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Politico
4 days ago
- Politics
- Politico
Space Race 2.0
With help from Connor O'Brien and Alex Nieves WELCOME TO POLITICO PRO SPACE. NASA interim administrator Sean Duffy made a splash this week with his first directives at the agency, including advancing plans for a nuclear reactor on the moon. What's your opinion of the new administrator? Should President Donald Trump just keep him in the post or continue the search for a permanent head? Email me at sskove@ with tips, pitches and feedback, and find me on X at @samuelskove. And remember, we're offering this newsletter for free over the next few weeks. After that, only POLITICO Pro subscribers will receive it. Read all about it. The Spotlight The Pentagon has poured millions of dollars into preparing for a threat from Beijing on land and at sea. But U.S. officials increasingly worry they're missing the chance to tackle another big risk: China in space. Rep. Brian Babin (R-Texas), chair of the committee that oversees NASA, warned this week that American astronauts might land on the moon and be greeted by a 'no trespassing' sign in Mandarin if the U.S. doesn't step up. Some of the rhetoric is akin to orbital debris. But the U.S. does face challenges from China in both military and commercial space. Beijing could weaponize satellites and other tools to prevent the U.S. from helping Taiwan — or anyone else — in a conflict. And if the Chinese government plants a flag on the moon, it could bar American access to lucrative new resources on the lunar surface. China ascendant: Beijing is second only to America in its vast array of space capabilities, according to Chinese space expert Blaine Curcio. And, in some cases, it now surpasses the U.S. For example, China in July attempted the first-ever satellite refueling in orbit. China is also figuring out how to knock out satellites that allow the U.S. to communicate in the Pacific, said Dean Cheng, a nonresident fellow at the Space Policy Institute. 'The Chinese have been very carefully and assiduously developing an array of military counter space options.' But the commercial use of many space tools makes it harder to figure out what's actually a threat. Chinese satellites that can move debris, for instance, may also be able to eviscerate an American satellite. 'China isn't big on transparency,' said Victoria Samson, a space expert at the Secure World Foundation, a space-focused think tank. Moon dance: China also has plans to land an astronaut on the moon by 2030 and set up a permanent base. Such a move would dent American prestige, as it would no longer be the only nation to land on the lunar surface. It would also allow Beijing to write the terms for potentially lucrative space exploration. 'We're in a race to the moon, in a race with China to the moon,' Duffy said Tuesday at a press conference. China already has shown it can pull off complex uncrewed lunar missions. Beijing recently used its Chang'e 6 to land a rover on the moon and return samples to Earth. The U.S. aims to return to the lunar surface in 2027, before China gets there. But the timeline has slipped before due to spacecraft issues, and it could happen again. Room for hope: Beijing has been less successful when it comes to the commercial sector, which the U.S. dominates. Think reusable rockets and low-earth satellite constellations such as Starlink. This is despite the Chinese government's effort to supercharge the growth of a commercial space sector through investments and other support, such as free land or factory space. But so far, there are more companies than space services. 'You have this absence of real demand,' Curcio said. 'And then you've also had all this government money coming in and creating oversupply in some situations.' The high number of companies may also dilute the ability of any single firm since they're competing for the same specialized engineering talent, he said. 'You're not going to really have a critical mass of highly talented rocket scientists working for any one company.' Galactic Government SpaceX vs. California: The fight between Elon Musk's SpaceX and the California agency tasked with protecting the state's coastline is back on. Space Force officials will stand in front of the California Coastal Commission next week with a plan to double the company's rocket launches from Vandenberg Space Force Base from 50 to 95 per year. And the agency staff is recommending commissioners reject it. 'The simple fact remains that it is a privately owned company engaged in activities primarily for its own commercial business,' staff said in a Friday report. 'It is not a public federal agency or conducting its launches on behalf of the federal government.' That argument mirrors commissioners' pushback in October when they rejected an increase from 36 to 50 launches. SpaceX sued the agency for bias after members cited Musk's politics. Space Force ultimately moved forward with the increase, citing federal preemption and national security considerations. SpaceX did not respond to a request for comment. Space Launch Delta 30 Commander Col. James T. Horne III, who oversees Vandenberg and Western operations, noted the military's 'unwavering commitment to preserving the California coastline' and said its partnership with SpaceX allows the agency to maintain 'its technological edge and strategic advantage over competitors.' Military SPACE FORCE GETS NEW NO. 2: The Space Force has a new no. 2 officer on the job. The Senate quietly approved Gen. Shawn Bratton for vice chief of space operations last week and promoted him to a four-star general before leaving town until September. He officially took over on July 31, the same day he was confirmed. Bratton succeeds Gen. Michael Guetlein, who was approved in July to oversee the nascent — and nebulous — Golden Dome missile defense shield. Bratton was most recently the Space Force's deputy chief for strategy, plans, programs and requirements. That made him a key player in the development of the recently released Space Warfighting Framework, the service's blueprint for how it would conduct war in space. He was also the first commander of the Space Training and Readiness Command, which leads training for the Space Force. He began his military career as an enlisted member of the Arizona Air National Guard. Bratton was part of a larger tranche of officers whose promotions were confirmed before the Senate recessed. The Reading Room At missile defense conference, the first rule of Golden Dome is don't talk about Golden Dome: Breaking Defense SpaceX signs deal to fly Italian experiments to Mars on Starship's 1st commercial Red Planet flights: New report details Trump DoD's space spending spree: Payload NASA's new chief has radically rewritten the rules for private space stations: Ars Technica Firefly Aerospace Surges 45% After Upsized $868 Million IPO: Bloomberg Duffy to announce nuclear reactor on the moon: POLITICO Event Horizon SUNDAY: The 39th Annual Small Satellite Conference begins. Photo of the Week
Yahoo
16-07-2025
- Science
- Yahoo
Why is the moon's far side so weird? China's lunar sample-return mission may have figured it out
When you buy through links on our articles, Future and its syndication partners may earn a commission. The origin of the strange differences between the near and far sides of the moon are a step closer to being solved, thanks to new findings from China's Chang'e 6 mission that returned samples from the South Pole-Aitken (SPA) basin. The near side of the moon is familiar to us as the only side that we can see from Earth. Dark regions called maria are vast lava plains filling lowland impact basins, and give us the pattern of the "man in the moon." Yet the far side of the moon, which can only be seen by orbiting spacecraft, has barely any maria and is covered by craggy, cratered and ancient highlands. That's not the only difference between the two hemispheres; the thickness of the moon's crust is thinner on the near side, volcanic activity appears to have occurred at different points in time, and the mantle beneath the far side seems heavily depleted in certain elements compared to the near side. However, while we have many samples from the lunar near side, particularly those brought back to Earth by the Apollo missions, the Soviet Luna missions and China's own Chang'e 5, we had nothing from the far side with which to test theories. Then, in June 2024, China's Chang'e 6 mission landed in the SPA basin and brought back samples totaling 1,935.3 grams (68.27 ounces). The SPA basin is the largest impact site on the moon, spanning 2,500 kilometers (1,600 miles) and extends from the lunar south pole and onto the far side of the moon. It's also the oldest known impact feature on the moon, with an age of 4.25 billion years. What impact — pardon the pun — could the sheer violence of the SPA basin's formation have had on lunar geology and the thermal evolution of the moon's interior? Could it have caused the dichotomy between the moon's two hemispheres? Chang'e 6's samples are the first from the lunar far side, and have offered a unique opportunity to test models that could potentially explain the difference between the moon's two hemispheres. Consequently, following analysis of the samples, researchers led by a team from the Chinese Academy of Sciences have announced four major discoveries. The first is that the samples contain volcanic rocks called basalts that date to prolonged volcanic outbursts on the lunar far side in two distinct phases, one around 4.2 billion years ago and another 2.8 billion years ago. "We propose that the 4.2-billion-year-old basalt was associated with the formation of the SPA basin because it is a high-aluminum basalt, requiring the incorporation of crustal plagioclase into its source," Wei Yang, a professor at the Institute of Geology and Geophysics at the Chinese Academy of Sciences, told in an email interview. Meanwhile, "the 2.8-billion-year-old basalts originated from the deep mantle, the product of the early stage crystallization of the lunar magma ocean." The evolution of this lunar magma ocean that formed the moon's mantle is central to the next discovery, which is that geochemical analysis of the basalt samples points to a source in the lunar mantle deep below ground that is heavily depleted in particular elements such as thorium. It is unknown whether this depleted mantle is found only beneath the SPA basin, or whether it is more extensive across the moon. "To be honest, we don't know," said Yang. One possibility is that the moon has had this depleted mantle since birth, in which case both the near and far sides should share this composition. The other possibility is that it was produced after the lunar magma ocean formed and began to crystallize. "Personally, I am more inclined to believe the latter, given that such a massive impact has the potential to affect the mantle down to a depth of 250 kilometers [155 miles]," said Yang. "If it is only present in the SPA basin, then it must have formed as a result of the SPA impact. To figure this out, we need to collect more samples from the moon's far side, particularly from areas outside the SPA." The third discovery is of something we wouldn't expect to find on the moon: water. However, we are talking parts-per-million here — the Apollo samples were considered "bone dry," and the far side mantle seems to be even drier than that. "The water content of this mantle is lower than those of the mantle sources of all the basalts from the near side," said Yang. The final discovery relates to the moon's magnetic field. Earth's natural satellite currently doesn't have a global magnetic field, and traces of magnetism remain only in a handful of anomalous patches called lunar swirls. However, in the distant past it did have a global magnetic field. The Chang'e 6 samples retain a record of it, and show that the magnetic field, after decaying for a time, rebounded in strength about 2.8 billion years ago. This indicates that the moon's internal dynamo fluctuated, possibly episodically, rather than just experiencing a slow but gradual decline. Related Stories: — Why is the far side of the moon so weird? Scientists may have solved a lunar mystery — The far side of the moon was once a vast magma ocean, Chinese lunar lander confirms — China returns samples from the moon's far side in historic 1st (video) The timing coincides with the second phase of volcanism on the far-side. "The magnetic field rebounded 2.8 billion years ago, which suggests that the interior of the moon still contained a lot of energy," said Yang. "Perhaps convection and the upward flow of hot material existed in the lunar mantle at that time." Not only could this upward flow have triggered volcanic eruptions, it could have been enough to vaporize much of the water in the mantle, drying it out. If the creation of the SPA basin is the cause of much of this, then it has repercussions that go far beyond the moon. Other giant impact features are seen on other bodies, particularly on Mercury and Mars. We may have underestimated the role that these giant impacts played on the evolution of the planets' interiors. The Chang'e 6 results were presented in four papers (1, 2, 3, 4) that were published recently in the journal Nature.
South China Morning Post
09-07-2025
- Science
- South China Morning Post
China's Chang'e-6 findings reveal asteroid strike may have altered moon's far-side mantle
China's Chang'e-6 lunar mission has yielded groundbreaking findings about the moon's hidden history, revealing evidence that a colossal asteroid strike more than 4 billion years ago could have fundamentally altered the deep interior of its far side. The research was published as four open-access papers on Wednesday in Nature, one of the world's oldest and most prestigious scientific journals with headquarters in London. While these papers are available to all readers regardless of subscriber status, Chinese teams are reporting a wave of scientific findings from the country's lunar programme that American government scientists may be locked out of because of a US decision to cancel subscriptions to Nature and other Springer Nature journals. 01:57 China's Chang'e-6 mission returns to Earth with first samples from moon's far side China's Chang'e-6 mission returns to Earth with first samples from moon's far side Officials cited budget concerns and dismissed the journals as 'junk science', which could hinder government scientists – including key Nasa researchers – from having access to major discoveries. The new analysis of the returned far-side rocks suggests that part of the moon's deep interior was stripped of important chemical ingredients more than 4 billion years ago – likely during a giant asteroid impact. The collision was so powerful it not only carved out a 2,500km-wide (1,550-mile) crater on the moon's far side – the largest of its kind in the solar system – but also changed the make-up of the moon's mantle hundreds of kilometres below the surface, according to a team led by scientists at the Institute of Geology and Geophysics in Beijing. Lava later erupted from this damaged mantle and cooled into volcanic rock that is depleted in elements such as titanium and thorium, as well as water. These samples are the most chemically depleted moon rocks ever studied – more so than any returned by the US, Soviet or earlier Chinese missions, which all came from the moon's near side, the team reported in Nature on Wednesday. Chang'e-6 is the first and only mission to return samples from the moon's far side. It landed in the South Pole-Aitken basin in June 2024 and brought back 1.9kg (4.2lbs) of soil, mostly from a 2.8 billion-year-old volcanic eruption.
The Diplomat
02-07-2025
- Science
- The Diplomat
China's Steady Ascent to the Moon: How Beijing Is Rewriting Lunar Geopolitics
When the Chang'e 6 return capsule touched down in the dusty plains of Inner Mongolia in June 2024, it carried something no nation had ever retrieved: the first samples from the far side of the Moon. For China's space agency, this wasn't just a scientific achievement; it was a message. It marked a pivotal shift, signaling that China's lunar ambitions had evolved from symbolic flag planting to a systematic push for permanent space infrastructure. Chang'e 6 was not a one off headline grabber, but rather part of a rapidly advancing sequence. Chang'e 7, scheduled for 2026, will scout the Moon's South Pole, an area of strategic interest due to potential water deposits. Chang'e 8, launching in 2028, aims to test technologies for using local lunar resources. And by 2035, Beijing plans to begin constructing a permanent International Lunar Research Station (ILRS), possibly powered through the freezing two-week lunar nights by a small nuclear reactor. Meanwhile, officials say China remains 'on track' to land its first astronauts on the Moon by 2030. This spring's successful trials of the country's new two-part crewed spacecraft (Mengzhou and its lander, Lanyue) reinforced that timeline. And with the launch of Tianwen 2 in May, a mission to return samples from both an asteroid and a comet, China has made its intentions unmistakably clear. In space, China is not merely catching up anymore, but rather it is starting to lead. Why the Moon, and Why Now? China's accelerated push toward the Moon is not simply a scientific endeavor. It is guided by a strategic calculus shaped by the interlocking imperatives of accessing resources, having technological leverage, and establishing a long term political control. First, the Lunar South Pole contains permanently shadowed craters believed to hold substantial reserves of water ice. For any country seeking a lasting presence on the Moon, that ice is of tremendous importance, as it can be converted into fuel, life support, and even infrastructure. Securing access to these polar deposits offer not only practical advantage but also immense geopolitical symbolism. In space, as on Earth, control of critical resources translates into influence. China's lunar missions are not developing in isolation. Key technologies – such as the heavy lift Long March-10 rocket, high thrust propulsion systems, and robust cislunar communication networks – have direct military relevance. While Chinese officials maintain that the lunar program is peaceful, defense analysts see clear convergence with the People's Liberation Army's growing interest in space as a strategic domain. These dual use dividends are too significant to ignore. Building a Coalition on Beijing's Terms There is a clear geopolitical dynamic at play as China's space program advances. While the United States advertises its 55-member Artemis Accords as proof of international momentum, Beijing is quietly building a rival coalition. Thirteen countries have signed onto China's ILRS agreement so far, including Russia, Pakistan, Belarus, and South Africa. To expand its influence, China has rolled out an ambitious '5-5-5' campaign, under which it aims to add a total of 50 nations, 500 institutions, and 5,000 researchers to engage in lunar science by the early 2030s. This division is stark and deliberate. With the exception of Thailand, not a single Artemis country has joined the ILRS, and none of China's partners has signed the Artemis Accords. Beijing is making its offer hard to refuse, as it offers low interest loans for ground stations, tech transfer guarantees, and slots for smaller payloads on Chinese missions. The result is a familiar dynamic, a quiet struggle for influence, echoing the divides seen in the race for 5G or the Belt and Road Initiative. How the United States Is Reacting Inside NASA, China's growing momentum is seen less as an external threat and more as a rallying cry. Administrators from both Republican and Democratic administrations have repeatedly cast the Artemis program as essential to winning the new space race with China, as recently stated by Administrator Bill Nelson. It is a message that resonates on Capitol Hill, where bipartisan support has helped secure funding for core elements like the Space Launch System (SLS) and Orion, even as deadlines slip. Few lawmakers want to be seen as soft on China, especially when space dominance is framed as a matter of national prestige and security. External rivals can unify an otherwise polarized Congress, and Artemis has proven no exception. The Biden administration quietly adopted all of the program's core goals from its predecessor, shifting the first crewed lunar landing from 2024 to 2027 or later, but keeping China at the center of its justification. Still, the U.S. political system remains a structural weakness in this long term competition. Artemis has already suffered multiple delays, and a December 2023 audit put the odds of a 2028 landing at just 70 percent. Additionally, the White House fiscal year 2026 budget proposal for NASA included a 25 percent reduction in NASA's funding and plans to phase out the SLS and Orion spacecraft after Artemis III. This raises significant concerns about the viability of the current lunar return strategy. China, by contrast, can redirect funding or extend timelines without public debate or political backlash, potentially giving it an advantage in the lunar exploration race. Unlike democratic systems where space funding often fluctuates with political shifts, Beijing can sustain multidecade programs with centralized coordination. At a deeper level, the two programs reflect diverging philosophies. The United States leans on the private sector (outsourcing key components to firms like SpaceX and Blue Origin) in hopes of gaining speed and reducing costs. Whether that gamble pays off remains one of the defining questions in this unfolding lunar rivalry. Implications for the Indo-Pacific The prospect of rival, partially overlapping communication and navigation networks in cislunar space is causing concern among Asian defense planners. A radio quiet zone on the Moon's far side (prized by astronomers for its shielded environment) could easily conceal surveillance infrastructure. Meanwhile, proposals for lunar 'gas stations' to refuel spacecraft raise uncomfortable legal questions about territorial control in a domain still governed by the 1967 Outer Space Treaty, drafted long before GPS or commercial satellites ever existed. Japan and India, both signatories to the Artemis Accords, have expressed public support for U.S. leadership. But behind the scenes, Japan's SLIM precision lander and India's upcoming Chandrayaam 4 sample return mission may position them to share data or cooperate with both blocs, keeping diplomatic options open. For smaller Southeast Asian countries, the calculus feels familiar, much like debates over maritime codes of conduct. The goal is to avoid choosing sides outright while maximizing technology transfer and strategic flexibility both from Washington and Beijing. To many ASEAN capitals, lunar engineering might still seem like science fiction. But the stakes are very real. Whichever bloc secures early access to polar ice on the Moon could gain a commanding position in the emerging cislunar economy, powering Earth Moon cargo transport and satellite relays. The intellectual property, industrial standards, and logistics infrastructure built in space won't stay in space. They will shape value chains back on Earth, from robotics to additive manufacturing. Australia's nascent Moon to Mars supply chain initiatives, South Korea's KPLO orbiter study and Singapore's interest in cislunar cybersecurity all suggest the region understands what is at stake. Participation choices will increasingly interconnect with terrestrial trade and security partnerships. A Contest of Rule Making, Not Just Rockets Framing today's lunar competition as a 'new Cold War' misses the point. China and the United States are not simply racing to plant flags; they are maneuvering to shape the rules of the game. Technological standards, legal norms, and commercial protocols established now will define who sets the pace in space for decades to come. Beijing's centrally planned path toward its ILRS promises long-term stability, but offers little in the way of transparency. Washington's Artemis program, by contrast, is built around a decentralized, commercial led coalition, bringing openness and broad participation, but also slower timelines and political volatility. For policymakers across the Indo-Pacific, the challenge is to engage without becoming dependent. That means pushing for interoperable standards, avoiding exclusivity in launch or communications deals, and investing in domestic lunar science capabilities to remain credible at the negotiating table. The Moon is no longer just a silent presence in the night sky. It is quickly becoming the region's newest strategic frontier.
South China Morning Post
18-06-2025
- Science
- South China Morning Post
Mengzhou spacecraft for China's moon-landing mission passes landmark test flight
China has completed the inaugural test flight of its next-generation Mengzhou crewed spacecraft , executing a critical zero-altitude escape trial at the Jiuquan Satellite Launch Centre in the Gobi Desert. Advertisement Developed for China's 2030 lunar ambitions , the modular Mengzhou spacecraft features two variants: a near-Earth version supporting space station operations with a seven-astronaut capacity and a deep-space model for lunar missions. Its reusable return capsule and advanced technologies place it among the world's most capable crew vehicles. 01:57 China's Chang'e-6 mission returns to Earth with first samples from moon's far side China's Chang'e-6 mission returns to Earth with first samples from moon's far side At midday on Tuesday, the spacecraft's escape engines ignited while grounded at the launch complex. Within 20 seconds, the return capsule reached its designated altitude and cleanly separated from the escape tower as parachutes deployed. The capsule subsequently touched down within the predetermined landing zone using an airbag cushioning system, marking the test's success. This foundational safety verification – designed to ensure crew survive during rocket failures at lift-off – simulates emergencies in which astronauts must be rapidly extracted from danger zones during a vehicle's most vulnerable launch phase. Advertisement The achievement represents China's first such test since 1998, when a similar trial was conducted for the Shenzhou spacecraft programme.
