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Russia Today
18-07-2025
- Politics
- Russia Today
Nelson Mandela: A lifelong struggle for equality and independence
Modern-day South Africa is a true melting pot, home to diverse nationalities. At the forefront of shaping the modern Republic of South Africa was Nelson Rolihlahla Mandela, the country's first black president, who dedicated his life to the fight for equality among all people, regardless of race. Mandela not only championed the rights of the indigenous population which had been oppressed throughout the 20th century, he also steered the nation away from a potential civil war. He fought against the oppression of black South Africans under the apartheid government, consistently emphasizing that 'South Africa belongs to all who live in it, black and white.' In global history and politics, few people have had the privilege of being remembered as active peacemakers between warring factions. This is why Mandela continues to be a symbol and moral compass for various ideologically and politically diverse groups and organizations — not just in Africa, but around the world. South Africa boasts one of the most varied demographic landscapes in the world. Its population, which exceeds 60 million, is mostly Black African (over 80%), as well as White, Indian, and mixed race. In addition to the Bantu communities, who form the largest ethnic group, South Africa is home to the Khoisan, Nguni, Tswana, Sotho, Tsonga, and Venda peoples. The white minority primarily consists of Afrikaners – descendants of Dutch and other European settlers (Boers). However, these ethnic groups have not always enjoyed equal rights. For a long time, South Africa's black population endured the oppression of the white minority. In 1910, four British colonies: Cape Colony, Natal, Transvaal, and the Orange Free State, united to form a new nation under British and Afrikaner rule – the Union of South Africa. This self-governing dominion within the British Empire was established after the Anglo-Boer Wars (1899-1902) which were fought between British forces and the Afrikaners for control over South Africa's resources. The Union of South Africa began implementing laws that systematically stripped the native population of its rights. In 1913, the authorities limited land ownership for black South Africans to just 7% of the total territory. By 1923, they had prohibited black individuals from living in urban areas unless they were employed there, and in 1936, they revoked their voting rights. The final 'enslavement' of the indigenous population occurred in 1948 when the National Party, led by Afrikaners, won the elections and officially instituted a policy of racial segregation known as apartheid (the Afrikaans word for 'separateness'). The party's campaign appealed to white voters with slogans encouraging to fight 'the black danger.' Nelson Mandela was born on July 18, 1918, in the village of Mvezo in eastern South Africa. He belonged to the Thembu, a sub-ethnic community of the Xhosa people. His first name, Rolihlahla, translates to 'pulling the branch of a tree' or 'troublemaker.' The name Nelson was given to him by a schoolteacher at a Methodist mission school. Thanks to the guidance of elders, Mandela absorbed both Western education and the traditions of his people. Mandela was a member of a ruling clan dynasty, and his background influenced his political approach. His political philosophy combined traditional values with modern governance principles. He referred to the legacy of the Xhosa as 'democracy in its purest form.' In 1939, Mandela was admitted to the University of Fort Hare — the only institution of higher learning open to black and mixed-race individuals at the time. Two years later, he moved to Johannesburg, a city known for its gold mines, where he began working at a law firm. There, he witnessed the brutal inequalities that black South Africans faced daily. Describing the average citizen, Mandela wrote: 'His life is circumscribed by racist laws and regulations that cripple his growth, dim his potential, and stunt his life.' 'Colored people' were forcibly relocated to overcrowded areas to free up major cities for white residents. Freedom of movement was also restricted; Black South Africans were required to carry passbooks to travel outside the designated territories, known as bantustans. Failing to present the document upon request could lead to arrest and imprisonment. 'I cannot pinpoint a moment when I became politicized, when I knew that I would spend my life in the liberation struggle. To be an African in South Africa means that one is politicized from the moment of one's birth, whether one acknowledges it or not,' Mandela wrote in his autobiography. In 1944, he joined the African National Congress (ANC), the oldest political organization representing indigenous people, founded in 1912. Throughout the 20th century, the ANC advocated for equal rights for all South Africans and fought against racial segregation. Within the ANC, Mandela and his comrades: Oliver Tambo, Walter Sisulu, Anton Lembede, and Ashby Peter Mda, established the Youth League, whose manifesto called for equality among all racial groups and land redistribution. Nelson Mandela's views were initially influenced by Mahatma Gandhi's philosophy of nonviolent resistance. In 1952, he became one of the founders of the Defiance Campaign, which organized peaceful demonstrations against the racist laws enacted by the National Party. During this campaign, over 8,000 individuals were arrested for peacefully defying apartheid laws — for example, by entering 'white only' territories. By the 1950s, Mandela's political activism had attracted increased attention from the authorities. Police prohibited him from speaking publicly, and restricted his movement across the country. Meanwhile, the government continued to limit the rights of citizens based on race. The Bantu Education Act of 1953 established a separate and inferior education system for black South Africans, aimed at preparing them for roles as laborers and servants. The curriculum was intentionally restrictive, and the funding was minimal — in the 1970s, the government spent 644 rand per white student compared to just 42 rand per black student. One of the most significant achievements of Mandela and the ANC was organizing the Congress of the People in 1955, where 3,000 delegates adopted the Freedom Charter, proclaiming equality for all: 'South Africa belongs to all who live in it, black and white.' Shortly afterward, in 1960, a peaceful protest against passbook laws took place in Sharpeville. Police opened fire on the crowd, resulting in 69 deaths and over 180 injuries. In response to the protest, the ANC was banned by the authorities. This raised urgent questions about the need to organize armed resistance. A year later, Mandela founded uMkhonto weSizwe (MK), which means 'Spear of the Nation' in the Zulu and Xhosa languages, the paramilitary wing of the ANC. As the leader of MK, Mandela secretly traveled throughout the country and operated out of a farm in Rivonia, then a suburb of Johannesburg. He also journeyed abroad, engaging in discussions with leaders of emerging independent African nations, most notably Julius Nyerere of Tanganyika (part of modern-day Tanzania) and Emperor Haile Selassie I of Ethiopia, about the need to fight against apartheid. On August 5, 1962, on his way back from a trip, Mandela was arrested; this time, the apartheid government was determined to silence the charismatic leader whom thousands of people were ready to follow. During the Rivonia Trial, which lasted from 1963 to 1964, Mandela steadfastly defended his beliefs. His speech from the dock in 1964 emphasized the necessity of eradicating racial superiority, building an egalitarian society, and his willingness to die for this cause: 'I have fought against white domination, and I have fought against black domination. I have cherished the ideal of a democratic and free society in which all persons live together in harmony and with equal opportunities. 'It is not true that the enfranchisement of all will result in racial domination. Political division, based on color, is entirely artificial and, when it disappears, so will the domination of one color group by another. The ANC has spent half a century fighting against racialism. When it triumphs, it will not change that policy.' Mandela was sentenced to life in prison for organizing armed resistance against the apartheid government. The authorities held him in various prisons, but he spent the majority of his sentence, 18 out of 27 years, on Robben Island. Political prisoners were kept together, which helped ease the harshness of their confinement and allowed them to continue their fight, even if it was limited to the confines of their cells. ANC members exchanged opinions and engaged in debates with one another and with other inmates. In 1962, Mandela began studying law through correspondence courses from the University of London. He continued his education in prison and even took on the role of lecturer for fellow inmates. Meanwhile, the government continued to restrict the freedoms of black citizens, encroaching upon their private lives. Between 1950 and 1985, under the Immorality Act, which prohibited relationships between different races, 19,000 people were prosecuted, with many arrested without trial. Despite his incarceration, Mandela's popularity in the country grew, making him a symbol of resistance against the regime. In the 1970s, the authorities offered to release Mandela on the condition that he renounce the armed struggle. In 1974, the Minister of Justice visited him, but Mandela refused to make deals with the government. Tensions escalated as pressure mounted on the government from the UN, European nations, and African states condemning apartheid. To quell public outrage, the authorities resorted to violent tactics once again. In 1976, thousands of black students in Soweto protested against the mandatory use of the Afrikaans language in schools. The police responded with brutal force, firing live ammunition into the crowd, resulting in at least 176 deaths. In 1985, South African President Pieter Willem Botha announced he would consider freeing Mandela if he publicly condemned violence. Mandela once again rejected these unilateral terms, and this made him even more popular in society. Protests erupted across the nation, prompting the Afrikaner government to declare a state of emergency. Ultimately, independently of the ANC, Mandela recognized the need to lay the groundwork for official negotiations, fearing the country was headed toward civil war. While still in prison, he met with the Minister of Justice, the Minister of Safety, and the president. Progress in negotiations was only achieved, however, in late 1989, after a change in government leadership. In February 1990, the ANC and several other previously banned organizations were legalized. Nelson Mandela was released to a jubilant crowd. This marked the beginning of an official negotiation process aimed at dismantling the apartheid system and finding compromises in governance. Although the ANC owed much of its presence in the political arena to Mandela's personal contributions, he did not impose his will on the party. Upon his release, he was not interested in seizing power; rather, he coordinated actions with colleagues and was prepared to make concessions. In July 1991, Nelson Mandela was elected president of the African National Congress (ANC), and by 1994, South Africa held its first parliamentary elections that granted voting rights to all citizens. The ANC received nearly two-thirds of the votes. Mandela became the nation's president, with F.W. de Klerk and Thabo Mbeki, an ANC member, serving as deputy presidents. A primary goal of his presidency was national reconciliation, bringing both the oppressed and the oppressors into the government as a crucial step toward dismantling the legacy of apartheid. 'I knew as well as I knew anything that the oppressor must be liberated just as surely as the oppressed. A man who takes away another man's freedom is a prisoner of hatred... The oppressed and the oppressor alike are robbed of their humanity,' said Mandela. Nelson Mandela's legacy is deeply ingrained not only in South African culture but all around the world. He is remembered as a symbol of resilience, forgiveness, and the power of reconciliation. His wisdom helped steer the country away from the brink of civil war. While he aimed to protect the rights of marginalized groups, he never sought revenge against the white minority or discriminated against them. Mandela consistently resisted authoritarianism and stepped down after his first presidential term (1994-1999). As Mikatekiso Kubayi, researcher at the Institute for Global Dialogue and the Institute for Pan African Thought and Conversation, noted in an interview with RT, Mandela's legacy is very much alive in South Africa. 'Up to this day, you simply can't separate his legacy from it. His influence is still very much there. So, the president Cyril Ramaphosa pays homage to the influence of late former president Mandela as well, because his legacy is embedded in many things, the many ways, the ways we run government, the ways we run the Congress, the way we do our politics. For instance, breakaway parties like the EFF, now MK party and the APC, the UDM and others still carry some of the DNA of the liberation movement that shaped the former president,' he said. Nelson Mandela passed away on December 5, 2013, but his legacy lives on. He remains a global moral leader. The Nelson Mandela Foundation, established in 1999, continues his work of promoting peace, democracy, and social justice worldwide. In 2014, the United Nations established the Nelson Mandela Prize for achievements in social transformation, as Mandela's life story serves as a timeless testament to perseverance and indomitable will.
ITV News
18-07-2025
- Entertainment
- ITV News
Birth of rare African ‘unicorn' caught on camera at Chester Zoo
Cameras captured the incredible moment Miloli the baby okapi was born. The 'precious' calf was born to mum Ada and dad Stomp, following a 14-month pregnancy. The footage shows the calf falling to the ground in dramatic fashion, before clambering to its feet only minutes later and taking its first wobbly steps - a special moment that very few people in the world will have witnessed, according to wildlife experts. Zookeepers have revealed the calf is male and they've named him Miloli, which translates to 'joy' in Bantu, a family of languages spoken in central Africa. Having spent weeks tucked away in a quiet, hidden nest area, the shy youngster has slowly gained in confidence and has now ventured out for the first time. Found only in the dense rainforests of the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC), the okapi is so elusive that it went undiscovered to modern science until 1901. As a result, they've been nicknamed the 'African unicorn'. Fiona Howe, Lead Keeper at Chester Zoo, said: 'The birth of an okapi is always a very special occasion and cause for celebration, but have the privilege of being able to watch on as mum Ada calmly welcomed her new baby into the world and gently encouraged him to his feet, was nothing short of magical. "The footage we've captured offers a special insight into one of nature's most elusive and secretive species. ' "Miloli has spent his early weeks of life tucked away in a quiet nest area, bonding with mum Ada. "During the day, she'd head off and forage for food nearby, periodically returning to feed her new youngster with milk – she's a doting mum and is doing everything perfectly so far which is just great to see. 'Though Miloli appears to be wearing black-and-white striped socks, these patterns play important roles - acting as camouflage and assisting young okapi in following their mothers in the forest. Now that he's developed confidence, Miloli has just started to follow the stripes on his mother's hind legs as she leads him out of the nest to explore together for the first time.' The okapi is the national symbol of the DRC and is protected under Congolese law. Despite this, its population has declined by more than 50% over the last 20 years - driven by illegal hunting for their meat and skins, widespread habitat loss and the civil conflict in the country. The world's authority on the state of nature, The International Union for the Conservation of Nature (IUCN), has classified the species as endangered on its Red List of Threatened Species. Sue Walker, Head of Science at the zoo, added: "Our scientists have been supporting okapi reproduction for more than 15 years. "By using the latest technologies to test hormones in okapi faecal samples, we can confirm the observations and behavioural changes recognised by zookeepers, and in the process learn more about the species and their biology. These findings have already been used to support the wider international conservation breeding programme that's safeguarding okapi populations from extinction." The zoo's experts are also working alongside its partners at the Uganda Wildlife Authority to conduct surveys for okapis in Semuliki National Park, Uganda, which borders the DRC. The zoo is also a long-term supporter of the Okapi Conservation Project that is based at the Okapi Wildlife Reserve in the Ituri Forest, DRC.
Boston Globe
11-07-2025
- Politics
- Boston Globe
From Congo, Elon Musk looks like a genius — and a monster
I'd appreciate this all the more if Musk's Department of Government Efficiency hadn't also consigned many Congolese to needless deaths through Musk's campaign to eliminate US foreign aid. The Democratic Republic of Congo is as large as all of western Europe. It's populated by more than 100 million people, with 17 million in metro Kinshasa, a sooty, sandy megacity of barely-paved streets, open sewers, and lean, desperate people. Get Starting Point A guide through the most important stories of the morning, delivered Monday through Friday. Enter Email Sign Up Broadband isn't top-of-mind for most Congolese. The great majority of the people here get by on less than $3 a day, and about two-thirds don't have online access. Advertisement For those who do, it's usually lousy. I settled for a 4G connection that delivered 20-megabit downloads when the wind was right. But in May, the Congolese government gave SpaceX the go-ahead to switch on in Kinshasa and nationwide. Starlink's network of about 8.000 low-orbiting satellites can deliver 100 megabits or more, not just to cushy urban apartments, but to offices, churches, schools, cyber cafes, and community centers. Without running optical fiber through urban slums or untracked forests, millions more Congolese could get online and become full participants in the global economy. Advertisement But Musk doesn't give a damn about the Congolese afflicted by a horde of awful diseases. Indeed, he has done everything in his power to hasten their demise. HIV is common in the DRC — about 21,000 new cases each year. Tuberculosis is also common here, and malaria. There's even leprosy. And for decades, the US Agency for International Development has funded their medical treatments. In 2024 alone, the A recent study by the nonprofit But in his role as adviser to President Trump, the same Elon Musk who built SpaceX has cheerfully overseen the destruction of USAID. As [have] gone to some great parties. Did that instead.' Demonstrators gather outside USAID offices for the nationwide "Hands Off!" protest against President Trump and his advisor, Tesla CEO Elon Musk, in Washington, D.C., on April 5. ROBERTO SCHMIDT/AFP via Getty Images The DOGE crew instantly halted hundreds of USAID programs in dozens of countries. Patients seeking renewals of their prescriptions were turned away, while warehouses full of already-purchased medicines sit unused. On July 1, USAID ceased to exist. The State Department will take over any of its functions the Trump administration deems worthy. And Secretary of State Marco Rubio has vowed that any programs that deliver life-saving assistance will be preserved. Advertisement But I had my doubts. So I reached out to My French is nearly nonexistent despite months with the language learning app Duolingo, but Andre and my adopted son Mbumba, who's fluent in French and Lingala, a Bantu language spoken in Congo, acted as translators. 'We spent almost 3 months without medication for patients suffering from tuberculosis,' Cipaka said, 'which meant that many patients who were already under treatment came back with relapses . . . We recorded two cases of death in the last two months due to the lack of tuberculosis medications.' That's two human beings charged to Mr. Musk's account, with plenty more to come. Brooke Nichols, an associate professor of public health at Boston University Her math might be wrong, of course. Maybe the toll is only one-tenth this large, or just 10,000 dead. Feel better? Despite Rubio's promises, Cipaka said the aid to his hospital has not been restored. As a result, the Congolese government is shifting funds to cover the shortfall while hoping that US funding will eventually resume. Advertisement Cipaka's comment raises a crucial point: If the DRC government is capable of doing more, why is US aid needed at all? It's easy to make excuses for this ravaged nation. It suffered for decades under Belgium's barbarous colonial rule. Then came Cold War meddling by the United States, and, most recently, the dreadful east Congo war, the deadliest conflict since World War II — a war that may finally be ended thanks to a peace deal recently brokered by the Trump administration. But none of this excuses the DRC's endemic corruption. According to Transparency International's Garbage removal, for instance. Great heaps of the stuff pile up at street corners, an obvious menace to public health. Even a poor nation could hire a few hundred men and a few dozen trucks to haul it away. But it never happens. I've been to Kinshasa four times and the garbage is always there to greet me. It's almost enough to make me sympathize with Musk. Some tough love from the United States might make sense. Phasing out USAID programs over several years could goad the DRC toward reform. Elon Musk listens to a question from a reporter alongside President Trump in the Oval Office of the White House on May 30. Kevin Dietsch/Getty But Trump and Musk wanted a budgetary shock treatment. They're delighted by outrage over the aid cuts, because it makes them sound bigger than they are. Advertisement Musk is now backing away from the Trump administration, and just in time. His electric car company Tesla is in crisis; his next-gen SpaceX rockets keep blowing up. And Musk's plan to save the taxpayers $2 trillion has ended in utter failure. But if making the world a more miserable place was part of the plan, Musk's having the best year of his life. Hiawatha Bray can be reached at
TimesLIVE
30-06-2025
- General
- TimesLIVE
Unifying fish curry and pap
This month commemorated the June 16 youth killed in 1976 in Soweto while protesting the injustice of one of apartheid's most evil tools of oppression: Bantu education. Enforced in 1953 as a racially segregated and inferior education system for black South Africans, it aimed to destroy minds, imaginations and self-esteem, stripping black people of everything but the need and desire to serve white people, to instil the belief in racial hierarchy and white superiority. The 1976 Soweto uprisings contributed to the eventual dismantling of apartheid and brought international attention to the injustices of Bantu education and apartheid laws designed to divide and conquer. I'm enraged by the cruelty and injustice in the country and world now. What can we do to make a difference and create a more united, liberated world around us? Creating a feeling of home for myself and those I care about is one of my life's missions. Feeling at home is medicine. Food creates a sense of belonging because everyone everywhere eats. It is what makes us human. If we learn to understand people through food and how to touch someone's heart through their taste buds, the world would feel like a softer place. Where people are divided and pitted against each other, food can be a tool to build a sense of value and that every individual is important. Food can send messages that we are loved, seen and worthy and have a right to exist and tell our story. Fish curry and pap, also called Kali, is a dish eaten in KwaZulu-Natal where people of Indian, Zulu, European and mixed heritage unite and enjoy eating it with their fingers. It is a recipe for love and unity. Fish curry and pap Serves 4-6 Fish curry ingredients: 2-3 tbsp coconut oil 1 tsp mustard seeds 1 tsp coriander seeds 1 tsp cumin seeds 2-3 dried red chillies a handful of curry leaves 2 large cinnamon sticks 1 large onion, sliced 5 tsp medium Packo Masala or similar 5 tsp chilli powder (or less) 1 tsp turmeric powder 1 tsp cumin powder 1 tsp coriander powder 1 can tomatoes 8-10 cloves of garlic 2 tbsp tamarind paste 1kg kingklip, hake or similar white fish, cubed Method Prepare all the ingredients — peel garlic, chop onions, use a blender or food processor to purée tomatoes and set aside. Add oil to a pot, add mustard seeds, cumin seeds, coriander seeds, red chillies, curry leaves and cinnamon Once the mustard seeds start popping, add onion Once golden brown, adjust to medium heat Add masala, chilli powder, turmeric, coriander power, cumin powder Add tomato and garlic, then cook until a chutney Add tamarind, mix well Add fish and close the pot without stirring Allow to cook for 10-15 mins.
Daily Maverick
24-06-2025
- General
- Daily Maverick
Embracing imperfection: Why I choose authentic errors over AI's polished prose
I want to delete Grammarly and other AI editing software. Because I want to make the same old and authentic syntax errors. I want to write with grammatical mistakes and spelling errors, because there is something very sexy and original about that. I want to stop using platforms that impose prefabricated styles, that insist on front matter and formatting before truth, that demand cover pages as if meaning needs a passport. These are bureaucratic standards rooted in Euro-American notions of order, hierarchy and tidiness. They do not understand my Bantu education context. They cannot interpret my African oral tradition metaphors and Inanda proverbs. They want to universalise thought and smooth over difference with bias. Because writing in English is itself a struggle and a triumph. Full stop. My stylistic mistakes represent writing back to the Empire. Writing to my own audience, who understand both the meaning and the context of what I say. My grammatical mistakes are not accidents. They are resistance. They are freedom. Full stop. Writing with invention Every so-called syntax error Africans make is Shakespearean. It is writing with invention, bending language into meaning. And yes, we interchange past and present, call he she, and arrive at a point in a roundabout way. Because our lives are circular. Our stories spiral. Our logic loops back. We always return to where we started, no matter how long the journey takes. Like rondavels. Like amaziyoni, round and round. This reality does not fit the templates of the Empire. That is why our Bantu education English is marked with red and blue lines, suggesting changes that must be made. They are not corrections, actually. They are borders we must refuse to respect. Microsoft Editor doesn't understand this spiral. It treats my detours as mistakes and my emphasis as overreach. It flags sentences that carry emotional weight, asking me to 'clarify' what is already felt deeply. But our writing is not always for clarity. Sometimes it is for echo. For memory. For return. Grammar and AI proofreading platforms are part of an epistemicide. They dictate how we think, what we say and how we conclude meaning. They tell us to break paragraphs that carry too much emotion. They whisper: 'Too many ideas in one sentence.' But what if our thinking is braided? What if our logic spirals like praise poetry? Do you think Mazisi Kunene's epic would have made it through these softwares that dislike our metaphors and flag our proverbs? These things want our stories boiled and trimmed, polite and universal. These tools are like an excited first-time supervisor — insecure in his authority — imposing his will over students, mistaking dominance for mentorship. QuillBot is even more dangerous. It does not just suggest, it rewrites. It paraphrases away the soul of the sentence. It swaps out rhythm for neatness, fire for flatness. It does not understand that when we say: 'I am going to borrow you money,' we are not being incorrect. We are being intimate, local, rooted. QuillBot wants fluency, but not flavour. It wants output, not voice. Their proofreading is ideological Their proofreading is not just technical. It is ideological. It trims dissent. It disarms memory. It says: 'Consider softening your tone,' as if we are too sharp, too raw, too untrained in their image. But we were trained differently. Our street education was cracked but full of soul. Using Grammarly is like asking a colonial governor to edit your liberation song. He will suggest changing 'freedom' to 'civil order'. Microsoft Editor will break your verses into neat administrative bullet points. And QuillBot may reword your pain into a LinkedIn update. They may delete the drumbeat altogether. These platforms are a free pass to newspaper sub-editors — they simply copy, cut (for length) and paste. So bring back my Bantu education English. Bring back the crooked tenses and the double negatives that know what they mean. Return my split infinitives, my hyperbole, my outrage. Bring back the brokenness that speaks whole truths of my background. I do not need correction. I need patience. My language does not need fixing. It needs listening. I quit proofreading software. I return to my Bantu Education English. Its structure may not be polished, but its meaning glitters. PS: Busani Ngcaweni grew up at Inanda. At the local Gingqimboza Primary School, his English teacher never came to class — she was doing life, getting married and having babies. At Ohlange High, his English teacher from Phoenix only taught novels, asked girls to sign Whitney Houston and practised yoga, not a single grammar lesson per curriculum requirement. DM
