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News18
12-05-2025
- Business
- News18
How Pakistan-Turkey Nexus Is A Big Trouble For India, How Much Involved Was Ankara In The Conflict
Last Updated: Pakistan ordered 30 Turkish T129 ATAK helicopters in 2018 for $1.5 billion, to upgrade its attack helicopter fleet. The deal has been stalled due to US export licence issues Days after the Pahalgam terror attack when India and Pakistan locked horns, reports surfaced claiming that several Turkish C-130 Hercules transport aircraft landed in Pakistan carrying weapons, sparking speculation that the ally provided last-minute arms delivery to Islamabad. The Turkish government, however, refuted the claims. As per the Indian government's statement, 'A cargo plane from Turkiye landed in Pakistan for refuelling. It then continued on its route. Speculative news made outside of statements of authorised persons and institutions should not be relied upon." Who Was Helping Pakistan During Conflict? It appears Turkey is actively helping Pakistan in combat against India. The Indian government said on Friday on the night of May 7 and 8, the Pakistani army fired Turkey's SONGAR drones at 36 locations in India. Reports suggest that a Turkish naval warship, TCG BÜYÜKADA, arrived at Karachi port last Sunday, just days after a Turkish Air Force C-130 aircraft landed in the city. Turkish authorities described the visit as a usual port visit after a similar visit to Oman, but the timing was suspicious. Under President Recep Tayyip Erdogan's leadership, Turkey-Pakistan ties have transformed into structured military cooperation, encompassing defence production, training, joint operations, and strategic alignment. Turkey and Pakistan increasingly see themselves as part of a broader Islamic geopolitical bloc, often positioning themselves in contrast to traditional Middle Eastern power centres like Saudi Arabia and the UAE, or regional rivals such as India and Greece. Erdogan's ambition to lead the Muslim ummah aligns well with Pakistan's long-standing desire for leadership in the Islamic world. One of the most visible areas of growth has been in defence industrial collaboration, with Turkey emerging as a key defence supplier for Pakistan. In 2018, Pakistan signed a major deal with Turkish state-owned defence contractor ASFAT for four MILGEM-class stealth corvettes, part of Turkey's flagship indigenous naval programme. The deal was valued at around $1.5 billion and includes technology transfer, with two corvettes being built in Pakistan's Karachi Shipyard. Pakistan ordered 30 Turkish T129 ATAK helicopters in 2018 for $1.5 billion, to upgrade its attack helicopter fleet. The deal has been stalled due to US export licence issues, as the engines used are American-made. However, both Turkey and Pakistan continue to explore workarounds, including engine replacement or indigenous development. Why Is Turkey Interested In Pakistan? During the Cold War, Turkey and Pakistan were together in groupings such as the Central Treaty Organization (CENTO) and the Regional Cooperation Development (RCD). The two countries have mostly supported each other during times of crisis. Since 2003, when he became Prime Minister, Erdogan has visited Pakistan at least 10 times. His most recent visit came in February this year when Erdogan, now the President, co-chaired the 7th Session of the Pakistan-Türkiye High-Level Strategic Cooperation Council. Turkey's interest in the Indian Ocean Region (IOR) has increased of late. In 2017, Ankara set up its largest overseas base in Somalia amid growing economic and military cooperation with Mogadishu. In 2024, Turkey sold its Baykar TB2 drones to Maldives. Since 2000, the Turkish Navy has held numerous joint exercises with the Pakistan Navy, the second largest in the IOR. By contrast, it has hardly had any exercises with the Indian Navy. What Are Pakistan's Interest In Turkey? Turkey has consistently supported Pakistan on Kashmir. In February, Erdogan asserted that Turkey 'as in the past, stands in solidarity with our Kashmiri brothers today". India called out Turkey, and lodged a protest against Turkish Ambassador in New Delhi. But Pakistan has benefited most from Turkey in the defence sector. As per SIPRI data, Turkish arms exports (globally) surged by 103% between 2015-2019 and 2020-2024. By 2020, Turkey had become Pakistan's second largest arms supplier (after China), according to the London-based International Institute for Strategic Studies. Pakistan's recent acquisitions include Bayraktar drones and Kemankes cruise missiles. The Asisguard Songar is its latest acquisition, as per The Indian Express. In 2018, Turkey's STM Defence Technologies struck a $1 billion deal for four corvettes of a new class for the Pakistan Navy. What Is India's Concern? India has adjusted its own geopolitical partnerships to counter the Pakistan-Turkey nexus. In Eastern Europe, India has consistently supported and engaged the Greece-backed Republic of Cyprus. This is contrary to the Turkish and Pakistani positions, which support the internationally unrecognised Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus. Greece has reciprocated with support for India's position on Kashmir. In the South Caucasus, India has emerged as one of the strongest military backers of Armenia, which is locked in a territorial conflict with Azerbaijan over Nagorno-Karabakh. In an exceptional occurrence, India emerged as the largest arms supplier to Armenia by late 2024, surpassing even Russia, as per an Indian Express report. First Published:
Indian Express
10-05-2025
- Politics
- Indian Express
Expert Explains: The Pakistan-Turkey nexus and where India stands
ON Thursday-Friday night, India repulsed a massive Pakistani drone attack on military and civilian infrastructure at 36 locations along its western border. The 300-plus Pak drones likely came from Turkey. 'A forensic examination of the drone debris is currently underway. Preliminary reports indicate that the drones are Turkish-made Asisguard Songar models,' Col Sofiya Qureshi and Wg Cdr Vyomika Singh said in a press briefing on Thursday evening. A Turkish Ada class anti-submarine corvette docked at Karachi port on May 2, and a Turkish C-130 Hercules military transport aircraft, possibly carrying an arms shipment, landed at Karachi airport on April 27. Turkey has claimed that these stops were routine, and that the Hercules was not carrying arms. But Turkey maintains an extensive partnership with Pakistan that is in stark contrast to its antagonistic expressions towards India, both rhetorically and substantially. Turkey was the only Pakistani ally in West Asia to explicitly condemn Operation Sindoor. Other Gulf countries have not only refrained from backing Pakistan, but have also shown greater sensitivity to India's position on Kashmir. India today boasts strong ties with Saudi Arabia and the UAE, countries that have historically been close to Pakistan. Why is Turkey different? What are Turkey's interests in Pakistan? Their shared Islamic identity has long provided the underpinnings for a strong partnership between Turkey and Pakistan. During the Cold War, Turkey and Pakistan were together in groupings such as the Central Treaty Organization (CENTO) and the Regional Cooperation Development (RCD). The two countries have almost always supported each other during times of crisis. For instance, Pakistan has consistently backed Turkey's claims against Greece in Cyprus. Pakistani leaders committed to militarily assisting Ankara in the Cyprus crises of both 1964 and 1971. In 1983, Pakistan's military dictator General Zia-ul-Haq famously declared that his country would be the first to recognise Turkish Cyprus if it declared independence. Following the turn of the millennium, and the rise of Recep Tayyip Erdogan and his political Islamism, the ideological bond between Islamabad and Ankara has only intensified. Since 2003, when he became Prime Minister, Erdogan has visited Pakistan at least 10 times. His most recent visit came in February this year when Erdogan, now the President, co-chaired the 7th Session of the Pakistan-Türkiye High-Level Strategic Cooperation Council. Geopolitically, Turkey (with Qatar) is locked in competition with its Gulf Arab rivals, led by Saudi Arabia and the UAE. To curb Saudi-Emirati influence, Ankara has looked for alternative architectures of cooperation with non-Gulf Muslim states such as Pakistan and Malaysia. Take for instance the 2019 Kuala Lumpur Summit. Set up by Pakistan, Turkey, Qatar, Malaysia, and Indonesia, the summit was ostensibly meant to bring together prominent Muslim intellectuals and discuss the 'Role of Development in Achieving National Security'. However, it was widely perceived as a challenge to Saudi leadership of the Muslim world. When Riyadh ultimately prevailed upon then Pakistan PM Imran Khan to not attend the summit, Erdogan accused Saudi of threatening Pakistan with sanctions. Turkey's focus on the Indian Ocean Region (IOR) has grown of late. In 2017, Ankara set up its largest overseas base in Somalia amid growing economic and military cooperation with Mogadishu. In 2024, Turkey sold its Baykar TB2 drones to Maldives. Since 2000, the Turkish Navy has held numerous joint exercises with the Pakistan Navy, the second largest in the IOR. By contrast, it has hardly had any exercises with the Indian Navy. What are Pakistan's interests in Turkey? Pakistan has benefited from Turkey's consistent and strongly expressed support on Kashmir. In February, Erdogan asserted that Turkey 'as in the past, stands in solidarity with our Kashmiri brothers today'. India deemed these comments 'unacceptable', and lodged a protest with the Turkish Ambassador in New Delhi. During the ongoing crisis, Pakistani legislators on Friday recognised Turkey, China, and Azerbaijan as the three principal states that had expressed full support for Islamabad. But it is in the defence sector that Pakistan has benefited the most from its partnership with Turkey, which in recent years has emerged as a major arms exporter. As per SIPRI data, Turkish arms exports (globally) surged by 103% between 2015-2019 and 2020–2024. By 2020, Turkey had become Pakistan's second largest arms supplier (after China), according to the London-based International Institute for Strategic Studies. Established as the Military Consultative Group in 1988, Ankara and Islamabad have a time-tested framework for defence cooperation. Recent Pakistani acquisitions include Bayraktar drones and Kemankes cruise missiles, of which Pakistan was one of the first buyers. The Asisguard Songar is its latest, albeit previously unreported, acquisition. In keeping with Ankara's Indian Ocean focus, Turkey has played a pivotal role in Pakistan's naval modernisation efforts. In 2018, Turkey's STM Defence Technologies struck a $1 billion deal for four corvettes of a new class for the Pakistan Navy. More importantly, Turkey's STM — not France's DCNS, the original equipment manufacturer — is conducting mid-life upgrades on Pakistan's Agosta 90B submarines. This is reminiscent of Turkey's Golcuk Naval Shipyard providing refits and upgrades to the PNS Ghazi (an American Tench-class submarine) after US sanctions after the 1965 war hindered it from sourcing American spare parts. What has the Turkey-Pakistan relationship meant for India? For India, Turkey's support to Pakistan on the Kashmir question has been an old irritant. 'Don't make your friendships at India's expense,' then External Affairs Minister Salman Khurshid had said in reference to Turkey in a 2013 interview. That said, India has adjusted its own geopolitical partnerships to counter the Pakistan-Turkey nexus. First, in Eastern Europe, India has consistently supported and engaged the Greece-backed Republic of Cyprus. This is contrary to the Turkish and Pakistani positions, which back the internationally unrecognised Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus. Greece has reciprocated with support for India's position on Kashmir. Second, in the South Caucasus, India has emerged as one of the strongest military backers of Armenia — which is locked in a territorial conflict with Azerbaijan over Nagorno-Karabakh. In an exceptional occurrence, India emerged as the largest arms supplier to Armenia by late 2024, surpassing even Russia. Pakistan, which does not recognise the Armenian genocide by the Ottoman Empire in 1915, presumably out of concern for Turkish sensitivities, is aligned with Turkey-backed Azerbaijan. In late 2024, Pakistan signed a $1.6 billion deal to supply Azerbaijan with JF-17 Thunder Block III fighter jets. Pakistan, Turkey, and Azerbaijan held their first trilateral summit in July 2024. More broadly, both Pakistan and Turkey are misaligned with India vis-à-vis recent strategic shifts in global geopolitics. Islamabad has evidently suffered from the US shifting from its Afghanistan-focused partnership with Pakistan to a robust Indo-Pacific-focused partnership with India. For perspective, Pakistan did not feature even once in the United States' official 2022 Indo-Pacific Strategy. India featured at least five times. On the other hand, the planned India-Middle East-Europe Economic Corridor bypasses Turkey, which has historically seen itself as the bridge between Asia and Europe. The IMEC has drawn explicit criticism from Erdogan, and strengthened Turkey's attempts to establish its own Asia-Europe corridor (the so-called 'Iraq Development Road'). Turkey today is a strong and entrenched part of Pakistan's international alliance that works to India's detriment, second only to China. That India's humanitarian assistance to Turkey after the devastating earthquake of 2023 did not substantially affect Ankara's outlook towards New Delhi is testament to the strength of the Pakistan factor in India-Turkey relations. Bashir Ali Abbas is a Senior Research Associate at the Council for Strategic and Defense Research, New Delhi
Asharq Al-Awsat
18-02-2025
- Politics
- Asharq Al-Awsat
Middlemen Are Trump's ‘Alternative' for Statesmen
US President Donald Trump's engagements, as well as his statements to the media, have sparked concern in many corners of the world, including Western Europe, where most countries are NATO allies. This alliance had been established on the basis of a "military doctrine" to counter the Soviet Union, which Western nations saw as antithetical, ideologically and economically, to Western values, culture, and interests. A powerful communist rival that sought to expand its influence and export its model globally. NATO was one of three alliances that Washington formed to "contain" the communist threat posed by the Soviet Union and Communist China: NATO in Europe, the Baghdad Pact in the Middle East (which later became the Central Treaty Organization, CENTO), and the Southeast Asia Treaty Organization (SEATO). Over the years, and throughout most of the Cold War, the countries of these three regions, and others, were split between the "allies" of Washington and its "adversaries" who relied on Soviet and Chinese support. Even after the establishment of Israel, the collapse of the Soviet Union, and the emergence of a major nationalist state in its place, the Russian Federation, the historical alignments of the period broadly remained the same. In the Middle East, President Trump's recent positions, most notably his state intention to displace the people of Gaza to Jordan, Egypt, and other countries, have shocked many of Washington's allies and friends in the region. It is well known that the Democrats lost the last elections due to their cowardice and lack of scruple in the face of a fanatical, ideological, and religious Republican populist campaign, which was orchestrated by some of the staunchest supporters of "Greater Israel" behind the scenes: Sheldon Adelson and his family, Rupert Murdoch's vitriolic media empire, and the oligarchs of the new media... However, Donald Trump did not merely return to the White House; under his leadership, the Republicans also regained control of both houses of Congress, and he has built a conservative majority on the Supreme Court. As a result, Trump feels that the American people have given him an absolute mandate to do what he wants: even restructuring institutions, violating laws and norms, and dismantling the issues of broad foundations that underpin a sound democracy and ensure accountability and the peaceful transfer of power. That is the domestic scene, where the disoriented Democratic opposition seems to still be reeling from its defeat in November. Globally, things are no less alarming following the flood of Trump's unrestrained executive orders. The Arab world was shocked not only by the cruelty of Trump's proposal for Gaza, but also by his insistence on it, even after it was met with universal rejection from every actor concerned - with the exception, of course, of his Likudist partner and instigator. Several Arab countries are now taking action in the face of an increasingly worrisome situation that threatens an avalanche of regional complications. Washington's relations with the Arab world are part of a broader global pattern. Responsible figures from within the American institutions, particularly in defense and intelligence, have begun to sound the alarm, warning of the threats that the administration's new course poses to Washington's relationships and long-term strategic interests. Some Americans were stunned by Trump's unprovoked "antagonization" of their two neighbors, Canada to the north and Mexico to the south. This began with his stated desire to annex Canada and launch a new "economic war" against Mexico, after his presidency's opening act had been the "border wall." As we have seen and continue to see, economic warfare through tariffs has become a weapon from the past that Washington wields in the present against any leader or state that insists on independence. Equally shocking was Trump's unilateral insistence on acquiring Greenland, a vast island belonging to Denmark, despite the fact Denmark, both a trade partner and a NATO ally of the US, has categorically rejected the idea. He also turned his attention to Panama, making a claim to the Panama Canal, which connects the Atlantic and Pacific Oceans. At the same time, lawmakers in Congress, generals at the Pentagon, experts in research centers, and officials in military alliances (including NATO) have condemned several recent Trump appointments. One is Peter Hegseth, a right-wing commentator on Murdoch's Fox News who was appointed Secretary of Defense. Another is former Congresswoman Tulsi Gabbard, a defender of Russian President Vladimir Putin and former Syrian President Bashar al-Assad, who was appointed Director of National Intelligence! Adding to the "absurdity," US Vice President J.D. Vance made hostile remarks about the European Union last week. Meanwhile, the Trump administration, particularly through billionaire Elon Musk, has been openly supporting far-right parties in Europe, including the neo-Nazi Alternative for Germany (AfD) and the anti-immigrant Reform Party in Britain, antagonizing Washington's two most strategic allies in Europe. The European picture was made even more bleak as Trump and his administration reversed course on Ukraine. He stressed that he trusted Putin and that he wanted to make a deal, even if it meant forcing Ukraine to cede some of its territory to Russia. In Asia, Trump took a coercive and domineering posture when receiving his guest, India's hard right Prime Minister Narendra Modi, who is supposed to be among the closest allies of the US on the continent and whose role would be particularly relevant in the event of a major confrontation with China over trade or Taiwan. Modi was "forced" to agree to purchase more US oil (!), American-made cars, and advanced F-35 fighter jets (which New Delhi had not sought), along with modifications that would allow India to buy more US nuclear reactors. In light of the above, there can be no doubt Ishaq al-Mawsili was right: "Every era has its state and its men."
