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Okeanis Eco Tankers Corp. – Key Information relating to Q2 2025 dividend
Okeanis Eco Tankers Corp. – Key Information relating to Q2 2025 dividend

Yahoo

time3 hours ago

  • Business
  • Yahoo

Okeanis Eco Tankers Corp. – Key Information relating to Q2 2025 dividend

ATHENS, Greece, Aug. 12, 2025 (GLOBE NEWSWIRE) -- Okeanis Eco Tankers Corp. ('OET' or the 'Company') (NYSE: ECO / OSE: OET) announced today that the Company's board of directors (the 'Board') has declared a dividend on its common shares (the 'Dividend'). Due to implementation of the Central Securities Depository Regulation ('CSDR') in Norway, shareholders who hold common shares registered in Euronext Securities Oslo, the central securities depository in Norway ('VPS') should please note the information on the payment date to the common shares registered in VPS below. The New York Stock Exchange ('NYSE') settles its trades on a T+1 basis, while the Oslo Stock Exchange ('OSE') settles its trades on a T+2 basis. As a result, there will be different ex-dividend dates between the two exchanges, as set out below. Key information relating to the Dividend: Dividend amount: USD 0.70 per common share. Declared currency: USD. Dividends payable to common shares registered in the Euronext VPS will be distributed in NOK. Date of Board approval: August 12, 2025. Last day including right OSE: August 20, 2025, the last date on which the Company's common shares trading on the OSE will include the entitlement to the Dividend. Last day including right NYSE: August 21, 2025, the last date on which the Company's common shares trading on the NYSE will include the entitlement to the Dividend. Ex-date OSE: August 21, 2025, the date on which the Company's common shares will begin trading on the OSE without the entitlement to the Dividend. Ex-date NYSE: August 22, 2025, the date on which the Company's common shares will begin trading on the NYSE without the entitlement to the Dividend. Record date OSE and NYSE: August 22, 2025 Payment date: September 5, 2025. Due to the implementation of CSDR in Norway, the Dividend payable on common shares that are registered in the Euronext VPS is expected to be distributed to Euronext VPS shareholders on or about September 10, 2025. The Company encourages you to contact your bank, broker, nominee or other institution if you have any questions regarding the mechanics and timing of having the Dividend attributable to your common shares credited to your account. Contacts Company:Iraklis Sbarounis, CFOTel: +30 210 480 4200ir@ Investor Relations / Media Contact:Nicolas Bornozis, PresidentCapital Link, Inc.230 Park Avenue, Suite 1540, New York, N.Y. 10169Tel: +1 (212) 661-7566okeanisecotankers@ About OET OET is a leading international tanker company providing seaborne transportation of crude oil and refined products. The Company was incorporated on April 30, 2018 under the laws of the Republic of the Marshall Islands and is listed on Oslo Stock Exchange under the symbol OET and the New York Stock Exchange under the symbol ECO. The sailing fleet consists of six modern scrubber-fitted Suezmax tankers and eight modern scrubber-fitted VLCC tankers. Forward-Looking Statements This communication contains 'forward-looking statements', including as defined under U.S. federal securities laws. Forward-looking statements provide the Company's current expectations or forecasts of future events. Forward-looking statements include statements about the Company's expectations, beliefs, plans, objectives, intentions, assumptions and other statements that are not historical facts or that are not present facts or conditions. Words or phrases such as 'anticipate,' 'believe,' 'continue,' 'estimate,' 'expect,' 'hope,' 'intend,' 'may,' 'ongoing,' 'plan,' 'potential,' 'predict,' 'project,' 'should,' 'will' or similar words or phrases, or the negatives of those words or phrases, may identify forward-looking statements, but the absence of these words does not necessarily mean that a statement is not forward-looking. Forward-looking statements are subject to known and unknown risks and uncertainties and are based on potentially inaccurate assumptions that could cause actual results to differ materially from those expected or implied by the forward-looking statements. The Company's actual results could differ materially from those anticipated in forward-looking statements for many reasons, including as described in the Company's filings with the U.S. Securities and Exchange Commission (the 'SEC'). Accordingly, you should not unduly rely on these forward-looking statements, which speak only as of the date of this communication. Factors that could cause actual results to differ materially include, but are not limited to, the Company's operating or financial results; the Company's liquidity, including its ability to service its indebtedness; competitive factors in the market in which the Company operates; shipping industry trends, including charter rates, vessel values and factors affecting vessel supply and demand; future, pending or recent acquisitions and dispositions, business strategy, areas of possible expansion or contraction, and expected capital spending or operating expenses; risks associated with operations; broader market impacts arising from war (or threatened war) or international hostilities; risks associated with pandemics, including effects on demand for oil and other products transported by tankers and the transportation thereof; and other factors listed from time to time in the Company's filings with the SEC. Except to the extent required by law, the Company expressly disclaims any obligations or undertaking to release publicly any updates or revisions to any forward-looking statements contained herein to reflect any change in the Company's expectations with respect thereto or any change in events, conditions, or circumstances on which any statement is based. You should, however, review the factors and risks the Company describes in the reports it files and furnishes from time to time with the SEC, which can be obtained free of charge on the SEC's website at This information is published in accordance with the requirements of the Continuing in retrieving data Sign in to access your portfolio Error in retrieving data Error in retrieving data Error in retrieving data Error in retrieving data

Trump's tariffs ‘risk pushing India towards China'
Trump's tariffs ‘risk pushing India towards China'

Times

time6 days ago

  • Business
  • Times

Trump's tariffs ‘risk pushing India towards China'

F or President Trump it was a risk. Further tariffs on India could nudge the world's most populous nation closer towards China and even push up the price of gas for the average American. But as his frustration grows over a failure to achieve a meaningful peace deal in Ukraine, it was a risk he thought was worth taking. On Wednesday Trump announced sweeping new tariffs against India. In addition to the 25 per cent levy due from Thursday, Trump announced a further 25 per cent that would take effect in 21 days — a punishment for India's refusal to stop importing Russian oil and gas. In India, analysts and politicians are reeling. 'This is the first time in independent India's history that a US president is asking for a public display of subordination', said Sidharth Raimedhi, a fellow at the Council for Strategic Defence Research (CSDR) in Delhi.

Trump's tariffs ‘risk pushing India towards Beijing'
Trump's tariffs ‘risk pushing India towards Beijing'

Times

time6 days ago

  • Business
  • Times

Trump's tariffs ‘risk pushing India towards Beijing'

For President Trump it was a risk. Further tariffs on India could nudge the world's most populous nation closer towards China and even push up the price of gas for the average American. But as his frustration grows over a failure to achieve a meaningful peace deal in Ukraine, it was a risk he thought was worth taking. On Wednesday Trump announced sweeping new tariffs against India. In addition to the 25 per cent levy due from Thursday, Trump announced a further 25 per cent that would take effect in 21 days — a punishment for India's refusal to stop importing Russian oil and gas. • Why India may grow old before it becomes rich In India, analysts and politicians are reeling. 'This is the first time in independent India's history that a US president is asking for a public display of subordination', said Sidharth Raimedhi, a fellow at the Council for Strategic Defence Research (CSDR) in Delhi. India's foreign ministry branded the move 'unfair, unjustified and unreasonable'. It said in a statement: 'It's extremely unfortunate that the US should choose to impose additional tariffs on India for actions that several other countries are also taking in their national interest.' Shashi Tharoor, an opposition MP, said Trump's additional 25 per cent tariffs showed a 'double standard'. This has 'not been a particularly friendly gesture', he told local media. 'They have given the Chinese a 90-day break — but the Chinese are importing far more Russian oil than we are.' For India, Trump's threat is galling. Until recently it had been encouraged to keep buying Russian oil to help keep the price of Brent crude stable. Janet Yellen, the US Treasury secretary under Joe Biden, said in November 2022 that the United States was 'happy' for India to continue buying as much Russian oil as it wanted. Geoffrey Pyatt, the assistant secretary of state, said in February last year: 'India has played a key role in efforts to stabilise global energy markets through its purchases of Russian crude.' The perceived hypocrisy is worsened by the fact that the US continues to import Russian uranium hexafluoride for its nuclear industry, palladium for its electric car industry, and various fertilisers and chemicals. India and the US — whose bilateral trade is worth more than $190 billion — have historically irreconcilable differences which hinders them at the negotiating table. 'India is unable to shed protectionism beyond a point,' said Ankit Tiwari, a research associate at the CSDR. Key issues which derail talks include India's resistance to opening up agricultural markets — the so-called 'third rail' of Indian politics. Closed-door trade talks in June are said to have broken down after five rounds despite technical agreements on most issues. Officials on both sides blamed mixed signals, bitterness and political misjudgment. India-US relations have been under greater strain since Trump claimed credit for mediation during the country's recent clashes with Pakistan. India tacitly refused to give Trump credit, while Pakistan publicly thanked Trump. India's position was that it negotiated directly with Pakistan. How Narendra Modi, the prime minister, responds now will be critical at home and abroad. The approach of Indian politicians is usually to appease Trump — an attitude that yields mixed results. 'India has been adopting a policy of appeasing the Trump team even before he took office,' said Raimedhi. 'There was a sense that India needed to get on the right side of Trump, and the only way to do that was to offer a trade deal. We did put all our eggs in that basket. 'India was conceding on things in an unprecedented manner — agreeing to import more American cars, for instance. So there's nothing to blame India for on that front. It appears it's more political. It's a psychological thing. 'If you show eagerness and weakness, Trump will try and take everything he can get.' Yet over the past few days the winds appear to have changed. Members of Modi's party, the BJP, came out openly criticising Trump, who has been increasingly ridiculed on Indian right-wing social media platforms. In terms of next moves, the Indian government 'will be split', said Raimedhi. Tiwari added: 'The Indian government's response will depend on whether it assesses the trade deal as a failure of appeasement and decides on a course correction, meaning giving more optical wins to Trump, or decides Trump's demands are unreasonable and adopts a harder negotiation posture in the next round of talks.' Monish Tourangbam, senior research consultant at the Chintan Research Foundation in Delhi, said the negotiations 'will play out on two levels'. For one, there is the 'usual bureaucratic business of negotiation'. Further trade talks are scheduled for August 25. But negotiations will also have a public face. 'The bilateralness of it, and the public, acerbic comments — these are something India will have to deal with on a domestic level. We might just have to wait out the Trump storm, like any other country.' In the case that negotiations failed, the risk is that the world's largest democracy might nudge closer towards Russia and China. 'I don't know if it's likely, but its definitely a possibility,' said Raimedhi. Talks have already begun between the usually hostile neighbours. Modi is expected to visit China this month for the Shanghai Cooperation Organisation summit, his first trip to the country since the Galwan clash in 2020. He will be joined by Xi Jinping and Vladimir Putin, among others. The summit is set to begin on August 31. Nonetheless, much of this may be Delhi posturing. 'There is going to be a lot of sound and fury about shifts in geopolitical orientations — the West being unreliable; India moving towards the Global South. But the broader structural reasons India moved towards the West, if you look at all the institutional linkages — the political circus playing out is not enough to shift the structural changes we've seen over the last decades,' said Tourangbam. 'There may be a lot of bargaining chips, but I don't see a substantial shifting on the ground.' He described a substantial shift towards China as 'far-fetched'. The Indian government is said to have asked ministers to see what more may be offered to the US before negotiations at the end of the month. Analysts say that Indian oil refineries may have already started to reduce Russian oil purchases. Meanwhile, India could also commit itself to more defence purchases from the US as hope remains for a diplomatic resolution.

How Gulf ties became key focus of India's foreign policy over past decade
How Gulf ties became key focus of India's foreign policy over past decade

Arab News

time09-06-2025

  • Business
  • Arab News

How Gulf ties became key focus of India's foreign policy over past decade

Ties with Gulf countries have become a key focus of India's foreign policy over the past 10 years, the latest report by the Council for Strategic and Defence Research shows, highlighting New Delhi's special focus on Saudi Arabia and the UAE. Headquartered in the Indian capital, the CSDR is a think tank specializing in research on geopolitics, foreign policy, and military strategy. Its report published last month, 'From Trees to Forests: The Evolution of India-Middle East Ties post 2014,' highlights India's investment in bilateral relations with Gulf Cooperation Council countries, which are independent of larger global frameworks. The effort to strengthen the connection started before Prime Minister Narendra Modi took office in 2014, but it has gained momentum with his frequent visits to the six-member bloc comprising Saudi Arabia, the UAE, Qatar, Kuwait, Bahrain and Oman. 'In the last 10 years, India has substantiated this effort by filling crucial gaps in political, economic, and military contact with key states, with a special focus on Saudi Arabia and the UAE,' Bashir Ali Abbas, senior research associate at CSDR and the report's author, told Arab News. 'In the last 10 years, the Middle East has also emerged as a strategic space for India, with new defense relationships, and economic visions which also fit with the Gulf's own focus on economic diversification.' While India's relations with the Gulf region span centuries, it currently has the largest concentration of the Indian diaspora — about 9.7 million people. 'And India's top oil suppliers at any point in time inevitably are at least three Gulf states. This alone necessitates that India pay close attention to the region,' Abbas said. 'In India, policy makers and official decision-making institutions have updated their understanding of the region, but more importantly its changing nature. This evolved understanding has enabled the rise of new strategic partnerships, and PM Narendra Modi is the only Indian PM to have officially visited all six states of the Gulf Cooperation Council.' By 2018, the GCC became India's largest regional trading bloc, with an annual trade value of $104 billion in FY2017-2018. The volume that year surpassed India-ASEAN trade of $81 billion, and India-EU trade — $102 billion. Currently, it is even higher, with the Indian government estimating it at $162 billion in FY2023-24. In 2019, India became only the fourth state to establish a Strategic Partnership Council with Saudi Arabia, following Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman's visit to New Delhi. During the Kingdom's presidency of the Group of 20 largest economies in 2020, the two countries started to forge partnerships and bilateral programs that saw further development as India took the G20 presidency in 2023. Over the past four years, the countries have since also engaged in a series of bilateral navy, air force and army exercises. 'Today, India sees Saudi Arabia as a strategic partner, with political and economic ties robust enough to also substantial cooperation in defense and security,' Abbas said. 'Given both India's own Viksit Bharat 2047 development vision and (the crown prince's) Vision 2030, India and Saudi Arabia are now driven by shared economic and strategic goals.' With the UAE, India signed a Comprehensive Economic Partnership Agreement in 2022, following which their bilateral trade grew to $85 billion in just over a year. The number of multi-sectoral memoranda of understanding between Indian and Emirati public and private entities has since reached over 80, according to the CSDR report. 'India also sought to reframe other bilateral relationships where fresh opportunities had arisen,' it said, adding that New Delhi was 'closing the Gulf circle,' with strategic partnerships signed with Kuwait during Modi's visit in 2024, and with Qatar during Sheikh Tamim bin Hamad Al-Thani's state trip to New Delhi in early 2025. The relations 'will certainly see a positive trajectory in the near and distant future — especially if it is backed up by greater avenues of intellectual contact,' Abbas said. 'Greater intellectual contact and an evolved popular understanding will enhance the strategic relationships between India and its Arab partners, through the injection of more ideas, perspectives, and actors who can work as champions for closer ties.'

Key information relating to the cash dividend to be paid by Golar LNG Limited (Ticker: GLNG)
Key information relating to the cash dividend to be paid by Golar LNG Limited (Ticker: GLNG)

Yahoo

time27-05-2025

  • Business
  • Yahoo

Key information relating to the cash dividend to be paid by Golar LNG Limited (Ticker: GLNG)

Reference is made to the first quarter 2025 report released on May 27, 2025. Golar LNG Limited ('Golar'), NASDAQ ticker: GLNG, has declared a total dividend of $0.25 per share to be paid on or around June 10, 2025. The record date will be June 3, 2025. Due to the implementation of the Central Securities Depository Regulation ('CSDR'), please note the information below on the payment date for the small number of Golar shares registered in Norway's central securities depository ('VPS'): Dividend amount: $0.25 per share Declared currency: USD. Dividends payable to shares registered in the VPS will be distributed in NOK Last day including right: May 30, 2025 Ex-date: June 2, 2025 Record date: June 3, 2025 Payment date: On or about June 10, 2025. Due to the implementation of CSDR in Norway, dividends payable to shares registered in the VPS will be distributed on or about June 12, 2025. Golar LNG LimitedHamilton, BermudaMay 27, 2025 This information is subject to the disclosure requirements pursuant to Section 5-12 the Norwegian Securities Trading ActError in retrieving data Sign in to access your portfolio Error in retrieving data Error in retrieving data Error in retrieving data Error in retrieving data

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