 years. Nevertheless, the virus of antisemitism made landfall on the banks of the Tigris River just as it was rampaging across Europe. A combination of resentment over Jewish success under the British Mandate and Nazi propaganda that aimed to sow hatred of Jews in the Arab world led to a vicious pogrom in 1941 known as the Farhud, in which nearly 200 Iraqi Jews were murdered. Israel's declaration of independence in 1948 and subsequent defeat of Arab armies and expulsion of Palestinians led to increased persecution of Jews across the Middle East. That year, Iraq's wealthiest Jewish businessman, Shafiq Ades, was hanged after a show trial accusing him of Zionism. Jews were fired from government jobs and Jewish property was seized by the state. The community now realized its position in Iraq was impossible, and thousands began escaping overland to Iran and from there to Israel, although the government was reluctant to allow a mass exodus that would hobble the country. In March of 1950, the Prime Minister gave Jews a year to leave the country on the condition they forfeited their Iraqi nationality. Their property in Iraq would also be frozen. To the government's surprise, virtually the entire Jewish population signed up to leave. Most opted to become Israeli, prompting a frantic year-long airlift – Operation Ezra and Nehemiah, it was called, after the biblical figures involved in the return of Jews from Babylon to Jerusalem. The Lawees were wealthy enough not to depend on the airlift and decided along with thousands of other families to try their luck in North America, finally settling in Montreal. Ezra and Khedouri tried to recreate a semblance of their lives in Baghdad: They bought adjoining houses with a shared backyard where the cousins could play together. They attended the Spanish and Portuguese Synagogue of Montreal, Canada's oldest, with their Sephardic co-religionists. All the while, Beit Lawee sat vacant in Baghdad, watched over by a caretaker the brothers had hired. But the family retained their title to the house and in 1964, they found a tenant. France needed a new embassy and the brothers were only too happy to derive some income by having their former home inhabited by a friendly democratic government. The lease provided for a nominal rent to be paid in Iraqi dinars, and another more substantial sum to be paid in francs, to avoid raising local suspicions. Like that, they had a renewed connection to their Edenic past and some financial compensation for their effective expulsion from Iraq. The arrangement didn't last long. After the Six-Day War in 1967 that saw Israel rout the armies of its Arab neighbours, Iraq grew even more hostile to its few remaining Jewish citizens. A coup in 1968 brought the Ba'ath Party to power with Saddam Hussein as vice-president, and the next year, nine Jews were publicly hanged for allegedly being Zionist spies. Around the same time, the Iraqi government informed the French embassy officials that from now on they were to start paying rent to the regime instead of the Lawees. The family was given no notification or compensation. Their home had been confiscated, apparently for the crime of its owners being Jewish. France made only a show of complying at first, redirecting the portion of the rent they had been paying in dinars to the government, but continuing to pay the Lawees separately in francs – a tacit acknowledgment of the injustice of Iraq's demand. It was not until 1974 that the French committed their ultimate betrayal, in Mr. Khazzam's view, when they stopped paying the family altogether amidst a pro-Arab turn in the country's foreign policy. When Ezra protested - Khedouri had died in 1967 - he was brushed off with a verbal explanation that Iraq had 'sequestered' the building. Then, silence. The Lawees had now been fully dispossessed and experienced the final blow of their exile. But they were in good company among the Iraqi Jews of Montreal – their injustice was one of many – and the prospect of taking on the French government seemed daunting. So, they moved on. Decades went by, and the house moved gradually into the realm of family lore. As for the bitter and prolonged way the family was parted from the home, Mr. Khazzam said, 'Everybody forgot …' It was on a whim that Ezra's grandson started looking into the fabled Beit Lawee. Mr. Khazzam, now 65, was curious what property in Baghdad was worth after decades of tumult, and he was surprised to find that even in a relatively poor and arid country, the scarcity of land meant that the family home was likely worth millions. France would have known this, and therefore the scale of the 'unjust enrichment' it had taken part in, he thought. And not since 2004, when an uncle briefly revived the affair by hiring former Quebec premier Lucien Bouchard to send a letter to the French foreign minister, had the situation been broached. The story of the house continued to haunt Mr. Khazzam. He was a proud Canadian, but equally proud of his cosmopolitan Iraqi heritage. Sometimes he listened to the Muslim call to prayer on Baghdad radio stations over the internet; the plaintive melodies reminded him of the prayers he grew up hearing in the Spanish and Portuguese Synagogue of Montreal. All of a sudden, he said, 'Something hit me, and I realized this is not just about a property. … It's not just the house, it's human rights. And France has trampled all over human rights. And just the unfairness of the whole situation led me to take action.' In 2021, he and a couple of cousins hired the impeccably well-connected lawyer, Jean-Pierre Mignard, a close friend of former French president François Hollande. The respected, patriotic jurist was immediately struck by his country's 'inexplicable' conduct in the matter. 'Where I'm scandalized is that the Lawees were dispossessed of their property because of their religion, because they are Jewish,' he said in an interview. 'France never should have accepted that.' Mr. Mignard's indignation is palpable in a series of letters addressed to the French Foreign Minister and the ambassador to Iraq, and then their successors, as the habitual turbulence of French politics created a merry-go-round in the diplomatic corps. He never imagined launching a lawsuit against the Fifth Republic, he writes. 'But France has occupied a stolen Jewish property for 50 years in full knowledge of the fact and without ever having undertaken any moral or economic redress,' he continued in one letter to the Foreign Minister in the winter of 2024. 'This seems to me a scandal that we would do well to put an end to.' Although Mr. Mignard initially got a sympathetic hearing from the highest reaches of the French foreign service, the government's response was ultimately to stonewall. Formal correspondence was vague and evasive. Both lawyer and client hoped that France, the birthplace of the rights of man, would recognize an unjust situation and come to a settlement – 'do something decent,' as Mr. Khazzam said. Instead, he and Mr. Mignard took the French government to court earlier this year, demanding $22-million in back rent and $11-million in damages. They have now offered to enter into mediation as a way of resolving the impasse; the government had until May 15 to respond and did not. The tribunal will now set a date for a hearing. A spokesperson for the French Ministry of European and Foreign Affairs declined to comment on an active judicial case. The fact that France has allegedly profited from a stolen Jewish home in Iraq is not unlike the museums and collectors who enriched themselves through artwork stolen from Jews under the Nazis, said Edwin Black, author of a book about the 1941 Iraqi pogrom. The lawsuit against the French may help draw attention to the lesser-known expropriations of the Middle East, he believes. 'It is a David and Goliath story, and it's an overdue one.' Such a case has rarely, if ever, been resolved through the courts, said Stanley Urman, executive vice-president of the non-profit Justice for Jews from Arab Countries – although a recent report by his organization found that some $34-billion in contemporary U.S. dollars was seized from Iraqi Jews alone. Philip Khazzam has 'a very unusual story and it's to his credit that he's taken it this far, despite many obstacles,' said Mr. Urman. 'I think it would be an important precedent for the right of Jews to compensation and hopefully establish a precedent for similar cases to be adjudicated in the future.' Money is not the main issue, however, said Mr. Khazzam. His pot would ultimately be split widely amongst the descendants of Ezra and Khedouri, and anyway he runs a successful dried fruit-and-nut importation business and lives comfortably in Montreal. The crux of the case is something bigger, something moral and deeply personal, about one family's connection to a home and its shaded garden and the swaying date palms of Baghdad. 'I somehow wanted to go back there,' said Mr. Khazzam. 'I think Ezra and Khedouri would be very proud.'
