Latest news with #BritishMuslims
Al Jazeera
5 days ago
- Lifestyle
- Al Jazeera
Six pilgrims sail from UK to Saudi Arabia for Hajj
NewsFeed Six pilgrims sail from UK to Saudi Arabia for Hajj Six British Muslims sailed from the UK to Saudi Arabia for 59 days to reach the holy city of Mecca for Hajj. Through their 7,400km journey, the group aimed to raise funds to support orphans across the world and have received over $250,000.
Yahoo
6 days ago
- Business
- Yahoo
Politicians have their heads in the sand about immigration's irreversible damages
A new report published by the Centre for Heterodox Social Science has underscored the reality of significant demographic change in modern Britain. Authored by Matthew Goodwin, the research projects that the white-British ethnic majority will become a minority within the next four decades and could fall as low as a third of the UK's population by the end of the century. By 2100, the analysis predicts that three in five people will be non-white. Currently standing in the region of seven per cent, the Muslim proportion of the UK's population could increase to eleven percent by 2050 and as high as one-fifth of it by the 22nd century. The findings confirm that the UK is undergoing major ethnic and religious transformation. There is no doubt that large-scale inward migration, which in recent times reached unprecedented levels under the last Conservative government's post-Brexit liberalisation of immigration rules, is driving much of this population change. Along with the size of the inflows, the pattern of migration to the UK has changed in the post-Brexit context. Prominent countries of origin associated with the so-called 'Boriswave' include India, Pakistan, and Nigeria. This brings risks from a social-cohesion perspective. India and Pakistan recently locked horns in a military escalation following the Pahalgam terror attack, which the former blamed the latter over. While India has witnessed the fiery rise of Hindu fundamentalism under prime minister Narendra Modi, Pakistan is verging on being a failed state riddled with Islamist extremism. Nigeria is also no stranger to ethnic and religious conflict. But it is the political and cultural dynamics within the UK's 'homegrown' Muslim population which pose the most serious challenges in terms of integration and identity. Research published by the Institute for the Impact of Faith in Life (IIFL) found that seven in ten British Muslims identified with their religious identity first and foremost – with around a quarter identifying most strongly with their British/English national identity. But younger, largely UK-born British Muslims are more likely to identify as 'Muslim first' than their predominantly foreign-born elders – peaking at 85 per cent for 18-to-24-year-olds. What we are witnessing in the British Muslim population is the 'integration paradox' – as socially-conservative minorities become more socially integrated over generations, they are more exposed to cultural trends and mainstream political developments which may not be to their liking. Whether it is the rapid secularisation of the mainstream or the perceived pro-Israelism of the British political establishment, the UK's relatively youthful and increasingly confident Muslim population is becoming more faith-centric in how they view their existence in modern Britain. Of course, all of this leads us to what is taking place in the white-British ethnic group, which is on a consistently downward trajectory as a proportion of the UK's population. While one cannot underestimate the role of large-scale immigration in demographic change, neither can we overlook that major cultural changes in the mainstream are contributing towards it. The reality is that certain ethnic and religious groups value marriage and parenthood more than others – to the point that they tend to be more willing to take a hit to their personal freedom and financial comfort for these goals. Marriage and parenthood are ultimately civic acts of self-sacrifice – one could be forgiven for believing that much of the white-British mainstream is simply not culturally or religiously inclined to take this on. While England's rich traditions of personal freedom and individual liberty are to be admired, the 1960s social revolution and the rise of materialism put these values on steroids. Coupled with the considerable volume of inward migration of highly-religious kinship networks over decades, significant population change was, and is, inevitable. Britain's demographic future is a declining and de-Christianising white-British population, an ever-growing Muslim population, and becoming a majority-nonwhite society. This is unlikely to be a seamless transition. It could give rise to a resurgent racial consciousness in the white-British ethnic group; two-tier governance and the unholy trinity of 'diversity, equality, and inclusion' will not help matters. Meanwhile, British Muslim social and political disaffection – especially among its younger and more educated population – means the urge for Muslims to mobilise in line with 'group interests' will only grow. One thing for certain: significant population changes in modern Britain are testing the UK's traditional reputation of being a successful multi-ethnic, religiously-diverse democracy to the limit. And many of our mainstream politicians have buried their heads in the sand over this. Broaden your horizons with award-winning British journalism. Try The Telegraph free for 1 month with unlimited access to our award-winning website, exclusive app, money-saving offers and more.
Yahoo
15-05-2025
- Politics
- Yahoo
Birmingham City Council disrupt far right Britain First rally plan for 'not meeting British Values'
Far right, anti migrant party Britain First has been told 'not welcome' by Birmingham City Council over its plans to host a major anti-immigrant rally in the heart of the city this weekend - but are still bracing for a hostile turnout. The council has refused to give the group the vehicle access to Victoria Square it requested, on the grounds the planned event is 'incompatible with our commitments to equality, community cohesion and the promotion of British Values.' Security bollards will not be lowered to allow in vehicles and for a stage to be set up in the square. However, Britain First party leader Paul Golding has insisted the rally will go on as planned, with the council unable to ban its supporters attending on foot. READ MORE: Selly Oak's action man MP in record breaking bid to climb Everest in seven days He has claimed that 'thousands' of activists will be descending on the city. A recent similar rally in Nuneaton mustered up a small crowd of around 100. Anti fascist groups are already planning counter protests. Police are understood to be planning for a potential security risk for the city on Saturday afternoon. We have contacted West Midlands Police. In a post on its website, Britain First said it intended to challenge the council's decision. In an email sent to the party about its request for vehicle access to the square, the council wrote that after 'careful review' the rally planned 'does not comply with our No Platform Policy'. "This policy ensures that council resources, and support are not extended to organisations whose activities, values or affiliations are incompatible with our commitments to equality, community cohesion, and the promotion of British Values. It also applies where there has been adverse media reporting relating to extremism or radicalisation." The council is unable in law to ban the group, a registered political party, from holding the event, which is billed as a 'March for Remigration'. The group is calling for mass deportations of immigrants. It campaigns primarily against British Muslims and multiculturalism, and advocates the preservation of 'traditional British culture'.
The National
21-04-2025
- Politics
- The National
Where does the UK media draw the line on platforming far-right voices?
Welcome to this week's Media Watch! Remember you can get this newsletter straight into your inbox every week by clicking the banner above. On BBC Newsnight last week, an intriguing concept was raised by former BBC presenter Matthew Stadlen as he criticised the platforming of anti-Muslim 'extremist' Douglas Murray on the programme. As he expressed his concern about the BBC interviewing the assistant editor of The Spectator – who previously accused ex-first minister Humza Yousaf of 'infiltrating' the UK political system – he mentioned how the Overton window had shifted 'so significantly' that Murray had been given an eight-minute interview on prime time television. In a video podcast with The Rubin Report – a conservative US political talk show – in 2023, Murray called Yousaf the 'First Minister of Gaza' and described his Palestinian wife Nadia El-Nakla as a 'nasty piece of work'. READ MORE: BBC quietly edits false report hiding Israel minister's UK visit Stadlen said of him appearing on Newsnight: "Imagine just for a moment being one of the millions of British Muslims, law-abiding British Muslims, watching him say those things." Stadlen said he didn't want to criticise the BBC for bringing Murray on, but seemed to suggest the mainstream media was at a tricky juncture where far-right voices have now become so acceptable to the public, major broadcasters are being left with little choice but to platform them. The Overton window is the range of subjects and arguments deemed politically acceptable to the mainstream population at a given time. It is a term named after American policy analyst Joseph Overton, who proposed that the political viability of an idea depends mainly on whether it falls within an acceptability range, rather than on the individual preferences of politicians using the term or concept. According to Overton, the window frames the range of policies that a politician may recommend without appearing too extreme to gain or keep public office given the climate of public opinion at that particular time. What Stadlen said left me pondering what seems to be a chicken and egg situation; does the media feed the public or does the public feed the media? And how much should one feed the other? Nigel Farage on the BBC speaking to Laura Kuenssberg (Image: Jeff Overs/BBC/PA Wire) As journalists we have to have our ear to the ground on what concerns the public, who they most want to hear from, and the questions they want answering. A series of polls now have confirmed the rapid rise in support for Reform, with them now predicted to return more MPs than Labour and the Tories. In Scotland this week, a cross-party summit is being held on tackling the rise of the far right, which the Tories are not even attending. Reform's sudden hold on society is unquestionable, like it or not. There was a time when there was widespread criticism of Reform UK leader Nigel Farage being extensively platformed when he had had no electoral success to speak of but, as painful as it may be, the Overton window does seem to have shifted so much that we're going to have deal with Farage on our TV screens in the years to come. READ MORE: MPs call for Donald Trump to be blocked from addressing Parliament But while more populist politics may have become acceptable to society, where do mainstream media institutions like the BBC draw the line? While there is a responsibility to platform the figures people want to hear from, is there not is also a responsibility to protect them from misinformation and harmful voices? And while some may feel they have no choice but to platform hard-right or right-wing voices, isn't there at least a responsibility to robustly challenge what they say? These are questions media institutions are going to be grappling with a lot in the months to come in what is becoming an increasingly hostile political environment, and it will be fascinating to see which broadcasters and publications become effortlessly subservient to the people and which ones choose to stand up for what is right.
The Guardian
13-04-2025
- Politics
- The Guardian
The identity politics of many Muslims, and critics of Islam, are deeply corrosive
A poll suggests that most British Muslims identify more with their faith than with their nation. The head of the Saudi-backed Muslim World League counsels British Muslims to talk less about Gaza and more about domestic issues. Labour MP Tahir Ali is criticised for campaigning for a new airport in Mirpur in Pakistan-controlled Kashmir; he claims the criticisms have led to 'Islamophobic' attacks. After push-back, the BBC changes a headline describing converts to Islam as 'reverts', a term some Muslims use to suggest that Islam is the natural state of humankind. Just a taster of debates about British Muslims over the past week. At the heart of each of these controversies is the question of how Muslims should relate to western societies, and western societies relate to them. For some, the answer is easy. On the one side, many claim Islam to be incompatible with western values and that allowing Muslims to settle here has led to what they regard as the degeneration of western societies. On the other are those who insist there is no issue, and those who raise concerns are bigots. Both are wrong. There are issues about Muslims and integration that need discussing, but those issues are rarely as presented in these debates. Part of the problem is a view of Islam as fixed and static, a belief that it has remained the same throughout history, as have Muslims' beliefs about their faith. It is a perspective ironically shared by dogmatic Islamists and implacable critics of Islam. In reality, not only are Muslims as diverse as any other community, but their connection to their faith is constantly evolving. To understand Muslim attitudes and attitudes to Muslims, we need to track that changing relationship between Muslims, their faith and wider society. The first generation of postwar Muslim immigrants to Britain, largely from the Indian subcontinent, was pious and culturally conservative, but wore its faith lightly. Many men drank alcohol. Few women wore the hijab. The second generation – my generation – was more secular. Our desire for equality led us to challenge not just racism but the obscurantism of mosques and faith leaders. The more hardline strands of Islam had little sway within British Muslim communities until the end of the 1980s. The irony is that, since then, a generation of Muslims far more integrated and 'westernised' than the first came also to be the generation most insistent on maintaining its 'difference'. A study by the Institute for the Impact of Faith in Life (IIFL) published last month found that young people were most likely to view themselves as Muslim more than British, while over-65s were twice as likely to identify as British first. The reasons for the transformation of attitudes are complex. Partly they lie in international developments such as the battle between Saudi Arabia and Iran for leadership of the global ummah that led to Saudi petrodollars helping fund more hardline Islamist organisations in the west. Partly they lie in the rise of identity politics and of narrower conceptions of belonging. And partly they lie in public policies driven by a perception of the nation as a 'community of communities', in the words of the influential Parekh report on multicultural Britain. State institutions began relating to minority communities through 'community leaders', often religiously conservative men who used their relationship with the state to cement control over their ethnic fiefdoms, encouraging social division along lines of identity. Many institutions and policymakers came to regard socially and religiously conservative Muslims as more 'authentic', often dismissing those with liberal views as not being truly of their community. The BBC's use of 'revert' to describe 'converts' may well have come from a desire to portray what it took to be an authentically Muslim view. The more inward-looking, conservative character of many Muslim communities today has been forged out of social and political developments rather than simply from religious conviction. Nor are identitarian forms of belonging unique to Muslims. A report last year for the Institute for Jewish Policy Research found that most British Jews had 'a stronger Jewish identity than British identity'. Around three-quarters felt 'attached' to Israel, especially in the wake of the 7 October Hamas attack, and this framed the response of many (though not all) Jews to the Gaza conflict. For many Muslims, too, their identity is shaped in part by the Palestinian struggle, and they feel distraught about Israeli attacks on schools, hospitals and civilians. Unlike with Jewish identity, though, this gets condemned as 'sectarian'. What is sectarian is not support for the Palestinian cause, or opposing the destruction of Gaza, but to view these purely through the lens of Muslim identity. It is defining attitudes to political issues by the boundaries of identity rather than by political and moral reasoning that makes it sectarian. Sectarianism has long existed in British politics. For decades the Labour party, in cities such as Bradford and Birmingham, has exploited a machine politics based on the biradari, or clan, system that could deliver bloc votes to particular candidates. Today, that old machine politics has been folded into the politics of identity. Tahir Ali's constituency of Birmingham Hall Green and Moseley is beset with social and political problems, from the bin strike befouling the streets to the worst child poverty rate in Britain. He seems largely to have ignored the strike and has never voted in parliament on issues of welfare reform or in opposition to benefit cuts. He has, however, been campaigning for the reintroduction of blasphemy laws and pressing the Pakistani government to build an airport in Mirpur. MPs have every right to engage on foreign issues. It is difficult, though, not to view his record as being defined by sectarian interests. Sign up to Observed Analysis and opinion on the week's news and culture brought to you by the best Observer writers after newsletter promotion British Muslim attitudes are shaped also by a sense that non-Muslims see their faith but not their Britishness. It is this perception, rather than any deep attachment to Islam, the IIFL study suggested, that drew Muslims to identify with their faith more than with their nationality. The growing clamour that Muslims don't belong in the west, a sentiment often attached to a desire for Britain to be exclusively 'white', is part of the process whereby racism has become rebranded in identitarian terms. It can only reinforce Muslim sectarianism. To imagine politics not as a means of effecting social change in more universalist terms, but as a process bound by the limits of identity, is deeply corrosive. Kenan Malik is an Observer columnist
