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The Hindu
3 hours ago
- Business
- The Hindu
24,795 fair price shops begin distribution of commodities in Andhra Pradesh
Civil Supplies and Consumer Affairs Minister Nadendla Manohar on Sunday claimed that an annual expenditure of ₹385 crore could be saved by reviving the fair price shops under the Public Distribution System (PDS) in Andhra Pradesh. Mr. Manohar launched the distribution of commodities through fair price shops in Pithapuram town in Kakinada district, marking the revival of the fair price shops across the State on Sunday. 'The distribution of commodities has kicked-started at 24,795 fair price shops of the total 29,761 shops on Sunday. As many as 1.46 crore families can get their ration from any fair price shop across the State,' said Mr. Manohar. The Civil Supplies Department will deliver the commodities at the doorstep of 15.6 lakh elderly people and the physically-challenged before the 5th of every month. The fair price shops will have to be open from 1st to to 15th of every month. 'All the fair price shops will soon be brought under the vigil of the CC camera surveillance system and QR code will be made available at the shops for the beneficiaries to register complaints,' he said. Civil Supplies Department Commissioner Sourabh Gaur, Kakinada district Collector S. Shan Mohan, erstwhile East Godavari District Central Cooperative Bank Chairman Tummala Ramaswamy, Kakinada Rural MLA Pantham Nanaji, and Civil Supplies Corporation Chairman Thota Sudheer were among those present.
The Wire
a day ago
- Politics
- The Wire
Backstory: The Disappearance of Media Stories on the Disappeared Points to a Cruel Future
Menu हिंदी తెలుగు اردو Home Politics Economy World Security Law Science Society Culture Editor's Pick Opinion Support independent journalism. Donate Now Media Backstory: The Disappearance of Media Stories on the Disappeared Points to a Cruel Future Pamela Philipose 10 minutes ago A fortnightly column from The Wire's ombudsperson. File image. This photo shows people transporting goods to a camp for internally displaced Rohingya in Myanmar. Photo: EU Civil Protection and Humanitarian Aid/Flickr/CC BY-ND 2.0. Real journalism holds power accountable Since 2015, The Wire has done just that. But we can continue only with your support. Contribute now Earlier this year, the sight of Indians deemed 'illegal' by the US government under President Donald Trump and peremptorily sent back in a US military aircraft to India, manacled and shackled, created widespread outrage in the country. Headlines like 'Indian Illegal Migrants Deported From US Tell Their Tales Of Abuse' marked the accompanying flood of media coverage. In sharp contrast, the Indian government's renewed attempts to push out Rohingya and Bangladeshis who have fled to India, into the shadow lands and waters bordering neighbouring countries, have been met by a conspicuous media silence. So rarely has there been any incisive, or even just plain, reportage on the issue, that when the Indian Express carried a front page report on May 20, headlined 'In last 6 months, at least 770 from Delhi alone deported to Bangladesh as part of crackdown', it came as a shock. While there may have been unconfirmed information floating around that a few individuals deemed to be Bangladeshi or Rohingya have been pushed across the Bangladesh or Myanmar borders, nobody knew that there was an actual 'crackdown', and nobody suspected that the number of those so deported had touched 'at least 770'. The forced evacuation of such a large cohort is alarming in a democratic country. It signals a breakdown of moral and ethical codes that had at one point in its history marked the country's response to those seeking shelter within its shores for their survival. There are five reasons why such developments do not capture empathetic media attention and why stories of the disappeared are literally disappeared from media coverage. First is the confusion of semantics, which in turn has clouded public understanding of who exactly constitute this unusually variegated group. India, after all, has not signed the Refugee Convention of 1951, so what is the legal framework by which to perceive a bewildering range of people who could be deemed as foreigners, refugees, the internally displaced, economic migrants, or even environmental refugees? Secondly, precisely because of this lack of a legal framework, they can be framed in dark shades as criminals or illegals, depending on political expediency. The use of terms like 'infiltrators', 'terrorists', 'militants' and even 'termites' (as the home minister once characterised them), only serves to dehumanise them further and invest them with an unverifiable patina of diabolism. Thirdly, what has made the confusion worse is the prism of communalism through which these communities have come to be viewed, particularly after the enactment of the Citizenship (Amendment) Act, 2019. While those regarded as 'our migrants' enjoy fast-tracked citizenship, particularly harsh treatment is meted out to 'their migrants', which includes police repression, vigilante persecution and summary expulsion. Also read | 'Thrown Into the Sea': How India Allegedly Deported 38 Rohingya Refugees Without Due Process Fourthly, over a period of time, this amalgam of untenable formulations, hate speech for electoral purposes and systematic stigmatisation has led to sections of the Indian population and media professionals left incapable of adopting a more rational approach to the issue. Some have even become convinced that the undocumented pose an imminent threat to their own security and that of the state – again without offering a shred of proof. When a few thousand Rohingya settled in Jammu came under the scanner, the cry went out that their crimes would need to be publicised. The long and elaborate compilation exercise that followed revealed no evidence of any major crime or security threat perpetrated by the frightened community. Big power projections comprise the fifth factor. Israel's deliberate and strategic take-no-prisoners approach in Gaza, which could lead to the near annihilation of an entire population, has unfortunately come to be seen by many within the Indian media, not as the genocide it is but as the template that India needs to adopt to emerge as a 'strong state'. In the process, the capacity to accommodate, assimilate and absorb diversity and difference to a level unparalleled anywhere in the world, which had made India what it is today, is in danger of being lost forever. The centuries' old belief, a tithi devo bhava (guest is akin to god), is now robbed of any meaning and remains an empty shibboleth to be mouthed at the international summits that India hosts, and forgotten thereafter. Today, as a result, we have a media that is willing to stomach extraordinary levels of state-driven cruelty meted out to helpless communities of stateless people in the name of national interest. The legacy media may even get reliable information about atrocities being committed against them, but they will do nothing about it. Once in a way, a newspaper like the Indian Express may flash stories of this kind on its front page, but for hundreds of news channels and thousands of 'large' newspapers, this is not what makes news. In early May, when 38 Rohingya men, women and children were allegedly detained by the Delhi police on the pretext of getting their biometrics done; herded into a holding centre; taken to Port Blair; transferred to an Indian naval vessel; beaten; given life jackets and then pushed into the sea fringing Myanmar, with no legal process being followed whatsoever and in violation of international and national law, the stray reports that surfaced were only on social media. When a petition on this case was taken before the justices of the Supreme Court, they termed it a 'fanciful idea' and dismissed it out of hand. Such plausible deniability would not have been possible if the media had taken such information with the seriousness it demanded. What does this mean for the future? The process of othering is unlikely to stop at the hapless stateless. The persecutors and prosecutors will find new communities to target, new ways to make those who are 'insiders' today into 'outsiders' tomorrow, with the media willingly playing the role of accessory to the crime. It is a cruel future that awaits us. § Thoughts on World Environment Day Today, the impacts of environmental destruction are widely known, partly because there is far greater media coverage of issues like climate change and ecological destruction than was the case earlier. But it has been a long, bumpy journey. The first international conference hosted by the United Nations, the Stockholm Conference on the Human Environment, was held in 1972 and it proclaimed to the world that 'Man is both creature and moulder of his environment, which gives him physical sustenance and affords him the opportunity for intellectual, moral, social and spiritual growth.' There was that ring of anachronism interlacing those words in the way it privileged the male gender, but even more conspicuous was the misplaced optimism that they evoked: 'through the rapid acceleration of science and technology, man has acquired the power to transform his environment in countless ways and on an unprecedented scale.' The fear amongst the countries in the South at that juncture was that an agenda of 'conservation', the buzz word of the era, would be at the cost of 'development', or the attempts of the poorer parts of the globe, labelled unambiguously as the 'underdeveloped world', to improve its prospects. Two decades later, another international conference on the environment, this time at Rio, saw the North-South divide get even more pronounced and its articulation more sophisticated. When emissions of cattle and the methane generated by rice fields were cited in a report from the Washington-based World Resources Institute as a major contributor to pollution, Indian environmentalists pushed back. Also read: Yes, Environment Ministry Took 'Many Steps' Under Modi – But They Came At the Cost of Environment Itself Anil Agrawal and Sunita Narain from the Centre for Science and Environment Delhi observed: 'Can we really equate the CO2 contributions of gas-guzzling automobiles in Europe and North America or, for that matter, anywhere in the Third World with the methane emissions of draught cattle and rice fields of subsistence farmers in West Bengal or Thailand? Do these people not have a right to live? But no effort has been made in WRI's report to separate out the 'survival emissions' of the poor, from the 'luxury emissions' of the rich.' This observation did not of course take into adequate consideration the 'luxury emissions' of the rich in the poorer countries, or the emissions of 'poorer countries' seeking to achieve First World arsenals. Ultimately, there was no getting away from the fact that everyone on the planet, whether from the North or the South, whether from the developed world or the developing world, needed to get more aware of just what was happening to their environment at the national and international levels. It was this spirit that egged a group of concerned scientists, environmentalists and journalists to come together in 1982 to produce a citizens' report, edited by Anil Agarwal, Ravi Chopra and Kalpana Sharma on the 'The State of India's Environment'. What was striking about this volume – dedicated to the women of Chamoli – was how far ahead of its times it was, not just by being the first publication of its kind brought out by concerned citizens under the banner of the Centre for Science and Environment, but the effort it took to put across complex issues in a readable, usable style through quality design and the wide use of data, infographics and illustrations. There was also a liberal sprinkling of 'not-so-fun facts' ('70 per cent of all the available water in India is polluted. About 73 million workdays are lost due to water-related diseases'). Many of those associated with the publication are no longer with us. They include Anil Agrawal, the passionate prime mover of this effort; Anupam Mishra, the Gandhian water conservationist; newspaper editor Darryl D'Monte; and Smitu Kothari, ecologist and author. Others went on to achieve personal milestones, many in the environmental field. Today, as we mark yet another World Environment Day (on June 5), it may be worth our while to revisit a paragraph in the introduction to this volume: 'Most of us come to know of environmental problems and effects in a piecemeal manner. But when we read this overview of the state of the nation's rivers, dams, forests, air, soil, plants, animals, towns, village, health and energy problems, the impact is certainly overwhelming.' It comes as a reminder that our journalism on the environment also cannot exist in silos and needs to keep the larger backdrop of climate change within its sights. As Sanjay Asthana recalled in the elegant environmental portal, Mongabay, the efforts made by students and environmentalists to protect the priceless 400-acre forest of Kancha Gachibowli adjoining Hyderabad University were invaluable. The courts woke up to the destruction too late. He recalled how that patch of forest had educated him on the local biophysical sphere as a young PhD scholar. Ecological destruction is happening in plain sight and if we don't have the information and words to push back against the onslaught, posterity will never forgive us. § Readers write in… Conversations that educate Santosh Gade writes on The Interview with Karan Thapar (excerpts)… 'As I reflect on the profound impact your work has had on my perspective and understanding, by and large, of the world and India in particular, I am filled with a sense of awe and reverence for the exceptional journalistic endeavors you have undertaken. Your series of interviews– The Interview with Karan Thapar–for The Wire, in addition to Devil's Advocate, Hard Talk India in the past with individuals from diverse spheres of life, are a masterclass in journalistic excellence, and I am deeply humbled to call myself an ardent admirer of your craft… 'What sets you apart, in my opinion, is your unique ability to create a space for meaningful dialogue, where ideas can be exchanged, and perspectives can be challenged. Your thoughtful reflections and insightful questions not only inform but also inspire critical thinking, encouraging us to reflect on our own values and principles. 'Your most recent conversation with Avay Shukla for the Wire (May 27) on the moral decline of our society metaphorically making us a Duffer Zone and the struggles faced by the intellectually liberal and spirited individuals resonated deeply with me. The way you navigated the complexities of this topic, shedding light on the duffer zone that many find themselves in, was nothing short of remarkable. The manner in which you teased out the author's thoughts on this pressing issue, and the ensuing discussion, was delightful yet enlightening and thought-provoking… 'Please continue to share your gift with the world. Your work has the power to inspire, educate, and challenge us, and I am grateful for the opportunity to engage with your ideas and perspectives.' Civility in the civic space Murali Reddy from New Albany, USA, however, expresses disappointment with a recent episode from The Interview… 'A recent episode featuring Mr. Karan Thapar and former Ambassador Hussein Haqqani was disappointing (May 20). Given the recent escalation in border tensions, particularly following the tragic killing of innocent tourists in Pahalgam, I was eager to hear Ambassador Haqqani's perspectives on the situation. Unfortunately, throughout the conversation, Mr. Thapar interrupted his guest far too frequently. Instead of allowing Ambassador Haqqani to share his insights on the current crisis, Mr. Thapar often interjected, lectured, and appeared intent on compelling him to take a particular stance. This approach detracted from what could have been a meaningful and constructive exchange. 'Ambassador Haqqani is one of the few moderate voices advocating for rational dialogue between the two countries. His measured perspective is especially important at a time like this, and I had hoped to hear more from him during the discussion. As a longtime admirer of The Wire and its commitment to high-quality journalism, I found this episode to fall short of the standards I have come to expect from it. I hope Mr. Thapar might consider inviting Ambassador Haqqani back for a fuller, more respectful, conversation—one that allows for uninterrupted, thoughtful dialogue. A rational and open exchange is what we need now more than ever. 'Polarisation in civic space has corroded democracy in America, my adopted country. I'd very much like civility to prevail in public conversation in India.' Crores, not millions Adhiraj, coordinator, NREGA Sangharsh Morcha, makes a correction… 'I would like to flag an error I noticed in the Wire article titled, 'Demand For Work Under MGNREGS Goes Up, Actual Job Creation Declines: Report' (May 20). It mentioned that 'according to the data from the ministry of rural development, 20.12 million rural households were among those who sought employment under the scheme in April. The figure slightly increased to 20.37 million in May (till May 18), reported Mint.' The figures in bold (20.12 million and 20.37 million) should be in crores not in millions.' Facts about Odisha Deba Mohanty writes in… 'This is with regard to the Wire video, While it is good, it has some misinformation about Odisha. Odisha now ranks above Bengal in per capita income and it is also opposing delimitation. Its population has registered a declining trend as the female fertility rate is around 1.8. Replacement levels require a country/state to have a female fertility rate of 2.1. The fertility of women in Tamil Nadu has touched an even lower 1.5 something. I think your research team didn't present the statistic correctly. Remember, around the year 2000, Odisha was poorest/second poorest state of the country.' Write to ombudsperson@ Make a contribution to Independent Journalism Related News 'Tortured Like Criminals': Rohingya Refugees Reveal Chilling Details of Police Abuse Amid Deportations 'Thrown Into the Sea': How India Allegedly Deported 38 Rohingya Refugees Without Due Process When the Supreme Court Echoes Populist Sentiments, It Risks Undermining the Constitution's Voice Full Text: India is Getting Re-Hyphenated With Pakistan Because Under Modi We're Democratically Regressing Over 700 Undocumented Bangladeshi Migrants in Delhi Sent Back in Last Six Months Backstory | India's Media Betrayed the Country In a Time of War, Here's How From Balochistan to Kashmir, the Region's Unresolved Grievances Refuse To Stay Buried Organisation of Indian Origin People in the US Objects to Proposed Tax on Immigrants' Remittance Interview | What to Do When Your Mother-Tongue Fades Away About Us Contact Us Support Us © Copyright. All Rights Reserved.
The Wire
a day ago
- Business
- The Wire
AP: Reports of Govt's Planned Incentives for ArcelorMittal-Nippon Steel Reveal Its True Priorities
Vizag Steel Plant. Photo: Av9, CC BY-SA 4.0, via Wikimedia Commons Real journalism holds power accountable Since 2015, The Wire has done just that. But we can continue only with your support. Contribute Now New Delhi: The news that ArcelorMittal Nippon Steel (AM/NS) India is poised to receive a staggering incentive package for the first phase of its Anakapalli greenfield project – a facility just 60 km from the Vizag Steel Plant (VSP) – is not just a business development; it's a damning indictment. For years, the VSP has been met with carefully worded 'packages' from the Union government, platitudes from state leadership and a persistent, deafening silence on its most critical need: captive iron ore mines. The AM/NS deal is eye-watering. For an initial investment of Rs 56,000 crore in a 7.3 million tonne capacity plant, the Andhra Pradesh government is reportedly offering benefits spread over two decades. These include stamp duty exemptions, 100% GST reimbursement for 15 years, electricity duty waivers, subsidised power at Re 1/unit and industrial water at Rs 50/kL. Furthermore, AM/NS is being facilitated with a captive port, a critical logistical advantage. This proactive, comprehensive support is precisely what the VSP has been starved of for decades. Contrast this with the narrative spun around the VSP. Following the Union cabinet's approval of an Rs 11,440-crore 'special package' for the plant earlier this year, chief minister N. Chandrababu Naidu confidently declared the privatisation threat 'over,' urging VSP employees to 'work hard and utilise taxpayers' funds efficiently.' This, even as his government was evidently deep in negotiations to roll out the red carpet for AM/NS. Indeed, that VSP package – a mix of equity and repayable preferential shares – was fraught with questions from the start, doing little to address the plant's Rs 35,000 crore-plus liabilities or its fundamental structural infirmity: the lack of captive mines, which makes its raw material costs up to ten times higher than for competitors. The Department of Investment and Public Asset Management confirmed only in April, in response to a query by labour leader Padi Thrinadha Rao, that its policy of 100% disinvestment for the VSP remains firmly 'unchanged.' This renders the Rs 11,440 crore package, and Naidu's assurances, as little more than political obfuscation – a temporary balm designed perhaps to quell public discontent or, more cynically, to ready a 'distressed' asset for a private suitor, as Communist Party of India (Marxist) leader Ch Narsingha Rao astutely pointed out earlier this year. One cannot help but wonder: what if even a portion of the AM/NS bonanza, say the Rs 28,000 crore, had been strategically directed towards VSP? Such an infusion, coupled with a genuine commitment from both the state and the Union government to secure captive iron ore mines could have decisively addressed its debt burden and operational inefficiencies. It could have unshackled the VSP from reliance on expensive market-rate ore, allowing it to leverage its prime land assets (worth an estimated Rs 2 lakh crore) and operate at its full 7.3 million tonne capacity, potentially generating profits to clear remaining debts within years. This is not fantasy; it's basic industrial economics. Instead, we witness the state government actively soliciting Union government assistance for AM/NS's raw material supply and fast-tracking its clearances, including a 2.9 km stretch of coastline for a captive port. This is the kind of proactive support the VSP has only dreamt of. As former Union secretary E.A.S. Sarma has consistently highlighted, the refusal to grant the VSP captive mines, while readily allocating them to private players, is the 'root cause of VSP's financial woes.' The state's facilitation of a direct competitor, AM/NS, complete with a captive port that could erode the Visakhapatnam Port Trust's viability, adds insult to injury. The narrative that the VSP is a 'white elephant' due to worker inefficiency, a line subtly pushed by asking employees to 'work hard' to justify taxpayer money, crumbles under scrutiny. The VSP has demonstrated profitability even in challenging periods (Rs 930 crore in 2020-21). The 'laziness' jibe is a convenient, if disingenuous, deflection from the systemic handicaps imposed upon it. The NDA government's actions, both at the Union government and in Andhra Pradesh, reek of a meticulously orchestrated strategy: publicly project concern for the VSP with insufficient, conditional aid, while paving a golden path for a major private competitor. The Rs 11,440-crore VSP package increasingly looks like a pre-privatisation touch-up, an attempt to make the books slightly more palatable before the eventual strategic sale, a sale the Union government remains committed to. The new AM/NS incentives reveal where the government's true priorities and energies lie. This isn't merely about fiscal prudence or fostering industrial growth; it's about a fundamental, perhaps ideological, bias. If the state can underwrite nearly half the initial investment for a private entity like AM/NS with long-term sops, its failure to offer a truly transformative, structurally sound revival plan for the VSP – a plant intrinsically linked to Andhra's identity and employing thousands – is a profound betrayal. The 'double-engine' government, it appears, runs full steam for private enterprise, while the engine meant to power public sector revival sputters on rhetoric and half-measures. The thousands of VSP employees, whose 'steely resolve' has kept the plant running and protests alive for over three years, deserve more than hollow assurances and the sight of a new, heavily subsidised competitor rising nearby. They deserve genuine commitment, starting with the one thing that can truly level the playing field: captive mines and support on par with what is now being offered to AM/NS. Anything less confirms that the pronouncements of saving VSP are just that – talk, designed to mislead and hoodwink, while the groundwork for its dismantling continues apace.
Hamilton Spectator
2 days ago
- Hamilton Spectator
Napanee man convicted of sexual interference, harassing communications
A Napanee resident has been convicted and sentenced for sexual interference and harassing communications. On Wednesday, May 21, 2025, in the Brockville Ontario Superior Court, David Vine pleaded guilty to the two charges. According to Section 151 of the Criminal Code of Canada (CC), a charge of sexual interference is made against a person who, for a sexual purpose, touches, directly or indirectly, with a part of the body or with an object, any part of the body of a person under the age of 16 years. According to Section 372(3), 'harassing communications' involve repeatedly communicating with someone using telecommunication without a lawful excuse and with the intent to harass. This can include phone calls, text messages, emails, or other forms of digital communication. After granting a credit equivalent to two years and 14 days of pre-trial custody for the charge of sexual interference, the Judge imposed an 18-month conditional sentence, followed by a three-year probation order for the charge of harassing communications. In Canada, a convicted person may receive credit for time spent in pre-trial custody, often referred to as 'pre-sentence custody' or 'dead time.' A sentencing judge can reduce the final sentence by a certain amount, typically one day for every day spent in pre-trial custody, but can also grant enhanced credit under certain circumstances. Several conditions were mandated for Vine's release. Per Section 109 of the CC, he is subject to a lifetime weapons prohibition. He was also given a mandatory DNA order. Also known as a DNA data bank order, this court order directs an offender to provide a DNA sample for forensic analysis. Vine is also subject to a lifetime Sexual Offender Information Registration Act (SOIRA) order. According to the reference source Criminal Law Notebook , under Section 490, the length of the SOIRA order is based on the election (how the convicted person pleaded) and the maximum penalty. An order made under subsection 490.012(1) or (3) applies for life if 'the court is satisfied that those offences demonstrate, or form part of, a pattern of behaviour showing that the person presents an increased risk of reoffending by committing a crime of a sexual nature.' Vine is further subject to a court order under CC s.161 for 20 years. When an offender is convicted of an offence concerning persons under the age of 16, section 161 of the code permits the court to make an order prohibiting the offender from certain activities that may have them in contact with persons under the age of 16. This order prohibits Vine from having contact or communicating in any way with, working with, volunteering with, or supervising anyone under the age of 16, and from attending a public park or public swimming area where persons under the age of 16 are present or can reasonably be expected to be present, including daycare centres, school grounds, playgrounds, or community centres. As is a standard practice in such cases, a publication ban has been put in place in the case against Vine to prevent the publication of the victim's name and any identifying information. While the dates of the offences Vine has been convicted of are not currently known, the case against him was filed with the Ontario courts in June 2024. It is unknown at this time why Vine was tried in a Brockville court, though the location of the court hearings is often related to the location where the alleged crimes occurred. Kingstonist will provide further coverage of this matter if/when further information becomes available. Error! Sorry, there was an error processing your request. There was a problem with the recaptcha. Please try again. You may unsubscribe at any time. By signing up, you agree to our terms of use and privacy policy . This site is protected by reCAPTCHA and the Google privacy policy and terms of service apply. Want more of the latest from us? Sign up for more at our newsletter page .
The Wire
3 days ago
- Business
- The Wire
Profit and Sales Growth Slow Down as Compared to Last Year Amid Rising Cost and Trade Uncertainties
Menu हिंदी తెలుగు اردو Home Politics Economy World Security Law Science Society Culture Editor's Pick Opinion Support independent journalism. Donate Now Economy Profit and Sales Growth Slow Down as Compared to Last Year Amid Rising Cost and Trade Uncertainties The Wire Staff 7 minutes ago For the same time period in the previous year, the sales of these companies had registered a growth of 9.2 per cent which decreased to 5.7 per cent in Q4 FY24. Representative image. Photo: Ken Teegardin/Flickr (CC BY-SA 2.0) Real journalism holds power accountable Since 2015, The Wire has done just that. But we can continue only with your support. Contribute now New Delhi: Both profit and sales growth have slowed down as the country's corporate sector witnessed a subdued performance in the quarter ended March 2025. An analysis conducted by the Bank of Baroda of 1,787 companies listed on the stock exchange revealed that while last year, profit after tax (PAT) of these companies had grown by 12.6 per cent, the same figure for Q4 FY25 came down to 9.2 per cent. In absolute terms, their net profit was at Rs 3.43 lakh crore in the previous fiscal year, as against Rs 3.13 lakh crore attained in the quarter ended March 31, 2024, reported Indian Express. Similarly, for the same time period in the previous year, the sales of these companies had registered a growth of 9.2 per cent which decreased to 5.7 per cent in Q4 FY24. While the weak macroeconomic conditions have impacted demand and resulted in a slowdown in sales growth, companies have also struggled to maintain profitability amidst rising costs and trade uncertainties. IIP growth rate at eight month low Meanwhile, the Ministry of Statistics has released Quick Estimate of Index of Industrial Production (IIP) data, which suggests that IIP growth rate, which was 3 per cent in March this year, has come down to 2.7 per cent. The growth rates of three sectors including mining, manufacturing and electricity for the month of April 2025 are 0.2 per cent, 3.4 per cent and 1.1 per cent, respectively, reported Business Standard. The present figure marks the lowest growth in the IIP in eight months. The corresponding growth rates of IIP as per Use-based classification in April 2025 as compared with April 2024 are 0.4 per cent in primary goods, 20.3 per cent in capital goods, 4.1 per cent in intermediate goods, 4.0 per cent in infrastructure/ construction Goods, 6.4 per cent in consumer durables and -1.7 per cent in consumer non-durables. Make a contribution to Independent Journalism Related News Has India Really Become the World's Fourth-Largest Economy? Is RBI's New Plan for Bad Loans Just Another Quick Fix? Organisation of Indian Origin People in the US Objects to Proposed Tax on Immigrants' Remittance India's Net Foreign Direct Investment Plummets by 96.5% to Reach Record Low Sharp Rise in Loan Write-Offs This Fiscal 'Gujarat Samachar' Co-Owner Bahubali Shah's Arrest and Bail: Here's What Happened Why Kashmir Remains the Most Militarised Mirror of Postcolonial Failure Union Bank of India Under Scrutiny for Spending Rs 7.25 Crore Buying K.V. Subramanian's Book Missing Police in Pahalgam: Who is Responsible for this Biggest Breach of Public Security? About Us Contact Us Support Us © Copyright. All Rights Reserved.
