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The Wire
6 hours ago
- Politics
- The Wire
A Look at the Left Govt in Kerala and the Times It Emboldened the Sangh
His fans call him the captain, his admirers value his no-nonsense approach and his detractors despise him as a 'dhoti clad Modi in disguise' . Notwithstanding the praises and admonitions, the importance of being Pinarayi Vijayan is obvious. He is the lone chief minister of the Left in India and the most important face of the Communist Party of India (Marxist). And now octogenarian Vijayan is vying for a third consecutive term after creating history of sorts, when his government was voted back to power in 2021. At a time when the Left in India is gasping for breath and the right juggernaut continues unabated, Left rule in Kerala has become all the more important not just for its sympathisers, but for all who seek an alternative to majoritarianism. Over nine years in power, how much of an alternative did Pinarayi Vijayan provide for the rest of the country to emulate? The earnest attempt to answer this would have to involve the age-old paradox of a Left government functioning under a neoliberal, majoritarian rule and the ideological ambiguities and complexities of the communist party working in a parliamentary democracy and the commitment of the political leadership. Ever since he joined active politics and became a member of the legislative assembly at the age of 25, Vijayan has been actively embroiled in the machinations of parliamentary power politics. Pragmatist to the core, Vijayan gave predominance to strategising for winning elections. Like former Chinese leader Deng Xiopeng, Vijayan did not bother about the 'colour of the cat as long as it catches mice'. Pragmatism, as a political tool, is often at odds with the ideologies of the organisations. Hence a pragmatist is at the risk of being labeled as 'revisionist' or 'opportunist' by the 'puritans' within and outside the organisation. The communist leaders who led the party in government have always had to walk a tightrope, balancing ideology and practical compulsions, necessitated by working under a practically centralised government. When the first communist government, led by E.M.S Nambodiripad invited G.D. Birla to invest in the state, offering him natural resources at throwaway prices, questions were raised from some quarters alleging 'ideological deviations' against the then CPI(M) government. The ideological dilemma of working under a capitalist system and pursuing a 'revolutionary programme' has been the hallmark of almost all Left governments. Vijayan has attempted to overcome this dilemma, first as the secretary of the CPI(M) and now as the chief minister. He jettisoned ideological pretensions and chose pragmatism as the guiding principle. Leaving aside ideological baggage and renouncing revolutionary rhetoric for all practical purposes, Vijayan led the party to imbibe the narrative on development accepted and propagated by all other mainstream political parties. This is visible by the development document he presented at CPI(M) state conference s and the slew of policy measures his government initiated, including welcoming foreign capital in the industry and education sectors. That he was able to push his party into accepting these big policy changes without any dissension points either to his strangulating hold over the party or the ideological void among the cadres. But, in the end, this 'policy shift' should be seen as a way out of the dilemma the party faced whenever it was elected to rule under an antagonising central government. This can be construed as the inability of the Left to have an alternative development policy for the state while working within a capitalist system. To pursue an alternative model in a structure where the states do not have much room is easier said than done, especially when the central government is out to destabilise fiscal federalism. Though Vijayan is praised even by political opponents for being 'non-dogmatic,' he is iron-willed in maintaining party organisation according to the 'Leninist principle of democratic centralism'. Adversaries allege that he uses this to sideline or neutralise those who are not in his good book . They maintain that by the selective use of this century-old organisational dictum, Vijayan impaired democratic culture by promoting those who show total servility. Vijayan's nine-year rule is significant in Kerala's history not because of how his dominance changed the CPI(M), but because his and the party's stand on various occasions, at least during the last nine years, has given credence to the majoritarian arguments on various issues. The handling of political dissidents and the knee-jerk reactions on various social and political issues by the government and the party have inadvertently or otherwise emboldened the Sangh parivar's ideological campaigns. The Sangh agenda Let us look at some instances when the Sangh agenda has reflected in Vijayan's actions 1. Maoist killing During the first five years in rule, seven Maoists were killed by the Kerala police. Civil society and human rights groups alleged that these ultra-leftists were gunned down in fake encounters. The CPI(M)-appointed fact-finding mission corroborated the stand taken by the human rights groups. But the government did not budge and no worthwhile actions were taken. Bharatiya Janata Party and the Sangh parivar defended the government. 2. Economic Reservation Vijayan-led Left Democratic Front was the first government to introduce upper-caste reservation camouflaged as economic reservations. This has strengthened the anti-caste reservation campaign often unleashed by Sangh parivar groups 3. Islamophobia The last Lok Sabha election saw BJP opening its account in Kerala and a sizeable increase in its vote share, especially among the Ezhava community , which has hitherto been the bedrock of the CPI(M). The political shift of a significant section of the Hindu voters, who had earlier put their faith in CPI(M), has raised alarm bells within the left circles. CPI(M) thought of overcoming this by intensifying political attacks against Muslim organisations, including the Muslim League, which is part of the Congress-led United Democratic Front (UDF), and Jamaat-e-Islami. At one point, the CPI(M) politburo member A. Vijayaraghavan alleged that Congress leaders Rahul and Priyanka Gandhi won elections from Wayanad with the support of Muslim fundamentalists. This statement was used by the BJP to target Congress. The continuous virulent attack against Muslim organisations created a political atmosphere conducive for the Sangh parivar to carry out their anti-Muslim campaign. 'The land of three internal enemies' The most severe attack against the Vijayan government came from the police. Even left sympathisers alleged that a section of the police officers are showing allegiance to Sangh parivar. Those who criticised the police policy got shot in the arm when reports of a secret meeting between ADGP Ajith Kumar and RSS leader Dattatreya Hosable and Ram Madhav came out. Though the secret meeting raised huge controversy, no action has been taken against the police officer. When Sree Narayana Darma Paripala (SNDP) Yogam General Secretary Vellappally Natesan spewed communal venom against the Muslim majority Malappuram district by describing it as a place where Muslim domination has pushed other Ezhava community to the sidelines, it invited huge condemnation. But chief minister Vijayan came to the rescue of the SNDP leader by praising him 'as a leader who does not take a stand against any particular community and also praised his social service. For RSS and the Sangh organisations, Kerala is a land where all three 'internal enemies' – the Muslims, the Christians and the Communists – as elucidated by RSS ideologue MS Golwalkar, have a significant presence. Hence, the RSS attached great importance to 'conquering' Kerala, as this would be construed as subjugating the 'internal enemies.' Notwithstanding the BJP's poor electoral performance, the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh is running more than 5.000 shakhas in Kerala – more than the number in Madhya Pradesh and Gujarat! Left parties, especially the CPI(M), were in the forefront in scuttling the pernicious methods employed by the Sangh in the state. Vijayan was vociferous and unrelenting in his fight against the Sangh parivar. But skeptics maintain that there is a marked change in his approach since he became chief minister. Over the last nine years, the RSS has been able to spread its tentacles widely, using, among other things, the politically lethargic attitude of the government. What effect will this lackadaisical approach of the Left have on Kerala polity? The 2026 Assembly election, in all probability, will tell. N.K. Bhoopesh is a journalist and columnist based in Kochi, Kerala.
Indian Express
14 hours ago
- Entertainment
- Indian Express
‘Cult of Pinarayi Vijayan': Row over documentary as CPI(M) draws Oppn fire over ‘hero worship'
At the helm of Kerala, currently the only Left-ruled state in the country, for nine years, Chief Minister Pinarayi Vijayan, who had earlier been the state CPI(M) secretary for 18 years, is now the subject of a documentary, 'Pinarayi the Legend', released ahead of the 2026 Assembly elections. The CPI(M)-backed Kerala Secretariat Employees Association (KSEA) has produced this documentary, which was released on May 28 in the state capital to mark the Vijayan-led LDF government's fourth anniversary in its second consecutive term. Tamil actor-politician Kamal Haasan launched the documentary in the presence of Vijayan and a slew of Left leaders. Speaking during the launch of the documentary, Vijayan said, 'I realise that the love you (KSEA) have shown me is your support and love towards the LDF. You have depicted that support considering me as its symbol.' Although the glorification of a personality is not in sync with the CPI(M)'s ideology and policies, the documentary has been released by the KSEA barely four months after it launched a ballad celebrating Vijayan. Penned by a government employee linked to the association, the song was sung by 100 women during the KSEA's golden jubilee building inauguration. The song, which was performed in the presence of Vijayan, compared the CM to a 'phoenix' and the 'general of an army'. Earlier, in 2022, during a CPI(M) district conference in Thiruvananthapuram, the party had arranged a mega thiruvathira, a traditional dance performed by women in the state, with hundreds of dancers performing to the tune of a song praising Vijayan. The song described Vijayan as 'karana bhuthan (the cause or person behind) the party shining across the world', and depicted him as the 'saviour' when severe flooding struck Kerala in 2018. However, despite the party facing criticism for promoting a personality cult, CPI(M) state committee member M V Jayarajan maintains that Vijayan's legacy is worthy of such celebrations. 'The documentary cannot be considered as worship of an individual. It is about the legendary life of Vijayan and the good things his government has done over the last nine years. The documentary might have celebrated the government's achievements and it has got a historical perspective also,' said Jayarajan. 'Vijayan, as a leader of the student movement, had been in the forefront of the fight for universal education. After he became the CM, he ensured infrastructure development in schools in Kerala, spending around Rs 5,000 crore. Nobody can deny his long legacy and days of torture during the emergency period,' Jayarajan added. Besides organising various cultural events on Vijayan's legacy, several CPI(M) leaders seemed to have conferred a cult status on the CM. Last year, CPI(M) state secretary M V Govindan had described Vijayan as the 'burning sun'. In April 2024, when Vijayan travelled abroad after polling ended in the Lok Sabha elections, senior party leader A K Balan countered allegations that the CM did not campaign for the INDIA bloc candidates outside Kerala by saying, 'Even God rested after six days of creating the universe, then why not Vijayan?' Vijayan's case notwithstanding, the CPI(M) has traditionally opposed hero worship. In 2009, when Vijayan was the state CPI(M) secretary, there was some unease in the party over the individual popularity of his party rival and then CM V S Achuthanandan. Known as a crowd-puller among the CPI(M) leaders, Achuthanandan created an impression that he had grown beyond the party, leading Vijayan to publicly say that 'outside the party, a leader is nothing'. Vijayan buttressed his point by citing lines from an Urdu anecdote, giving the example of a boy who tried to collect the roaring sea into a bucket. When the water in the bucket did not generate waves, Vijayan said, the child was told that the water attained its full strength only when it was in the sea. Similarly, Vijayan said, a leader gained support when he remained within the party. In 2018, when CPI(M) activists in Kannur released a video titled 'Crimson son of Kannur' on senior leader P Jayarajan, the CPI(M) had come out against it, saying that the personality cult will not be accepted. Jayarajan came under fire for allegedly glorifying himself and thus going against the party's practices. The principal Opposition Congress has now targeted the CPI(M) for centralising power for a single person in a departure from its previous practices. State Congress spokesperson Jyothikumar Chamakkala said, 'The LDF, CPI(M) and the party-led government have got centralised to a single person Vijayan… None in the CPI(M) is courageous enough to speak out against Vijayan turning into an autocrat and promoting hero worship culture… Decades back, it was the CPI(M) that stood for decentralisation of power in the state government.'
The Hindu
a day ago
- Politics
- The Hindu
Don't use religion to identify illegal migrants: CPI(M)
The government should deal with those who have entered the country illegally according to the well-laid-out procedures, the CPI(M) Polit Bureau said in a statement on Saturday (May 31, 2025) in New Delhi. The party said that in the aftermath of the terrorist attack in Pahalgam, the BJP-led State governments and the Central government are targeting particularly Bengali-speaking Muslims and have, without any verification, pushed them to Bangladesh. According to reports, it said, some genuine Indian citizens, too, were arrested and sent to Bangladesh. In some cases, even those whose appeals were still pending before the Assam High Court and the Supreme Court were forcibly pushed back. 'This should not be allowed,' CPI(M) said. Calling the decision to 'push back' the 'suspected Bangladeshi citizens' as 'inhuman', the CPI(M) urged the government not to use religion to identify illegal migrants. 'Those who have entered the country through illegal means should be allowed access to a fair trial. Poor and undocumented migrants, who enter the country without any mala fide intentions, should be treated with dignity and dealt with according to the laid out procedures,' the Polit Bureau statement said. The party also flagged the BJP-led Assam government's recently approved policy to give arms licences to 'indigenous people living in vulnerable and remote areas.' 'This is a dangerous decision with far-reaching ramifications. It is the duty of the government to maintain law and order and also prevent infiltration. Pushing them back and arming communally selected sections of the people are not the solutions,' the CPI (M) Polit Bureau said in its statement.
NDTV
2 days ago
- Politics
- NDTV
"Pakistan Is A Theocratic State": Indian Delegation In Indonesia
Jakarta: CPI(M) MP and member of the all-party delegation, John Brittas, while addressing the Indian diaspora in Jakarta on Friday, criticised Pakistan for choosing to become a theocratic state, stating that it was a nation formed in the name of religion who were triggered by hate. "Pakistan is a theocratic state... They chose to be a nation in the name of a religion, and they are triggered by hate. India decided on its path. Two hundred million Muslims are in India, the second-largest Muslim community after Indonesia. This reflects the real character of India..." Mr Brittas said. He emphasised that India is a secular democracy that celebrates pluralism and diversity, which represent the country's real culture. "I am from Kerala. The unique nature of this delegation is that out of five political parties, three are against the ruling party, but we are here together for a mission. This represents the real culture of India. That is how India is distinct from Pakistan. India is a secular democracy, plural and diverse. Terrorism sponsored by the state is something more dangerous than an insurgency or a terrorist activity triggered by a criminal gang," he further added. Mr Brittas went on to say that the presence of diverse political voices in the delegation itself was proof of India's democratic coexistence. "Asim Munir said something about how Hindus and Muslims are different. Can you ever vouch for that? And Salman Khurshid is here... We are all together. I am from Kerala... I am a Christian. In Kerala, we have three major religions. We coexist in harmony. That is the message of India. Pakistan has been asking for evidence. Khwaja Asif, the defence minister of Pakistan, in an interview, said that they have been indulging in this dirty job of nurturing and harbouring terrorist organisations for three decades..." he stated. He further stated that while India only wanted peace, Pakistan continued with the trajectory of sending terrorists. "We don't require any more evidence... It's for all of us to see who is nurturing and harbouring terrorism. India wants peace... The Indus Waters Treaty gave 80% of the water to Pakistan. We had been cooperative with them... Still, Pakistan continued with the trajectory of sending across terrorists. That's why India decided that enough is enough. We want peace, but it shouldn't be at the cost of our precious lives..." he added. Mr Brittas also touched on the role of the armed forces and the constant threat of terrorism, stressing the need for vigilance. "Gandhiji said that he is a follower of Ahimsa, but soldiers must fight the battle to protect India.. You would have seen a scene in India during Operation Sindoor. Sophiya Qureshi and Vomika Singh flanked Vikram Misri. That is the poster of India... If you think that terrorism is inflicting India alone, it can turn up on the doorstep of any country anytime...." he added. The delegation to Indonesia, Malaysia, the Republic of Korea, Japan, and Singapore is led by JD-U MP Sanjay Kumar Jha. It includes Aparajita Sarangi (BJP), Abhishek Banerjee (Trinamool Congress), Brij Lal (BJP), John Brittas (CPI-M), Pradan Baruah (BJP), Hemang Joshi (BJP), Salman Khurshid and Mohan Kumar.
Indian Express
2 days ago
- Politics
- Indian Express
All eyes on Kerala bypoll ahead of Assembly elections next year, CPM banks on M Swaraj
THE CPI(M)'s decision on Friday to field popular former student leader and party Secretariat member M Swaraj as the candidate for the forthcoming Nilambur Assembly bypoll has officially drawn the battlelines in the high-profile seat. The bypoll, which is slated for June 19, was necessitated after the resignation of sitting MLA P V Anvar in January. Anvar is a two-term Independent legislator who was backed by the CPI(M). He was once close to Chief Minister Pinarayi Vijayan, but their relationship is said to have soured in the last couple of years. Anvar went on to join the Trinamool Congress (TMC) after his resignation. While he has not announced his candidature yet, he has said the bypoll in Nilambur would be a fight against 'Pinarayism'. Alongside the high-stakes of this bypoll, the timing is crucial for the CPI(M) as it prepares for the Assembly elections in Kerala next year, in the face of anti-incumbency of two terms. The entry of Swaraj, a Nilambur native, means the CPI(M) is determined to put up a strong fight in the seat that it last contested in 2006. Announcing him as the party candidate, CPI(M) state secretary M V Govindan said, 'The party wanted Swaraj to lead this political fight and the party is going to make great strides in the constituency. This bypoll will reflect the gains the Left is going to make in the coming local body elections this year and the Assembly polls next year.' Swaraj has had a steep rise in the CPI(M). He started off with the Student Federation of India (SFI), the CPI(M)'s youth wing, and rose to become the state secretary of another party-linked student outfit, the Democratic Youth Federation of India. In the 2016 Assembly elections, he defeated Congress veteran K Babu in Tripunithura constituency. He, however, lost the 2021 elections from the same seat. The following year, he was inducted into the Secretariat. Nilambur, which is part of the Wayanad Lok Sabha seat, was a Congress bastion, with party veteran Aryadan Muhammed winning the seat continuously from 1987 to 2016, until Anvar entered the picture. An up and coming leader at the time, who was previously with the Congress, Anvar was supported by the CPI(M) in the 2016 polls. He ended up defeating Muhammed's son Aryadan Shoukath, who was contesting on the Congress ticket, by 11,500 votes. He retained the seat again in 2021 by a margin of 2,700 votes. For the coming bypoll, the Congress has again fielded Shoukath. Anvar initially demanded that the Congress-led United Democratic Front (UDF) give the Nilambur ticket to his TMC but was snubbed by the Congress. Anvar has threatened to field his own candidate to hamper the UDF's prospects, but has so far not done so. The BJP has not yet decided to contest from the seat, with party state president Rajeev Chandrasekhar saying the by-election 'was foisted upon the people', considering the Assembly elections are just a year away. The CPI(M) is hoping to reach out to the 45% Hindu vote in Nilambur, especially with the BJP out of the battle. About 43% of the population in Nilambur is Muslim, as per the 2011 Census.
