Latest news with #COVID-specific
Yahoo
30-04-2025
- Health
- Yahoo
Which Arm Gets Vaccinated Could Play a Role in Your Immune Response
The arm you offer up for vaccination could impact your immediate immune response. But here's the catch: scientists still aren't sure if it's better to give a secondary booster shot to the same arm or a different one. Currently, only a handful of studies have explored whether you should switch sides between a first and second jab, and the ones on COVID vaccines have produced mixed results. Following the 2020 outbreak of COVID-19, for instance, researchers in Germany found that giving multiple jabs to the same arm produced better immune responses two weeks later. Then, a follow-up study from researchers in the US found the exact opposite. According to that randomized trial, switching arms between shots resulted in a four-fold increase in COVID-specific antibodies four weeks after the second jab. Get ready for yet another contradictory finding. Researchers in Australia are weighing in on the debate, and their experiments on mice and humans agree with the same-arm study. The trial, led by Rama Dhenni from the Garvan Institute of Medical Research and Alexandra Carey Hoppé from the University of New South Wales (UNSW), involved 30 healthy participants who had not yet had COVID-19. All participants received two shots of the Pfizer vaccine, three weeks apart – 20 had both shots in the same arm, while 10 got the booster in the opposite arm to the first jab. Those in the same-arm group showed a boosted immune response in the week after their second shot, according to blood and lymph node analysis. "Those who received both doses in the same arm produced neutralizing antibodies against SARS-CoV-2 significantly faster – within the first week after the second dose," explains Carey-Hoppé. "These antibodies from the same arm group were also more effective against variants like Delta and Omicron," adds immunologist Mee Ling Munier from UNSW. Still, the apparent immune boost from a same-arm vaccination was ultimately short-lived. Four weeks after the booster, those who received a jab in the same arm showed similar antibody levels to those who received a jab in the opposite arm. This suggests that the strengthened immune response from same-arm vaccinations does not last longer than a month. "If you've had your COVID jabs in different arms, don't worry – our research shows that over time the difference in protection diminishes," says Munier. "But during a pandemic, those first weeks of protection could make an enormous difference at a population level." Further research is needed, but Munier suspects that this same-arm vaccine strategy could help achieve herd immunity faster. To explore why that might be, Munier and colleagues used mouse models. When mice were given a second vaccine to the same side of the body, it increased their immune response in that side's lymph nodes. Lymph nodes drain fluid from their respective sides of the body. When a vaccine is administered to one arm, it introduces the corresponding lymph node to a weakened pathogen (or its components). Immune cells called macrophages, which guard the entry point to the lymph nodes, handcuff these invaders and take them to unique players called memory B cells (Bmems). These long-lived cells memorize what the danger looks like for future reference, and they also enter a specialized factory within the lymph node to trigger the production of antibodies tailored to that specific invader. In mouse models, when a second vaccine was given to the same side of the body, the draining lymph node's sentinel macrophages were already primed to respond to that threat. This means they jumped to action faster, communicating with "large clusters of reactivated Bmems" to send 10 times as many Bmems into the antibody factory as the non-draining lymph node. Similar to the mouse data, when 18 of the human participants had their lymph nodes biopsied with a fine needle, the researchers found those who received a same-arm jab had increased percentages of Bmems in these antibody factories. While these results are intriguing and shed some much-needed light on how vaccines work to boost our immune systems, Dhenni and colleagues argue further research is needed to make any practical recommendations. The new findings may be more relevant to initial boosters given in quick succession, for instance, not necessarily seasonal vaccines that can be given months, if not years, apart, when immune responses on both sides of the body have time to balance out. "This is a fundamental discovery in how the immune system organizes itself to respond better to external threats – nature has come up with this brilliant system and we're just now beginning to understand it," says immunologist Tri Phan. The study was published in Cell. Brisk Walking Could Lower Your Risk of Heart Rhythm Abnormalities A Small Drop in Vaccinations Could Spread Measles to Millions, Study Warns This Severe Brain Disorder Is Common But Often Goes Undiagnosed
Yahoo
01-04-2025
- Health
- Yahoo
Wisconsin among states suing Trump administration over COVID-era funding cancellations by HHS
Wisconsin is one of nearly two dozen states suing President Donald Trump's administration over last week's cancellation of COVID-era grants that amount to more than $225 million in funding Wisconsin had expected to yet receive. The lawsuit, which was filed Tuesday in the U.S. District Court in Rhode Island, argues the grant cancellations were unlawful and arbitrary and asks the federal court to block the cancellation of billions of dollars in COVID-era funding for public health initiatives across the country. The funding, which was authorized by Congress as part of COVID-19 relief bills, has been used not only for COVID-specific purposes like vaccination and testing, but also for mental health services, addiction treatment, tracking other infectious diseases and more. Much of the funding was not set to end until 2026. In notices sent to state health departments last week, agencies within the U.S. Department of Health and Human Services said the grants were no longer necessary and were being terminated for cause. "The COVID-19 pandemic is over, and HHS will no longer waste billions of taxpayer dollars responding to a non-existent pandemic that Americans moved on from years ago,' the federal department said in a statement last week. The lawsuit says HHS terminated $11 billion in funding. Earlier reports said more than $12 billion in funding was cancelled, including $11.4 million in funding from the U.S. Centers for Disease Control and Prevention and $1 billion from Substance Abuse and Mental Health Services Administration, both of which are housed within HHS. The more than $225 million in funding that Wisconsin expects to lose as a result of the cancellations is a slightly higher total than the estimate given by state officials last week. More: Wisconsin to lose over $210 million in federal COVID-era grants, part of Trump cuts In a statement Tuesday, Gov. Tony Evers again called the cuts reckless and pointed to the use of the funds for purposes beyond the COVID-19 pandemic itself. 'These cuts will hurt Wisconsin's ability to combat fentanyl and the opioid epidemic, help folks in mental health crisis, and respond to future public health emergencies. I won't stand for it,' he said in the statement. The discontinued grants come in the wake of broad cost-cutting efforts by the Trump administration aimed at dismantling parts of the government and reducing its size, while also eliminating initiatives that don't align with the administration's views. Last week, HHS Secretary Robert F. Kennedy Jr. also announced plans to cut 10,000 employees at the federal agency, in addition to thousands of HHS workers who already agreed to Trump administration offers to leave voluntarily. The grant cancellations have already had ripple effects across Wisconsin. Mental Health America of Wisconsin announced that it would be forced to shut down Uplift Wisconsin, a mental health helpline, as a result of the cuts. The helpline is run by certified peer specialists who understand what it's like to face mental health or drug use challenges. It was awarded a grant to help pay part-time phone operators who manned the helpline for 12 hours every day. More: Another program for Wisconsinites with mental health challenges folds due to federal cuts Parachute House, a respite home for adults struggling with addiction, recovery or emotional stresses, also announced it would close as a result of the HHS cuts. The Southwest Suburban Health Department, which serves Greenfield, West Allis and West Milwaukee, reported that three of its grants were canceled, including one to improve vaccination rates in schools with relatively low vaccination rates. That grant, called a Routine Immunizations through Community Engagement grant, was awarded by the state using federal COVID-era supplements. The funds were meant to last through June. RICE grants were designed to improve vaccination rates not only for COVID-19 but other contagious diseases in underserved and hard-to-reach communities. Vaccination rates among school children have been falling since the pandemic, raising concerns about the possibility of outbreaks of measles and other vaccine-preventable diseases. Other cancelled grants include ones part of the Epidemiology and Laboratory Capacity program, which state officials used, in part, for data modernization and to improve public health labs. The state Department of Health Services had about $165 million in unspent funds from this program that it expects to lose if the cancellations stand, according to a declaration made by Deputy Secretary Debra Standridge shared in a press release Tuesday. The funding was not expected to end until July 2026. In her declaration, Standridge said the cancellation would force the Wisconsin State Lab of Hygiene to halt testing for certain illnesses and would likely cause slowdowns in local and state responses to public health threats. It could also result in loss of staff who work with a disease reporting system called PHAVR, or Public Health Analysis Visualization and Reporting, she wrote. Reporter Natalie Eilbert, of the Milwaukee Journal Sentinel staff, contributed to this report. This article originally appeared on Milwaukee Journal Sentinel: Wisconsin suing Trump administration over COVID-era funding cuts
Yahoo
08-02-2025
- Politics
- Yahoo
Opinion - Congress must prevent a mass-amnesty for COVID fraud
You were the victim of a crime over the past five years. We all were. And today, the person who committed that crime is about to get away with it. That's because this March, the five-year statute of limitations on COVID-era fraud prosecution is set to expire. Criminals are about to walk away with hundreds of billions of dollars, and Congress has just weeks to make a simple fix to demand accountability. Sen. James Lankford (R-Okla.) has introduced legislation to extend the statute of limitations on these crimes from five years to 10. This same extension was already passed in 2022 for fraud in two other COVID programs, and allowing this reform to cover unemployment fraud already has the support of prosecutors and senior Republicans. But if Congress fails to act, criminals will walk away with as much as $135 billion in government checks the recipients aren't eligible for. That's more than the entire budgets of 48 states, and twice the annual spending of the State Department. It's more money than Bank of America, Target or AT&T make in a year. State unemployment programs have long been a target of criminals, identity thieves and organized crime, due to antiquated systems, poor monitoring and, in many states, a lack of the most basic cross-checks and verification. In the teeth of the pandemic, my organization published a report exposing some of the worst unemployment fraud schemes. This includes using identity theft (or even just using the governor's name) to apply for unemployment, or applying in multiple states at the same time, or applying while incarcerated or employed elsewhere. Many states took action to fix the flaws in their programs, but a staggering amount of fraud has gone unpunished. More still needs to be done. And for COVID-specific unemployment fraud, the five-year statute of limitations is just weeks away. For many, the memories of frustration, uncertainty and job losses during COVID are all too vivid. In April 2020, 23 million Americans suddenly found themselves out of work, a fourfold increase from that February. Criminals knew that this swarm of unemployment applications would make fraud more difficult to detect, and the system would prioritize economic relief in the hands of impacted Americans over fraud detection and prosecution. And they were right. In the first three months of COVID, the volume of unemployment claims rose a stunning 15 times higher compared to the same time period in 2019. State agencies responsible for unemployment programs 'did not have the capacity or sufficient internal control environment to process claims timely without bypassing safeguards in place to prevent fraud,' according to dozens of after-the-fact audits and a report from the federal Pandemic Response Accountability Committee. While some people panicked, criminals cashed in. Of the total $135 billion, only $6.8 billion in improper unemployment payments have been recovered — just 5 percent. For every dollar of fraud committed during COVID, about a nickel has been recovered through enforcement. Across all COVID-era programs, an Associated Press report found that as much as $400 billion may have been lost to waste and fraud; some of the stories now coming to light are truly jaw-dropping. Criminals defrauded the Paycheck Protection Program for millions at a time, spent on luxury cars, watches and even a rare Pokémon card. Some even posted pictures online with stacks of ill-gotten cash. Soon, the statutes of limitation for these crimes will expire, and along with it, the opportunity to bring these culprits to justice. Yes, statutes of limitation exist for a reason. Memories fade, prosecutors' priorities change, and for some crimes, a sense of closure is helpful to move on. But over the last four years, the Department of Justice has been asleep at the wheel when it comes to prosecuting this kind of fraud, focusing its attention instead on targeting the left's political enemies, including President Trump, parents attending school board meetings, and Catholics doing nothing more than practicing their faith. But the American people have now elected Trump based on his promise for a return to affordability, common sense and law and order — a new golden age for America. Already, the president has created new cost-cutting initiatives, including the Department of Government Efficiency, spearheaded by Elon Musk, which is being replicated in Congress and in the states. And he has also nominated new, principled leaders to oversee agencies including the Justice Department and the Federal Bureau of Investigation, who have the knowledge, skill and courage to restore law and order. The only thing standing in the way of bringing unemployment fraudsters to justice is the five-year statute of limitations. Fortunately, there is an easy fix. Stewart Whitson is a U.S. Army veteran, former FBI supervisory special agent, and attorney working as the senior director of Federal Affairs for the Foundation for Government Accountability. Copyright 2025 Nexstar Media, Inc. All rights reserved. This material may not be published, broadcast, rewritten, or redistributed.
The Hill
08-02-2025
- Politics
- The Hill
Congress must prevent a mass-amnesty for COVID fraud
You were the victim of a crime over the past five years. We all were. And today, the person who committed that crime is about to get away with it. That's because this March, the five-year statute of limitations on COVID-era fraud prosecution is set to expire. Criminals are about to walk away with hundreds of billions of dollars, and Congress has just weeks to make a simple fix to demand accountability. Sen. James Lankford (R-Okla.) has introduced legislation to extend the statute of limitations on these crimes from five years to 10. This same extension was already passed in 2022 for fraud in two other COVID programs, and allowing this reform to cover unemployment fraud already has the support of prosecutors and senior Republicans. But if Congress fails to act, criminals will walk away with as much as $135 billion in government checks the recipients aren't eligible for. That's more than the entire budgets of 48 states, and twice the annual spending of the State Department. It's more money than Bank of America, Target or AT&T make in a year. State unemployment programs have long been a target of criminals, identity thieves and organized crime, due to antiquated systems, poor monitoring and, in many states, a lack of the most basic cross-checks and verification. In the teeth of the pandemic, my organization published a report exposing some of the worst unemployment fraud schemes. This includes using identity theft (or even just using the governor's name) to apply for unemployment, or applying in multiple states at the same time, or applying while incarcerated or employed elsewhere. Many states took action to fix the flaws in their programs, but a staggering amount of fraud has gone unpunished. More still needs to be done. And for COVID-specific unemployment fraud, the five-year statute of limitations is just weeks away. For many, the memories of frustration, uncertainty and job losses during COVID are all too vivid. In April 2020, 23 million Americans suddenly found themselves out of work, a fourfold increase from that February. Criminals knew that this swarm of unemployment applications would make fraud more difficult to detect, and the system would prioritize economic relief in the hands of impacted Americans over fraud detection and prosecution. And they were right. In the first three months of COVID, the volume of unemployment claims rose a stunning 15 times higher compared to the same time period in 2019. State agencies responsible for unemployment programs 'did not have the capacity or sufficient internal control environment to process claims timely without bypassing safeguards in place to prevent fraud,' according to dozens of after-the-fact audits and a report from the federal Pandemic Response Accountability Committee. While some people panicked, criminals cashed in. Of the total $135 billion, only $6.8 billion in improper unemployment payments have been recovered — just 5 percent. For every dollar of fraud committed during COVID, about a nickel has been recovered through enforcement. Across all COVID-era programs, an Associated Press report found that as much as $400 billion may have been lost to waste and fraud; some of the stories now coming to light are truly jaw-dropping. Criminals defrauded the Paycheck Protection Program for millions at a time, spent on luxury cars, watches and even a rare Pokémon card. Some even posted pictures online with stacks of ill-gotten cash. Soon, the statutes of limitation for these crimes will expire, and along with it, the opportunity to bring these culprits to justice. Yes, statutes of limitation exist for a reason. Memories fade, prosecutors' priorities change, and for some crimes, a sense of closure is helpful to move on. But over the last four years, the Department of Justice has been asleep at the wheel when it comes to prosecuting this kind of fraud, focusing its attention instead on targeting the left's political enemies, including President Trump, parents attending school board meetings, and Catholics doing nothing more than practicing their faith. But the American people have now elected Trump based on his promise for a return to affordability, common sense and law and order — a new golden age for America. Already, the president has created new cost-cutting initiatives, including the Department of Government Efficiency, spearheaded by Elon Musk, which is being replicated in Congress and in the states. And he has also nominated new, principled leaders to oversee agencies including the Justice Department and the Federal Bureau of Investigation, who have the knowledge, skill and courage to restore law and order. The only thing standing in the way of bringing unemployment fraudsters to justice is the five-year statute of limitations. Fortunately, there is an easy fix.
