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Enemy Media: Three zionist soldiers injured in building explosion south of Gaza
Enemy Media: Three zionist soldiers injured in building explosion south of Gaza

Saba Yemen

timea day ago

  • Politics
  • Saba Yemen

Enemy Media: Three zionist soldiers injured in building explosion south of Gaza

Occupied Quds - Saba: Israeli Channel 14 reported on Thursday, that three enemy soldiers were wounded after an anti-tank shell targeted a building they were barricaded in, south of the Gaza Strip. The channel did not provide further details on the nature of the injuries, according to the Palestinian Ma'an News Agency. Earlier today, enemy media announced the death of a Zionist soldier following a bulldozer explosion in the Gaza Strip. Whatsapp Telegram Email Print more of (International)

Israel approves West Bank settlement expansion as Gaza death toll mounts
Israel approves West Bank settlement expansion as Gaza death toll mounts

Shafaq News

time2 days ago

  • Politics
  • Shafaq News

Israel approves West Bank settlement expansion as Gaza death toll mounts

Shafaq News/ Israel has approved the construction of 22 new settlements in the occupied West Bank, further entrenching its presence and undermining prospects for a future Palestinian state, Israeli media reported Thursday. The plan reportedly includes both new settlements and the retroactive legalization of unauthorized outposts. Channel 14 said four will be built in the Jordan Valley, extending Israeli control near the Jordanian border, adding that the move also reverses parts of the 2005 Disengagement Law. Officials called the expansion critical to securing the West Bank. Finance Minister Bezalel Smotrich praised it as 'a major milestone,' while Defense Minister Israel Katz framed it as retaliation for 'Palestinian terrorism.' In Gaza, Israeli airstrikes escalated. The Palestinian Ministry of Health reported 37 deaths on Thursday, including children and women, after strikes on homes and a daycare in Jabalia. Since October 7, 2023, more than 54,000 Palestinians, mostly women and children, have been killed and over 123,000 injured, with thousands remaining buried under rubble, as large parts of Gaza are in ruins. The humanitarian crisis continues to deteriorate under ongoing border closures and restricted aid. At the UN Security Council, Palestinian Ambassador Riyad Mansour appealed for urgent action, stating, 'Dozens of children are dying of starvation. To watch Palestinians suffer while the world stays silent—it's more than any decent human being should have to bear.'

Trump Is Crushing the Netanyahu Myth
Trump Is Crushing the Netanyahu Myth

Yahoo

time22-05-2025

  • Politics
  • Yahoo

Trump Is Crushing the Netanyahu Myth

The evening that Donald Trump defeated Kamala Harris, Netanyahu land rejoiced. The news anchors on Channel 14, Israel's equivalent of Fox News, toasted Trump's victory live on air. Yinon Magal, the ultranationalist host of Israel's premier right-wing talk show, led his audience in a round of celebratory singing while Trump's face grinned on the screen behind them. Benjamin Netanyahu himself congratulated Trump on 'history's greatest comeback.' The Israeli leader and his allies seemed certain that Trump's return to the White House heralded unconditional backing for their most fevered fantasies. They were wrong. Last Friday, Trump wrapped up his tour of the Middle East, where he made deals and hobnobbed with America's top allies in the region—except one. Israel was not invited to the party and was barely acknowledged in the foreign-policy address that the president delivered in Saudi Arabia. The snub followed more substantive slights. In recent weeks, Trump has surprised Netanyahu by announcing new nuclear negotiations with Iran, halting America's campaign against the Houthis despite the terrorist group continuing to fire missiles at Israel, and going behind Israel's back to secure the release of the American Israeli hostage Edan Alexander from Gaza. 'There's a great sense of unease here,' Michael Oren, a former Israeli ambassador to the U.S., said in an interview last week. None of this should have been unexpected. Trump is famously mercurial and transactional, loyal only to his own self-interest. In his first term, as an unexpected outsider president, he needed international legitimacy and wins, and Israel gave him both in the form of the Abraham Accords. This time, Trump no longer needs legitimacy, and Israel's war in Gaza is getting in the way of other potential regional wins, such as expanding the accords. In addition, the previous Trump administration's Israel policy was significantly shaped by staff, and that staff has changed markedly with the introduction of an isolationist faction that seeks to extricate America from international commitments. Netanyahu put all of his chips on Trump nonetheless—a wager that now threatens to cost the Israeli prime minister the remnants of his legacy. The legend of Benjamin Netanyahu was built on two myths. The first was that Netanyahu was the ultimate guarantor of Israeli security, a far-sighted hawk who, for all his faults, could be relied on to keep Israelis safe. For years, when asked how he'd like to be remembered, Netanyahu routinely responded, 'As the protector of Israel,' both in Hebrew and English. 'The Jewish nation has never excelled at foreseeing danger,' the prime minister told a talk show in 2014. 'We were surprised again and again—and the last time was the most awful one. That won't happen under my leadership.' After Hamas inflicted the worst day of Jewish death since the Holocaust, Netanyahu's pose as 'Mr. Security' was exposed as a self-flattering falsehood. But he still had one other myth to cling to: his reputation as a geopolitical genius. [Yair Rosenberg: Trump sides with the Israeli people against Netanyahu] In 2019, Netanyahu's reelection campaign festooned Israel with giant posters, each depicting the prime minister shaking hands with one of three world leaders: India's Narendra Modi, Russia's Vladimir Putin, and Donald Trump. The banners were captioned with the words Another League. Unlike his small-time Israeli rivals, the placards implied, Netanyahu was a savvy statesman who punched above his weight on the international stage, thanks to his unaccented English oratory and ability to inveigle the world's most powerful people. Israelis might not like him or trust him, Netanyahu's argument went, but they needed him. This line of thinking was so potent that it convinced not just Israelis, but some of Israel's Arab neighbors, who believed Netanyahu to be the gateway to influence in Washington. One incentive for Arab leaders to normalize ties with Israel, as with the Abraham Accords, was their belief that they could gain Trump's favor by linking up with his apparent ally. Most of those campaign posters have not aged well. In the days following the October 7 attack, Putin made multiple public statements on the Gaza conflict, none of which explicitly condemned Hamas. Russia has since voted against Israel repeatedly at the United Nations. Netanyahu's image could have survived this hit if Trump hadn't dealt him a more serious and unexpected blow in recent weeks. The president has cut the Israelis out of regional decision making and reportedly kiboshed a plan to strike Iran's nuclear facilities. Though Trump has not compelled Israel to halt its war in Gaza as yet, he has begun pressing Netanyahu to provide humanitarian aid and conclude the conflict. By revealing Netanyahu to be a bit player, rather than an elite operator, Trump has not just put the Israeli leader in his place. He has exploded Netanyahu's carefully cultivated political persona—an act as damaging to Netanyahu's standing as the Hamas attack on October 7. Worse than making Netanyahu look foolish, Trump has made him look irrelevant. He is not Trump's partner, but rather his mark. In Israeli parlance, the prime minister is a freier—a sucker. The third-rate pro-government propagandists on Channel 14 might not have seen this coming, but Netanyahu should have. His dark worldview is premised on the pessimistic presumption that the world will turn on the Jews if given the chance, which is why the Israeli leader has long prized hard power over diplomatic understandings. Even if Trump wasn't such an unreliable figure, trusting him should have gone against all of Netanyahu's instincts. [Yair Rosenberg: The end of Netanyahu] He should have realized that in a competition for the affections of a strongman like Trump, Israel had little to offer. 'We can't invest a trillion dollars in the American economy,' noted Oren, the former Israeli ambassador, 'but there are some other people in this neighborhood who can.' Not only does Israel not have spare luxury jets lying around to fob off on the American president, but the country took nine years to retrofit and launch its own version of Air Force One, and the process was a national fiasco. So long as Netanyahu refuses to go along with any of Trump's grand diplomatic initiatives, which might require him to end the Gaza war or entertain some semblance of Palestinian statehood, Israel has nothing to give Trump other than symbolic trinkets. But instead of recognizing the precariousness of his position, Netanyahu abandoned his characteristic caution, put his faith in Trump without a fallback, and is now left with nowhere else to turn. British Prime Minister Benjamin Disraeli was once said by his biographer to be 'a master at disguising retreat as advance'—a passage that Richard Nixon underlined in his copy of the book. Like those men, Netanyahu is the consummate survivor, and he may yet manage to spin his latest predicament to his benefit. To write off the Israeli leader would be foolish, especially with new elections not required until late 2026. But the body blows to Netanyahu's reputation should not be underestimated. His current coalition received just 48.4 percent of the vote in the last election and has been polling underwater since before October 7. More than 70 percent of Israelis want their prime minister to resign. Voters sometimes fall for myths, but eventually, like children, they outgrow them. Article originally published at The Atlantic

Netanyahu's Very Bad Bet on Trump
Netanyahu's Very Bad Bet on Trump

Atlantic

time22-05-2025

  • Politics
  • Atlantic

Netanyahu's Very Bad Bet on Trump

The evening that Donald Trump defeated Kamala Harris, Netanyahu land rejoiced. The news anchors on Channel 14, Israel's equivalent of Fox News, toasted Trump's victory live on air. Yinon Magal, the ultranationalist host of Israel's premier right-wing talk show, led his audience in a round of celebratory singing while Trump's face grinned on the screen behind them. Benjamin Netanyahu himself congratulated Trump on 'history's greatest comeback.' The Israeli leader and his allies seemed certain that Trump's return to the White House heralded unconditional backing for their most fevered fantasies. They were wrong. Last Friday, Trump wrapped up his tour of the Middle East, where he made deals and hobnobbed with America's top allies in the region—except one. Israel was not invited to the party and was barely acknowledged in the foreign-policy address that the president delivered in Saudi Arabia. The snub followed more substantive slights. In recent weeks, Trump has surprised Netanyahu by announcing new nuclear negotiations with Iran, halting America's campaign against the Houthis despite the terrorist group continuing to fire missiles at Israel, and going behind Israel's back to secure the release of the American Israeli hostage Edan Alexander from Gaza. 'There's a great sense of unease here,' Michael Oren, a former Israeli ambassador to the U.S., said in an interview last week. None of this should have been unexpected. Trump is famously mercurial and transactional, loyal only to his own self-interest. In his first term, as an unexpected outsider president, he needed international legitimacy and wins, and Israel gave him both in the form of the Abraham Accords. This time, Trump no longer needs legitimacy, and Israel's war in Gaza is getting in the way of other potential regional wins, such as expanding the accords. In addition, the previous Trump administration's Israel policy was significantly shaped by staff, and that staff has changed markedly with the introduction of an isolationist faction that seeks to extricate America from international commitments. Netanyahu put all of his chips on Trump nonetheless—a wager that now threatens to cost the Israeli prime minister the remnants of his legacy. The legend of Benjamin Netanyahu was built on two myths. The first was that Netanyahu was the ultimate guarantor of Israeli security, a far-sighted hawk who for all his faults could be relied on to keep Israelis safe. For years, when asked how he'd like to be remembered, Netanyahu routinely responded, 'As the protector of Israel,' both in Hebrew and English. 'The Jewish nation has never excelled at foreseeing danger,' the prime minister told a talk show in 2014. 'We were surprised again and again—and the last time was the most awful one. That won't happen under my leadership.' After Hamas inflicted the worst day of Jewish death since the Holocaust, Netanyahu's pose as 'Mr. Security' was exposed as a self-flattering falsehood. But he still had one other myth to cling to: his reputation as a geopolitical genius. Yair Rosenberg: Trump sides with the Israeli people against Netanyahu In 2019, Netanyahu's reelection campaign festooned Israel with giant posters, each depicting the prime minister shaking hands with one of three world leaders: India's Narendra Modi, Russia's Vladimir Putin, and Donald Trump. The banners were captioned with the words Another League. Unlike his small-time Israeli rivals, the placards implied, Netanyahu was a savvy statesman who punched above his weight on the international stage, thanks to his unaccented English oratory and ability to inveigle the world's most powerful people. Israelis might not like him or trust him, Netanyahu's argument went, but they needed him. This line of thinking was so potent that it convinced not just Israelis, but some of Israel's Arab neighbors, who believed Netanyahu to be the gateway to influence in Washington. One incentive for Arab leaders to normalize ties with Israel, as with the Abraham Accords, was their belief that they could gain Trump's favor by linking up with his apparent ally. Most of those campaign posters have not aged well. In the days following the October 7 attack, Putin made multiple public statements on the Gaza conflict, none of which explicitly condemned Hamas. Russia has since voted against Israel repeatedly at the United Nations. Netanyahu's image could have survived this hit if Trump hadn't dealt him a more serious and unexpected blow in recent weeks. The president has cut the Israelis out of regional decision making and reportedly kiboshed a plan to strike Iran's nuclear facilities. Though Trump has not compelled Israel to halt its war in Gaza as yet, he has begun pressing Netanyahu to provide humanitarian aid and conclude the conflict. By revealing Netanyahu to be a bit player, rather than an elite operator, Trump has not just put the Israeli leader in his place. He has exploded Netanyahu's carefully cultivated political persona—an act as damaging to Netanyahu's standing as the Hamas attack on October 7. Worse than making Netanyahu look foolish, Trump has made him look irrelevant. He is not Trump's partner, but rather his mark. In Israeli parlance, the prime minister is a freier —a sucker. The third-rate pro-government propagandists on Channel 14 might not have seen this coming, but Netanyahu should have. His dark worldview is premised on the pessimistic presumption that the world will turn on the Jews if given the chance, which is why the Israeli leader has long prized hard power over diplomatic understandings. Even if Trump wasn't such an unreliable figure, trusting him should have gone against all of Netanyahu's instincts. Yair Rosenberg: The end of Netanyahu He should have realized that in a competition for the affections of a strongman like Trump, Israel had little to offer. 'We can't invest a trillion dollars in the American economy,' noted Oren, the former Israeli ambassador, 'but there are some other people in this neighborhood who can.' Not only does Israel not have spare luxury jets lying around to fob off on the American president, but the country took nine years to retrofit and launch its own version of Air Force One, and the process was a national fiasco. So long as Netanyahu refuses to go along with any of Trump's grand diplomatic initiatives, which might require him to end the Gaza war or entertain some semblance of Palestinian statehood, Israel has nothing to give Trump other than symbolic trinkets. But instead of recognizing the precariousness of his position, Netanyahu abandoned his characteristic caution, put his faith in Trump without a fallback, and is now left with nowhere else to turn. British Prime Minister Benjamin Disraeli was once said by his biographer to be 'a master at disguising retreat as advance'—a passage that Richard Nixon underlined in his copy of the book. Like those men, Netanyahu is the consummate survivor, and he may yet manage to spin his latest predicament to his benefit. To write off the Israeli leader would be foolish, especially with new elections not required until late 2026. But the body blows to Netanyahu's reputation should not be underestimated. His current coalition received just 48.4 percent of the vote in the last election and has been polling underwater since before October 7. More than 70 percent of Israelis want their prime minister to resign. Voters sometimes fall for myths, but eventually, like children, they outgrow them.

'Every child in Gaza is the enemy': Far-right Israeli lawmaker's remarks spark row
'Every child in Gaza is the enemy': Far-right Israeli lawmaker's remarks spark row

Hindustan Times

time22-05-2025

  • Politics
  • Hindustan Times

'Every child in Gaza is the enemy': Far-right Israeli lawmaker's remarks spark row

As the war in Gaza rages on, far-right Israeli minister Moshe Feiglin's recent remarks on the Palestinian territory and Israel's military operation have sparked outrage. Speaking to Israeli TV Channel 14, the far-right lawmaker referred to each child in Gaza as the "enemy." "The enemy is not Hamas, nor is it the military wing of Hamas. Every child in Gaza is the enemy. We need to occupy Gaza and settle it, and not a single Gazan child will be left there. There is no other victory," the former member of parliament stated. Feiglin's remarks reiterate the stance taken by many far-right Israeli leaders. Since the start of the war on October 7, 2023, several far-right leaders have called for an increase in Israeli settlements in West Bank and along the border in Gaza as part of an effort to take over the Palestinian territory. Earlier this week, Israel announced that it aims to take "full control" of Gaza as it launched its operation 'Gideon's Chariots' which has been criticised by countries such as the UK, France, Spain, Canada and Qatar. Feiglin's comments on every Gazan child being the enemy comes after Yair Golan, a retired IDF deputy chief of staff accused Israel of "killing babies as a hobby." "Israel is on the way to becoming a pariah state, like South Africa was, if we don't return to acting like a sane country. A sane country does not fight against civilians, does not kill babies as a hobby, and does not engage in mass population displacement," said Golan. Golan's remarks were met by a rebuttal from prime minister Benjamin Netanyahu, who stated that the retired IDF office remarks are a "wild incitement" and "blood libel." As per data released by the Palestinian Education Ministry in April 2025, over 17,000 children have been killed in the Gaza strip since the start of the war in October 2023. More than 17,000 children have been martyred in Gaza, a figure that reflects the depth of the tragedy children are enduring, with each number representing a life, memories, and experiences lost," read the official statement issued by the ministry. Furthermore, the UN recently warned that around 14,000 babies in the Gaza strip could be killed in the war-torn strip due to Israel's blockade on humanitarian aid.

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