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Indian Express
3 days ago
- Politics
- Indian Express
Ram Madhav writes: Mohan Bhagwat's '75 years' comment doesn't mean what you think it does
RSS sarsanghchalak Mohan Bhagwat is a forward-looking leader. Heading a consistently growing organisation that is entering its centenary year, Bhagwat has time and again indicated his outlook on how the RSS can remain relevant for current and future generations. When he speaks his mind, it is essentially about how he wants the RSS to tread in future. However, given the high-profile position he enjoys in public life, whatever Bhagwat says is sought to be interpreted in different ways. A recent comment by the RSS sarsanghchalak on the issue of retirement age led to several interpretations. The comment came at a function in Nagpur in which a book on the life and contributions of veteran RSS leader Moropant Pingle was released. Pingle was one of the organisation's senior functionaries and is widely regarded as the brain behind several mass campaigns the Sangh Parivar organisations undertook in the 1980s, like the Ekatmata Yatra and the Ram Janmabhoomi movement. Pingle was also known for his wit and wisdom. At the function, Bhagwat recalled one such repartee: 'Moropant Pingle once said that 'if you are honoured with a shawl after turning 75, it means that you should stop now, you are old; step aside and let others come in'.' The nature of the political discourse in the country today — which I am sure Bhagwat is not unaware of — is such that this anecdote was immediately interpreted as Bhagwat's advice to Prime Minister Narendra Modi. Funnily, Opposition leaders, whose parties are run by octogenarians, thought it wise to take potshots at the Prime Minister. Since this debate over the retirement of leaders at 75 keeps surfacing time and again, it may be pertinent to put it in its proper context. While Bhagwat's comment in Nagpur was anecdotal, his views on this matter seem to have been formed over the past three decades. It is known to insiders like us that as the sarkaryavah (general secretary) of the RSS from 2000 to 2009, and subsequently as the sarsanghchalak , Bhagwat made it his priority to change the organisation's age profile. The anecdote about Pingle, which must have been from the mid-1990s, seems to have influenced Bhagwat's thinking when he became the executive head at the relatively young age of 59 in 2000. This view was supported by his senior colleagues like H V Seshadri and M G Vaidya. Seshadri, who was widely regarded as the natural successor to the then chief, Rajendra Singh (Rajju Bhaiyya), decided to set an example by making way for K S Sudarshan, five years younger, for that high position. Vaidya, who functioned as the spokesperson before me, also insisted on seniors taking a backseat and promoting youngsters, and set a personal example. Encouraged by the support of such elders, Bhagwat set in motion the process of assigning important organisational roles to youngsters. I was myself an example of that transformation when I became the public face of the organisation as its spokesperson at 36. Guarded by relatively older leaders in the past, the RSS has metamorphosed into a body led more and more by younger people in the past two decades. Many provincial organisers are under 50 today while several national-level functionaries are under 60. That said, I must add that while there has been a concerted effort to rope in younger leaders at various levels in the organisation, there was never any 'rule' to deny the job to any functionary in the name of an age limit. No sarsanghchalak or sarkaryavah was asked to leave at 75. Founder K B Hedgewar and his successor, M S Golwalkar, passed away prematurely due to ill-health when they were 51 and 68, respectively. The next three chiefs — Balasaheb Deoras, Rajju Bhaiyya and Sudarshan — opted to relinquish their position on health grounds at the age of 79, 78 and 79, respectively. Bhagwat will turn 75 later this year. He is in sound health, and the organisation certainly needs his stewardship for many more years. In public life, the argument about age works both ways. Many global statesmen in the last century, like Mahatma Gandhi, Franklin D Roosevelt, Winston Churchill, Lee Kuan Yew, Deng Xiaoping and Nelson Mandela, who transformed their countries, led an active political life well into the evening of their lives. On the other hand, younger leaders like John F Kennedy, Angela Merkel, Barack Obama, Vladimir Putin, Xi Jinping and Narendra Modi, too, made yeomen contributions in their respective countries in recent decades. It proves what Walt Disney once said: 'Imagination has no age.' Former US president Ronald Reagan was famous for his humour. In the presidential election in 1984, Reagan's age, 73, became an issue. During one presidential debate, when asked whether he was worried about his age becoming a stumbling block in leading the country, Reagan responded by saying, 'Not at all. I also will not make age an issue of this campaign. I am not going to exploit for political purposes my opponent's youth and inexperience.' In governance, what counts is the experience and maturity of a leader. Bhagwat's comment may be understood in general as openness in allowing younger leaders to come forward. But to interpret it as directed toward a particular leader would amount to a misunderstanding of the nature of public life. In fact, our countrymen chose the current leadership despite 'younger' options being available on the other side since they believed that age cannot be the sole criterion. Given their dynamism and vision, besides the respect that they command among the masses, both Modi and Bhagwat are expected to lead in their respective roles for many more years to come. In fact, they must. After all, 'age doesn't matter, unless you are a cheese'. The writer, president, India Foundation, is with the BJP. Views are personal
Time of India
4 days ago
- General
- Time of India
Women most important factor in nation's progress: RSS chief Mohan Bhagwat
Kolhapur/Solapur: Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh ( ) chief has said women are most important in a nation's progress and all 142 crore Indians must come together to make the country great. Tired of too many ads? go ad free now Bhagwat was speaking at the "Parivar Utsav" at Hutatma Smriti Mandir on Thursday to celebrate the silver jubilee years of Udyogvardhini in Solapur. The institution was founded by late Nanaji Deshmukh, a senior RSS pracharak. Bhagwat said that if a man is trained, he will work for his lifetime, but if a woman is trained, she will not only work but also ensure the progress of the next generation. "Women are the ones who impart values and affection, and children grow under their affectionate care. Children grow under the parents' shadow till the age of 12, which becomes their foundation. During this period, their nature and temperament are formed. Even if they wander away later in life, they return to this foundation. Making this foundation strong is crucial, and this is what mothers do," said Bhagwat. Bhagwat said that women possess qualities of affection, enabling them to perform many tasks that men cannot. "However, God has also given women the qualities given to men, so women can do whatever men do. Therefore, men should not work with arrogance thinking they will uplift women. Men should allow women to do the work they wish to do and make them capable. They should be freed from traditional constraints and given open space. Today, women are at the forefront in many fields," the RSS chief said. Over the past 24 years, thousands of women overcame various challenges and journeyed towards prosperous and dignified lives with the help of Udyogvardhini. Tired of too many ads? go ad free now The institution made hundreds of women economically self-reliant by providing employment through tailoring, food products, and cooking, creating numerous women entrepreneurs. B hagwat released the book "Udyogvardhini Ki Sevavrati" written by renowned author Nayanbehen Joshi and edited by senior journalist Arun Karmarkar, and inaugurated the documentary "Akhand Yatra", based on Udyogvardhini's work. "Even the cruelest person has a grain of compassion somewhere deep inside, which is why they are in human form. Though people may seem selfish, a time comes when their inner compassion awakens, and this is eternal. A society of good people is always secure and prosperous. This is why RSS work aims to organize society. The foundation of RSS work is belongingness. The RSS pledge contains the word "our" - our sacred Hindu dharma, Hindu culture, and Hindu society for the Hindu nation - all four words have "our", which is excellent," said Bhagwat. District collector Kumar Ashirwad, Udyogvardhini president Chandrika Chauhan, institution secretary Medha Rajopadhye, guidance committee members Ram Reddy, Suhasini Shah, Vasudev Bang, Madhavi Rayte, Ketan Vora, Anand Joshi, Dhiren Gada, Udyogvardhini vice-president Shobha Shrivastav, treasurer Varsha Vibhute, director Gitanjali Chauhan, Shantabai Take, Sulochana Bhakare, Dipali Deshpande as well as large number of Udyogvardhini's sevavrati workers were present. (With inputs from Suryakant Asbe) Kate gets bail, Maratha activist detained Deepak Kate, the BJP Yuva Morcha state secretary, who was among the two arrested for attacking Sambhaji Brigade leader Pravin Gaikwad, was released on bail Thursday. Meanwhile, the Solapur police detained seven Maratha activists associated with Gaikwad's outfit. They threatened to disrupt the event where the RSS chief was the chief guest.
The Hindu
4 days ago
- Politics
- The Hindu
Bhagwat vs Modi: Is the 75-Age Rule Tearing the Sangh Parivar Apart?
Published : Jul 17, 2025 18:40 IST - 10 MINS READ The elephant in the room has reared its head and called out loud and clear. The sarsanghchalak (chief) of the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS), Mohan Bhagwat, who is no stranger to catalysing controversy with his statements, both within the Sangh Parivar and outside, caused more than a ripple or two with his reference to the late RSS stalwart Moropant Pingle's assertion that people in public life should leave the centre stage after turning 75. With this, what was discussed and commented on in political circles, also written and spoken about in the media, has now been introduced in the discourse within the Hindutva fraternity: both Bhagwat and Prime Minister Narendra Modi are soon entering that magical year when they could declare that they are now 'tired and retired', six days apart in 2025, the former on September 11 and the latter on September 17. The question after Bhagwat's stunning statement, made at a function to release a biography on the deceased leader, is direct—has the RSS publicly given a call for Modi's resignation in his 75th year to allow the BJP, after due consultation with the RSS, to choose the next Prime Minister? There is a case for the contention that the opposition and media is reading too much into Bhagwat's anecdotal rendering of an assertion by one of the tallest RSS leaders of the 1980s and early 1990s: Pingle after all oversaw the Hindutva camp's 'operation demolition' in Ayodhya, Uttar Pradesh on December 6, 1992. For starters, the RSS media affiliate, Vishwa Samvad Kendra, writes that it is incorrect to view a fragment of Bhagwat's speech 'through the lens of contemporary politics to target the age of politicians, misconstruing it as a comment directed at those currently in politics'. Second, Union Home Minister Amit Shah unambiguously declared last year that Modi would continue as Prime Minister, at least till the end of his third term (2029). The statement was made in response to Arvind Kejriwal's provocative remark that a vote for the BJP was a vote for Shah to become Prime Minister. Also Read | The RSS sends a message And there is a third factor too: that Bhagwat and Modi share a five-decade-plus relationship built on mutual admiration and trust. Additionally, Modi considered Bhagwat's father, Madhukar Rao, a revered and inspiring RSS leader. In his 2008 book, Jyotipunj, Modi profiled several iconic RSS leaders and the senior Bhagwat was featured along with luminaries such as M.S. Golwalkar and Lakshman Rao Inamdar, Modi's own guru. Modi wrote glowingly about his interactions with Bhagwat's father during his 'infancy' in the RSS and also showered praise on the son: 'The touch of the Parasmani [Philosopher's Stone] turns iron into gold, but it cannot turn a piece of iron into another Parasmani. The story of Madhukar Rao and Mohan Rao [father-son duo] overturns this. Parasmani Madhukar Rao prepared Parasmani Mohan Rao', he wrote, the lines underscoring his regard for the current sarsanghchalak. It is not that the admiration between the two flowed in one direction only. After the 2012 Assembly election in Gujarat, won by the BJP under Modi's stewardship, the party began revving up for the 2014 Parliamentary election. The most crucial issue was choosing a prime ministerial candidate and there were several actors in the fray, including veteran L.K. Advani who still fancied his chances. But few in the party backed him, as he had been bluntly asked to step aside after the party's poor performance in 2009 with Advani as the party's electoral mascot. Importantly Bhagwat, after becoming the sarsanghchalak in March 2009, had informed Advani that the election that year would be his last chance. After the BJP won the lowest number of seats it had since 1991, the unwritten rule of '75 years as the age limit for offices across (sic) the Parivar' was introduced by Bhagwat. The ideological fountainhead With Advani out of the race in the minds of all but himself, other claimants put their hands up, the most prominent being Modi. Eventually, Modi's selection—first as poll panel chief in June 2013 and thereafter as prime ministerial candidate in September 2013—was agreed upon, but only after Bhagwat's all-important nod. The RSS chief and the other leaders in the organisation and the BJP, with the exception of Advani, M.M. Joshi, Sushma Swaraj, and a handful of others, backed Modi despite his track record of seizing complete control of the BJP in Gujarat on becoming Chief Minister in October 2001. He also kept the RSS at arm's length from the party and the State government, establishing functional autonomy from the ideological fountainhead. Despite the Chief Minister consciously promoting the Modi cult—for instance with masks of his face especially designed for the 2007 assembly election and again in 2012, Bhagwat endorsed his candidature. He did so because the Sangh Parivar had been out of power for a decade and he sensed a groundswell of support for Modi across large swathes of India. As the 2014 verdict proved, Modi led the BJP into becoming the first party since 1984 to secure a Parliamentary majority on its own without depending on coalition partners. Both the RSS and the BJP came to terms with the Modi-centrism of the government as well as the party. An early warning sounded by Advani, Joshi, and other veterans, who wrote a publicly released letter in November 2015 to Shah, the then party president, fell by the wayside. Their accusation, that the party was 'emasculated' after 2014 and 'forced to kow-tow to a handful', and that its 'consensual character had been destroyed' fell on deaf ears, and eventually the so-called margdarshaks (guides or mentors) became mere props for Modi on their birthdays. Bhagwat and the RSS leaders accepted this, because Modi remained diligently committed to the Hindutva ideology, fulfilled key programmes and objectives, and positioned people from the Sangh Parivar in crucial state institutions and bodies, especially education and culture. Despite the grand consecration ceremony of the Ram temple on the eve of the launch of the electoral campaign, where not just the lines of separation between the state and religion were completely erased but where Bhagwat, as chief of the RSS, was given pride of place during the rituals, the RSS maintained a distance from the election campaign. The participation of swayamsevaks remained lukewarm and it cast a shadow on the results: the BJP failed to get Parliamentary majority on its own and fell back on coalition partners. Bhagwat's cutting comments Modi tried to brazen it out and, obviously at his prompting, J.P. Nadda made an overzealous declaration in the middle of campaigning that the BJP no longer 'needed' the RSS; that it was 'capable' of running its own affairs, including securing electoral victory. The claim was preceded by the central BJP slogan—'Modi Ki Guarantee'—a coinage that echoed a 1980 election slogan: 'Indira ji ki baat par, mohar lagegi haath par.' (Because Indira says so, the vote be for the Congress). While never publicly stated last year that RSS swayamsevaks had stayed lukewarm during the campaign compared to their enthusiasm in 2014 and 2019, the results underscored it. And, if doubts remained, Bhagwat made a series of cutting comments where he named no one, but even political newbies knew who he inferred was not a 'true sevak'. Not just Bhagwat, but lesser beings such as the former Vice President M. Venkaiah Naidu, and senior RSS functionaries Indresh Kumar and Ram Madhav took potshots at unnamed targets for various failures. Naidu in the early years of Modi's tenure termed him 'God's gift to India', yet had the courage to say that the verdict taught everyone that 'work for the downtrodden, taking care of the oppressed, suppressed and depressed people, should be at the top of our minds', suggesting that it was being ignored by the Modi government. After government formation, it was clear that an enfeebled Modi would require the enthusiastic participation of the RSS network in the Assembly election, then due in Haryana, Maharashtra, Jharkhand and Delhi. Not only did RSS swayamsevaks campaign for the BJP, but Modi's presence was scaled down. Despite that, it became evident that even the RSS was a beneficiary of the BJP being in power and was dependent on Modi for entrenchment in institutions and influencing policy since, notwithstanding the electoral setback, he remained India's most popular leader. The question was elementary: Would Modi secure functional autonomy, as in Gujarat, or until 2024? Or would the RSS be able to ensure that Modi agreed to a consensual or collegial style of functioning? The choice of the next BJP president emerged as a contentious issue, as Modi was of the view that his writ should run in selecting the leader, as in 2014 and 2019. In contrast, the RSS viewpoint was that the choice should be agreeable to both and for that, widespread discussions were imperative. Also Read | The Sangh-sevak reunion: A strategic recalibration for BJP and RSS In the last week of March, when Modi belatedly went to the RSS Smriti Bhavan in Nagpur and joined an RSS-linked event with Bhagwat, it appeared that he had reconciled to consensually evolving key decisions with the RSS leadership. Operation Sindoor, however, changed that and the military exchange with Pakistan after the terrorist strike, Modi believed, had restored his popularity to previous levels. Quite clearly, this has delayed the selection of the BJP president. The choice, whenever announced, will be a clear pointer to how this round of tussles has squared off. There is little doubt that despite their decades-long association, the priorities of both men are personal leverage for Modi and the supremacy of the Sangh for Bhagwat. Barring Modi's pursuit of economic neo-liberalism and his political pragmatism, there is little to distinguish between the two. Undeniably, the possibility of Bhagwat and Modi walking into the sunset at almost the same time is not imminent. From the festival of Dussehra this year, the centenary celebrations of the RSS will begin in real earnest and last until Vijaya Dashami in 2026. Bhagwat may like this to be his swansong, even if Modi displays no signs of budging, contending that 'retirement at 75' is not a firm rule and that not all sarsanghchalaks bowed out of office on completing 75. Despite undeniable ambiguity on the matter, Modi's moral standing within the Sangh Parivar will take a beating, however slight, in the event of Bhagwat bowing out of office and Modi staying put amid a cacophony of prompted 'requests'. Consternation in the Modi camp A key factor that could make the path bumpy for Modi is the RSS reaching the conclusion that support for Hindutva among the people has acquired a critical mass, making the role of an individual leader less crucial. Modi's continuance in office depends on being considered absolutely essential for securing the BJP's victory in 2029 and maybe even ahead. Given Modi's instinctive character and the tenets of the RSS, especially its principle of putting sangathan over vyakti, it is extremely unlikely that the two can work harmoniously for long periods. Consequently, the only conclusion that can possibly be drawn at this point is that the RSS, and more so Bhagwat, will continue to make statements that cause awkwardness and consternation in the Modi camp. Internal dynamics within the Sangh Parivar have been unsettled since early 2024 and will likely remain so over the year. Author and journalist Nilanjan Mukhopadhyay has authored several books including a biography of PM Narendra Modi, on the RSS, and on the Ayodhya dispute.
Mint
13-07-2025
- Politics
- Mint
‘No one becomes great by imposing themselves': Nitin Gadkari flags arrogance in leadership, Congress reacts
Union Minister for Transport and Highways, Nitin Gadkari—known has cautioned that people who gain power, wealth, knowledge, or beauty often become arrogant. The Bhartiya Janata Party (BJP) leader's remarks have once again provided the opposition a chance to speculate a reference to party leadership, with Congress pointing at Prime Minister Narendra Modi turning 75 this September. Addressing a gathering of principals and educators in Nagpur on Saturday, Gadkari observed that once individuals start believing they are the smartest, their assertiveness can turn into dominance over others. "But no one becomes great by imposing themselves," the Nagpur MP was quoted as saying by Hindustan Times. 'Look at history—those accepted by their people never had to force themselves upon anyone,' he said. BJP adversaries saw Gadkari's remarks as reference to BJP Maharashtra minister Nitin Raut was quoted by Hindustan Times as saying, 'his statement was an obvious reference to top BJP leadership who have lately become very egoistic and self-centred.' Congress leader Pawan Khera also reacted. 'Too many people gearing up to celebrate Saheb's 75th birthday,' the Congress spokesperson said. Khera was perhaps referring to Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS) chief Mohan Bhagwat's suggestion that leaders should retire after 75. Bhagwat's remark has again prompted opposition politicians to question its implications for Prime Minister Narendra Modi, who turns 75 this September. Bhagwat also turns 75 this year. 'When you turn 75, it means you should stop now and make way for others,' Bhagwat said, speaking at a book release event dedicated to late RSS ideologue Moropant Pingle in Nagpur on July 9, according to Hindustan Times. Speaking at the event on Satuday, Gadkari spoke about the 'ego trap' among leaders. 'I am the smartest one. I've become a 'Sahab'... I don't even count others,' he quipped, warning that such arrogance undermines true leadership. He also emphasised the essence of teamwork and said that the strength of any organisation in politics, social work, or corporate life was rooted in human relationships. "How you treat your subordinates matters. Respect shouldn't be demanded—it should be earned. If you deserve it, you'll get it," Gadkari said. In December last,Gadkari had said he does not aspire to become the prime minister of India. Gadkari, in the interview with the London-based weekly,The Economist, said that no one in the saffron party would ask him to take the top job in the future. In September, Gadkari alleged that an opposition leader offered to make him prime minister if he defected before the election. When asked if he wants the top job one day, Gadkari said, 'I am here, happy. I am doing my work. I do not have any aspiration or ambition to become prime minister.' No one becomes great by imposing themselves. 'No one is going to ask me, so no question arises,' Gadkari responds to a question about whether the BJP will ask him to be the prime minister.
India Today
12-07-2025
- Politics
- India Today
Mohan Bhagwat: Moment of the RSS moderniser
(NOTE: This article was originally published in the India Today issue dated April 6, 2009)The man with a walrus moustache, framed and garlanded, is a customary backdrop to any stage show by the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS). Now that Mohanrao Bhagwat has taken centrestage as the new boss (sarsanghchalak) of RSS, Keshav Baliram Hedgewar, the founding patriarch of the Sangh Parivar, seems to have got a true may be two Brahmins from Maharashtra, united by the shape of their moustache and the sweep of their vision about a Hindu Rashtra, but Bhagwat refuses to be a throwback to history. The 58-year-old bachelor from Chandrapur, born 10 years after the death of Hedgewar, is the 21st Century face of an organisation that has often been accused of being steeped in a mythological new role as a moderniser (a word that doesn't sit well with the image his organisation has acquired in urban India) is daunting, for he has to strike a fine balance between the challenges of future and the burden of heritage. When the generational shift took place in Nagpur on March 21, it was pretty evident that Bhagwat wanted to be different. The meeting began with Bhagwat's request that, after nine years as general secretary, he would like to pass the baton to someone else. But before the veteran pracharak M.G. Vaidya could start the election process, K.S. Sudarshan, the outgoing sarsanghchalak, intervened. He said: 'My memory is failing. Recently I was unable to recognise the photograph of Mangal Singh who died after serving as our cook at the RSS headquarters for over 50 I met Swami Vishwesh Tirth and he advised me to speak less. My responsibility requires me to study more and more but I can't do that due to my poor health. I want to transfer my responsibilities as sarsanghchalak to Mohanrao Bhagwatji.' Then he vacated his seat and Bhagwat, after touching the feet of Sudarshan and other elders, took first appointment itself spoke a lot about the man. Many expected Suresh Soni, who works as a coordinator between RSS and BJP, would succeed him as general secretary. Bhagwat's choice for the second-in-command and general secretary was Suresh (Bhaiyaji) was a smooth transition at Nagpur where the old and the interventionist gave way to a new generation that puts culture above politics. Was it that the new boss didn't want too much 'coordination' between the Sangh and the party? Not surprising as he is the highest apostle of thinks the BJP— or for that matter any other front organisation— should be left to its own devices. (His predecessor, though, was fond of giving sagely advice to leaders like L.K. Advani and Atal Bihari Vajpayee.) Still, he wanted the pracharaks to be familiar with other family members like the BJP, VHP, ABVP and BMS. Under his initiative, some pracharaks were given six-month internships in these organisations. The RSS for him is essentially a cultural organisation with a social life so far has been a perfect blend of idealism and pragmatism. Born on September 11, 1950, in a Karhade Brahmin family in Chandrapur, Maharashtra, he began his career as a veterinary officer. His father, Madhukar Rao Bhagwat, was a close associate of Hedgewar and M.S. Golwalkar, the second spending five years as a pracharak in Gujarat, Bhagwat pre did something rarely heard of in the upper echelons of RSS: he got married and began a new life as an advocate. The son, though, would not be deviated from his path by such temptations. Bhagwat became a pracharak during the Emergency in 1975 and he has remained a strict disciplinarian ever since. At a meeting of state pracharaks, he said, 'Our focus must be on quality, not on quantity.'advertisementQuantity matters in the RSS, and Bhagwat is entitled to take credit for making the Parivar bigger. Look at the numbers: 43,905 shakhas (drills) are held daily at 30,015 venues; weekly shakhas at 4,964 and monthly shakhas at 4,507 places. The RSS has over 2,800 full-time pracharaks. And it has 58 front groups representing sections as varied as youth, teachers, Dalits, women, labour, students, and even overseas is one for Muslims as well: The Muslim Rashtriya Manch, which wants to send out the message that 'every Muslim is not a fanatic'. Presiding over such an extended Parivar, Bhagwat has the mandate to be the final arbiter of 'family values'. Will those values be in harmony with the spirit of the modern times? Or, will they make the existing cultural fault-lines more glaring? He has to kill so many stereotypes before he can play out the script of modernisation within the will have to disown and neutralise the army of rabble-rousers and demonisers who continue to manufacture enemies of the so-called Hindu Rashtra. The lathi-wielding cultural Gestapos running amok or the trident-waving demolishers atop a mosque are not images compatible with Bhagwat's message of change. He has to redeem Hindutva from the politics of hate. He has to make it culturally and socially acceptable. And it has to be a time of introspection as well. RSS is an organisation which has produced leaders like Deen Dayal Upadhyaya, Vajpayee, Advani and Nanaji Deshmukh. Today it is only capable of offering us an atrocity like a Pravin Togadia or others who can only divide the mind of may not consider the pub-going girls of Mangalore particularly modern, but he doesn't endorse the violent enforcement of culture either. Though he says that the socalled Hindu terrorism is an 'illusionary and self-contradictory lie' created by 'Hindu-hating political forces' desperate for votes, he is believed to be unhappy about some fringe Hindu groups taking the terror route. And some of his reforms are even 10 years ago, it was mandatory for the swayamsevaks to wear a uniform of khaki shorts and white shirts while attending the daily shakha. No longer. The uniform is compulsory only on special occasions. The new dress code is called 'supravesh' (all white); it could be anything, even kurta-pyjama or dhoti and shirt. He was very much instrumental in recognising the importance of caste leaders in expanding the RSS' doesn't make a virtue out of rigidity masquerading as consistency. Following Advani's controversial statement on 'secular' Jinnah, Bhagwat was the first to tell the RSS top brass that they should take on the BJP leader. Three years later, the same Bhagwat realised that there was no better alternative than Advani to lead the BJP. So he himself went to meet Advani to announce that he was once again acceptable to the RSS.A great admirer of Gandhi, he was the one who took the initiative in bringing Scheduled Castes and Tribes into the RSS fold. In one of the speeches he delivered after becoming the general secretary, he didn't mention the name of Hindutva icon Veer Savarkar even once but Gandhi was a recurring hero. An agitated Savarkar supporter went to Bhagwat and complained. Bhagwat, always polite, apologised first and then took on the challenger: 'But tell me whether you appreciate Gandhi's contribution to society despite his mistakes.' The challenger just walked away in silence, most likely as a wiser man. And his soon-tobe-launched programme called Gau-Gram Sankarshan Yatra (a cow-protection journey across the villages) too is inspired by a Reader's Digest junkie and a regular watcher of History and National Geographic channels, ended his speech in Nagpur with a call for facing up to new challenges: 'Let all of us strive to expand and consolidate still further our already existing nationwide network to enable our society to effectively respond to all the challenges it is facing, by adopting appropriate strategies and techniques'.What are Bhagwat's strategies and techniques to keep RSS relevant as a cultural organisation? He certainly requires techniques other than powerpoint presentations (of which he is a new convert) and the emphasis on youth power (of which he is a tireless promoter). He needs a message that is in tune with the ideas and aspirations of 21st Century India where a brotherhood based on religion still evokes fear, no matter what the religion is called. 'You can change everything, except our core belief in a Hindu Rashtra', he such a civilisational definition of India makes some Indians the excluded others, the challenges of the man who aspires to be the moderniser become all the more daunting. It also provides Mohanrao Bhagwat an opportunity to become the Great Reconciler.—With Shyamlal Yadav and Uday MahurkarSubscribe to India Today Magazine- EndsMust Watch
