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Spectator
30-07-2025
- Politics
- Spectator
What's next for Taiwan?
When Portuguese traders sailed past a verdant, mountainous land on the fringe of the Chinese empire in the mid-16th century, they named it Ihla Formosa – 'beautiful island'. But Kangxi, the third emperor of the Manchu Qing Dynasty, was less impressed when his naval forces captured it in 1683, scoffing: 'Taiwan is no bigger than a ball of mud. We gain nothing by possessing it, and it would be no loss if we did not acquire it.' Beautiful or not, Taiwan was a pirates' lair, inhabited by tattooed head-hunters and best left alone. Yet the Qing clung on to Taiwan for two centuries, with Chinese settlers gradually displacing the indigenous Austronesian population. In 1895, the island was ceded under the Treaty of Shimonoseki to Japan, which transformed it into a model colony with good sanitation, modern railways and a formal education system. When Japan surrendered to the Allies in 1945, Taiwan was occupied by the nationalist troops of Chiang Kai-shek's Republic of China (ROC). Then, in 1949, when the victorious communists founded the People's Republic of China (PRC), Chiang evacuated across the Taiwan Strait. To this day, Taiwan is officially the ROC. Contrary to the PRC's claims, Taiwan has not always been part of Chinese territory. But whether the 22 million ethnically Han Chinese who live there today are Chinese, Taiwanese or a mixture of the two is a complex and highly contested question. For Xi Jinping, however, it is straightforward. 'Blood is thicker than water, and people on both sides of the Strait are connected by blood,' he declared last year. For Chris Horton, the author of Ghost Nation and a veteran reporter who has lived in Taiwan for a decade, it is equally simple: Taiwan is not Chinese. In a punchy narrative, he sets out to 'dispel the carefully crafted disinformation sowed by Beijing'. His intention is to provide Taiwan's friends and protectors with a better understanding of its people, history and politics. His book is the result of hundreds of interviews, including one with the aged Lee Teng-hui, the 'father of Taiwan's democracy', conducted shortly before his death in 2020. Horton dips into geopolitics, explaining the strategic rationale for China to take Taiwan. But Ghost Nation is at heart a journalistic history of Taiwan's long march to become 'Asia's freest country', not a war-gaming analysis to rival the think tanks in DC. Horton is especially good on the brutality of Chiang Kai-shek's quasi-fascist Kuomintang (KMT) regime, which ruled Taiwan under martial law from 1949 to 1987. From day one it behaved like an occupying force, seizing land and plundering the island. An estimated 28,000 people died during '228'massacres in 1947 – the KMT's 'original sin'. Around two million nationalist refugees crossed the Taiwan Strait in 1948-50, adding to the existing population of approximately six million. The native Taiwanese were kept in check during the 38 years known as the White Terror, when Taiwan became a surveillance state, subject to strict indoctrination and brutal punishments. Political prisoners had sharp sticks rammed up their backsides or were forced to eat dog shit. With the end of military rule in 1987, Taiwan began the slow, difficult process of democratisation. In 2000, Chen Shui-bian of the Democratic Progressive party (DPP) became the first non-KMT president in the ROC's 55-year history. After eight years of Ma Ying-jeou's KMT government from 2008, which forged closer ties with China, the DPP returned to power under Tsai Ing-wen in 2016. Last year, she was succeeded by the DPP's Lai Ching-te, who is reviled in Beijing for describing himself as 'a pragmatic worker for Taiwan independence'. DPP governments have delivered social liberalisation – Taiwan became the first country in Asia to make same-sex marriage legal in 2019 – and fostered a strong sense of Taiwanese identity. Herein lies the problem with Horton's account. It is written entirely with a pro-independence view, hammering home the point that the KMT (and CCP) are illegitimate rulers. If so, why did a third of Taiwanese vote for the KMT in last year's election, and why does it currently dominate Taiwan's parliament? Horton is scathing of the KMT's 'ethnonationalism', but he does not acknowledge that many Taiwanese view today's DPP itself as a nationalist propaganda machine. I laughed out loud when he lambasted media organisations that decline to call Taiwan 'a country' for betraying the 'fundamental principles of objectivity in journalism'. At times his own narrative amounts to an erudite rant. This is fine for readers who understand Taiwan's deeply polarised politics, but it is hardly the 'panoramic view' promised on the dust jacket. So what next for the beautiful island? Horton warns that China is quickly closing the military gap with the US, building the forces it needs to invade. A giant amphibious assault carrier ferrying robotic attack dogs could come into service by the end of next year. Xi has allegedly told the People's Liberation Army that it must be ready to attack Taiwan by 2027 – though capability does not necessarily entail intent. A war in Taiwan, which sits on the world's busiest shipping route and manufactures 90 per cent of its most advanced semiconductors, would cause a global depression. But does Donald Trump care about Taiwan beyond its use as a bargaining chip with Beijing? We may be about to find out.
Euractiv
11-07-2025
- Politics
- Euractiv
Taiwan, inseparable from China under international law
This article is part of our special report 50 Years of EU-China Relations: the future of the strategic partnership . To question Taiwan's status today is to undermine the very foundation of justice and sovereignty secured through decades of struggle against imperialism and aggression. "The only reference to the Taiwan region in the UN is 'Taiwan, Province of China.'" This is a resounding message from Chinese Foreign Minister Wang Yi at a press conference of this year's annual "two sessions." This statement, grounded in historical and legal clarity, underscores China's unwavering position and reflects the consensus of the international community. Yet, some external actors have recently combined force with separatist rhetoric from Taiwan in an attempt to distort this reality and rewrite history. The status of Taiwan is not open to debate. Post-World War II agreements, United Nations resolutions, and binding bilateral treaties all leave no ambiguity: Taiwan has always been an inseparable part of China. UN Resolution 2758: the defining moment On October 25, 1971, the United Nations General Assembly adopted Resolution 2758 by a vote of 76-35, expelling the representatives of Chiang Kai-shek from the United Nations and restoring all rights to the People's Republic of China. The resolution was unequivocal: the People's Republic of China succeeded the Chiang regime as the sole representative of all China. The seat of China in the United Nations has always represented the entirety of China, including Taiwan. During the debate, even Chiang Kai-shek's delegate conceded, "Taiwan is indeed Chinese territory" and "Taiwanese are ethnically, culturally and historically Chinese." China's sovereignty over Taiwan was never in question. Some claim the resolution addressed only "representation," not territory. This ridiculous argument collapses under scrutiny. If Taiwan were a separate entity, the United Nations would have required a distinct process to address its status. But that has never happened. Following the resolution, the UN Secretariat formalized Taiwan's designation as "Taiwan, Province of China" in all official documents. Proposals advocating "two Chinas" or "Taiwan independence" have been consistently rejected by the United Nations and its agencies. Post-WWII foundations Taiwan's rightful return to China after WWII was stipulated in Allied wartime agreements. Japan seized Taiwan in 1895, but was compelled to return it after its WWII defeat. The 1943 Cairo Declaration stated that Japan was to return all territories "stolen from the Chinese," specifically naming Formosa (Taiwan). Two years later, the Potsdam Declaration reaffirmed that the terms of the Cairo Declaration shall be carried out. Japan formally accepted these terms in its 1945 Instrument of Surrender. These documents transformed wartime pledges into binding legal obligations. Bilaterally between China and Japan, the two countries normalized relations in 1972 through a landmark agreement. Tokyo recognizes the People's Republic of China as China's sole legitimate government and "fully understands and respects" that Taiwan is an inalienable part of China. Crucially, Japan again pledged to uphold the Potsdam terms, which are directly linked to Taiwan's 1945 legal restoration. Some Japanese politicians now dismiss the 1972 Communique as "lacking legal force." This is dangerous revisionism. The commitments in the agreement were codified into law via the 1978 Treaty of Peace and Friendship Between China and Japan, ratified by Diet, the national legislature of Japan. Article 1 of the treaty binds both sides to develop lasting relations of peace and friendship between the two countries on the basis of mutual respect for sovereignty and territorial integrity. Why this legal history matters today The international community overwhelmingly recognizes Taiwan as part of China, with 183 countries, including the United States, endorsing the one-China principle. Across administrations, many U.S. leaders have consistently and openly opposed any move toward Taiwan's "independence." Throughout its long history, China has faced periods of division and internal strife. But each time, the Chinese people have united to restore the nation's territorial integrity. This resilience transcends political tensions and external interference. While political complexities persist, the historical record stands clear: Taiwan's rightful place is within China. Taiwan's status as part of China is upheld through the sacrifices during World War II, enshrined in international law, and reaffirmed by the United Nations. As the world marks the 80th anniversary of the victory of the World's Anti-Fascist War, it is imperative to remember the hard-won lessons of that warring era. The Cairo Declaration and Potsdam Declaration are not mere diplomatic formalities, but pillars of the postwar international order. To question Taiwan's status today is to undermine the very foundation of justice and sovereignty secured through decades of struggle against imperialism and aggression. Xin Ping is a commentator on international affairs.
Japan Forward
11-07-2025
- Politics
- Japan Forward
Ishigaki Then and Now: The Battle of Okinawa, Grief and Forgiveness
The Ryukyu Kingdom was formally absorbed into the Empire of Japan in 1872. It was then reorganized as Okinawa Prefecture in 1879. Until the Ishigaki City Council launched an initiative to properly console the souls of the 128 Chinese who died on the island due to diseases such as measles and malaria, malnutrition, or suicide, the Robert Bowne Incident was largely forgotten. Last of two parts Read Part 1: Then and Now: Ishigaki Island and the Story of the Tojin Tombs With the support of local residents, overseas Chinese, and the government of Taiwan, which sent craftsmen for its construction, the Tojinbaka arose in 1971. It even includes calligraphy by Chiang Kai-shek. A pair of shisha guardian lions flank the steps leading up to the monument. The Tojinbaka, or Tojin Tomb, on Ishigaki Island. (©John Carroll) That was the same year that the United States and Japan signed a treaty providing for the return of Okinawa to Japan. The Okinawa reversion took place in May 1972, after 27 years of US administrative control. Then, in September 1972, Japan recognized the People's Republic of China. At the same time, it severed formal relations with Taiwan. Today, as in the past, Ishigaki finds itself caught up in the maelstrom of history, a witness to great power rivalries. Tokyo is 1,950 kilometers away, Shanghai a little over 800 kilometers, and Taiwan a mere 270 kilometers. A few yards from the Tojinbaka stands the Ishigaki American Servicemen's Memorial. This monument consists of three six-foot-tall stone triangles that symbolize spirits rising to heaven. It also has two large plaques in English and Japanese below that tell another sad tale. The Battle of Okinawa was the bloodiest battle of the Pacific War. It was a conflict that the historian John Dower has aptly characterized as a "war without mercy." From the initial landing of the US invasion force on April 1, 1945, to the American declaration of victory on June 22, an estimated 240,000 people were killed or went missing during the combat. That number includes as many as 100,000 civilians. There were also 110,000 Japanese regular troops and Okinawa conscripts. As well, there were more than 12,000 American and allied troops among them. The US Army Air Force had already begun low-altitude nighttime firebombing of Japanese cities in February 1945. And the atomic bombings of Hiroshima and Nagasaki were to follow in August. T he American Servicemen's Memorial on Ishigaki Island. (©John Carroll) That was the background to an atrocity that occurred on Ishigaki, which became a tragedy for all concerned. The inscription on the English monument reads: On the morning of April 15, 1945, in the closing days of World War II, a Grumman TBF Avenger, assigned to the carrier USS Makassar Strait, was shot down off the coast of Ishigaki Island by the Imperial Japanese Navy. The three aviators parachuted into the water near Ohama and swam to a coral reef where they were captured by Japanese sailors. After being interrogated and tortured they were executed during the night at the foot of Mount Banna, at the Imperial Navy Headquarters. The torture of prisoners of war was a violation of the Geneva Convention on the rules of war signed by the international community in 1929. Vernon L Tebo and Robert Tuggle Jr. were beheaded. Warren was beaten and stabbed with bayonets by numerous numbers of sailors and soldiers. This incident was a tragedy which took place during war. Lt Vernon LTebo, 28, a Navy pilot of Illinois, Aviation Radioman 1st Class Warren H. Loyd, 24, of Kansas [And] Aviation Ordnance 1st Class Robert Tuggle Jr, 20, of Texas To console the spirits of the three fallen American service members and to honor their deaths, we jointly dedicate this monument in the hope that this memorial stone will contribute to the everlasting peace and friendship between Japan and the United States, and that this monument will serve as a cornerstone to convey to future generations our keen desire for eternal peace in the world and our determination to renounce war. August 15 2001 The Avenger in question was part of an early morning strike mission that targeted anti-aircraft emplacements, structures, and Ishigaki Airfield. It had also destroyed or damaged two dozen Japanese planes. Intense antiaircraft fire ensued, and the aircraft piloted by Lt Tebo crashed a few kilometers south of the airfield. The airmen parachuted from their aircraft and swam to a coral reef where they were taken captive by Japanese sailors. After their executions, the ashes of the POWs were scattered at sea. Japan had signed but never ratified the 1929 Geneva Convention Relative to the Treatment of Prisoners of War. Nor was the Soviet Union a party to the international accord. And although Germany was a signatory, the Nazis often treated prisoners in line with their theory of racial hierarchy. That meant Jews, Slavs, and others were considered subhuman, fit only for slave labor or extermination. The Ishigaki executions represented only one small incident in the horrific Battle of Okinawa, in which no quarter was given by either side. But the repercussions for those involved were tremendous. The incident only came to light two years after the end of the war. Occupation authorities then arrested and prosecuted the former Japanese Navy captain who had been commander of the Ishigaki Garrison and 45 other former Japanese military members involved in the incident. In 1948, the Yokohama Military Tribunal also sentenced all 46 to death. Later, however, through commutation, that number was reduced to seven. Others received prison sentences of five years to life. Shown left to right: Robert Tuggle Jr, Lt Vernon L Tebo, and Warren H Loyd (Archives/Open Source) Imagine the impact of the incident on the small community of Ishigaki. Although residents could not forget, they were naturally reluctant to talk about it since some of their relatives had taken part in the murders. Not until over half a century later was this monument built. Its construction came at the initiative of the late Takeo Shinohara, a professor at the University of the Ryukyus, who had been deeply moved when he heard about the tragedy. Shinohara worked closely with US Air Force Tech Sergeant Tim Wilson to develop the project. They collected financial donations from Okinawa residents and the American military community. After the memorial was unveiled in 2001, it became a symbol of remembrance, shared grief, and forgiveness. An annual ceremony is held at the memorial on April 15 to remember the three slain airmen and reaffirm the commitment of Japan and the United States to a shared future. Once enemies, now allies, as the wheel of history takes another turn. After visiting the Airmen's Memorial, I crossed the highway to have lunch. The fashionable café I entered featured a bright nautical décor, with white tables and chairs on the outside veranda. I sat outside and gazed at the low hills of Iriomote Island off in the distance. The deep blue sea was calm, and any terrors it might hold remained hidden. I took the young Japanese couple seated at the table next to me to be honeymooners. A couple of tables away sat a family speaking French. Earlier, a local had told me that some wealthy French working in Tokyo or Osaka had started purchasing vacation homes on Ishigaki. Violating Japanese airspace, a Chinese helicopter also takes off from a Chinese Coast Guard vessel near the Senkakus on May 3. (©Japan Coast Guard) I assumed that few, if any, of the diners around me had an inkling of the horrors that occurred nearby in the past. It was hard to believe that this beautiful area had witnessed such awful events in its history. And thinking of the Chinese naval vessels lurking not so very far away, I prayed that this peaceful scene might never be disturbed. Author: John Carroll
Straits Times
07-06-2025
- Politics
- Straits Times
What's in a name? Proposal to rename Taiwan's Zhongzheng Roads reignites transitional justice debate
The controversy stems from the complicated legacy of Taiwan's longest-serving head of state, Chiang Kai-shek, who had used Zhongzheng as his adopted name. ST PHOTO: YIP WAI YEE – With more than 300 roads across the island carrying this name, Zhongzheng Road is Taiwan's most common – and most contentious – street name. And they may all disappear, if the government's proposal to rename every Zhongzheng Road goes to plan. When Taiwan's Ministry of the Interior resurfaced the initiative on June 2, it sparked immediate backlash from local officials who condemned it as a waste of money. In New Taipei city alone, officials estimate that it could cost upwards of NT$60 million (S$2.57 million) to rename all 22 Zhongzheng Roads across the city's 18 administrative districts to replace not just the major street signs but also individual home address plaques. The ministry, however, has defended the move as a human rights issue and must be taken seriously. 'The government cannot pretend to look at transitional justice only when there is money to do so, as that attitude does not reflect Taiwan's democracy and rule of law,' Minister of the Interior Ms Liu Shyh-fang told reporters. The controversy stems from the complicated legacy of Taiwan's longest-serving head of state, Chiang Kai-shek, who had used Zhongzheng as his adopted name. As the leader of the then-ruling Kuomintang (KMT) on mainland China, Chiang fought a civil war with the Communist Party of China after World War II and lost, fleeing with his government to Taiwan in 1949 where he ruled as President until his death in 1975. His authoritarian rule under martial law was controversial and while democratic reforms were undertaken by his son Chiang Ching-kuo, the current ruling Democratic Progressive Party (DPP) under its transitional justice policy has been taking measures to right historical injustices of the authoritarian era. Changing the name of the Zhongzheng Roads is one of these moves. The hundreds of Zhongzheng Roads across the island had been named after Chiang following a postwar push by the KMT government to replace any old symbols of Japanese colonialism. Until 1945, Taiwan had been under Japanese rule for 50 years. One of the busiest Zhongzheng Roads in the southern city of Tainan, for example, formerly bore the Japanese name Suehirocho. The name has a Singapore connection. When Chinese philanthropists founded Chung Cheng High School - Zhongzheng Zhongxue in Mandarin - on Kim Yan Road in 1939, they had named it after Chiang, which was an 'indication that the Chinese community in Singapore was actively engaged with affairs in China then', according to the National Heritage Board . China at the time was fighting a war with Japan that began in 1937 and ended in 1945. But while some in Taiwan today see Chiang as a strong leader who fought against the communists and oversaw the island's path to economic prosperity, he is equally despised as a dictator who ruled with an iron fist. 'For some Taiwanese, anything related to Chiang is a reminder of a painful authoritarian past,' said Assistant Professor Ma Chun-wei, a political science analyst from New Taipei's Tamkang University. While some in Taiwan today see Chiang as a strong leader who fought against the communists and oversaw the island's path to economic prosperity, he is equally despised as a dictator who ruled with an iron fist. ST PHOTO: YIP WAI YEE Complicated legacy Taiwan transitioned to a democracy from the late 1980s and ranks among Asia's freest societies today, but it continues to wrestle with its authoritarian past. For its part, the modern KMT has taken steps to atone for its history. While serving as justice minister, former Taiwanese president Ma Ying-jeou helped establish a foundation in 1995 to raise awareness of the White Terror years – a period of martial law covering almost four decades of brutal political purges from 1949 to 1987. But it was only after President Tsai Ing-wen of the DPP took office in 2016 that transitional justice work was made a top priority. In 2018, her administration set up an commission to review and redress injustices committed during the territory's authoritarian rule. Part of that involved exonerating wrongfully convicted individuals and going after assets illegally obtained by the KMT during its authoritarian rule. Among the commission's top recommendations was also the physical removal of all 'authoritarian symbols', including any road signs named after Chiang. In 2022, for instance, a section of Zhongzheng Road in Tainan city's West Central District was renamed Thng Tik-Tsiong Boulevard, in honour of the human rights lawyer who was executed by KMT troops in 1947. Other symbols include the many busts and statues of Chiang scattered across the island – the most prominent of which is the towering statue inside Taipei's National Chiang Kai-shek Memorial Hall, where millions of tourists flock every year to take selfies and watch the changing of the guard. Over the years, the government has made sporadic attempts to remove these symbols, albeit with limited success. Taiwan's main airport Taoyuan International Airport, for instance, was formerly known as the Chiang Kai-shek International Airport, or Zhongzheng International Airport in Chinese. It was given its current name in 2006. And while hundreds of Chiang's statues have since been removed from Taiwan's schools, parks and other public spaces, there are still some 760 statues dotted around the island as of April 2024. Efforts to dismantle all of the symbols have consistently faced roadblocks, including protests from those who say that the move amounts to erasing history. 'Even among KMT supporters today, Chiang is no longer revered, but they cannot deny his contributions to Taiwan's development,' said Prof Ma. For now, the Ministry of the Interior said that it would engage officials from local governments – which would be in charge of executing the road sign changes – before proceeding further. But it would continue to promote its plan in line with transitional justice efforts, said Minister Liu. 'I understand many people are still sorting through their feelings about the past – and historical representations of it – which is why we will keep our communication on the issue open and clear,' she said on June 4. 'However, our position on the issue has not changed, and we will continue to promote the removal of the vestiges of authoritarianism,' she said, adding that the ministry provides subsidies for the renaming of street names. Several municipal government officials, many of them from the opposition KMT, have voiced objections to the ministry's proposal. Taipei Mayor Chiang Wan-an, who is Chiang Kai-shek's great-grandson, accused the ruling party of politicising issues and not doing actual work. Meanwhile, New Taipei Mayor Hou Yu-ih, also from the KMT, condemned the ministry's proposal as 'meaningless'. 'What people need is help to solve their problems. Does it make sense for the government to spend money on things like this?' he said. Ms Victoria Lin, a resident living on Zhongzheng Road in New Taipei's Zhonghe District, opposes the renaming of her road for a more pragmatic reason. 'Do you know how much trouble it will be to have to change my home address with the banks and all that?' said the 39-year-old, who works in real estate. Yip Wai Yee is The Straits Times' Taiwan correspondent covering political, socio-cultural and economic issues from Taipei. Join ST's Telegram channel and get the latest breaking news delivered to you.
Economist
13-05-2025
- Politics
- Economist
What does it mean to be Taiwanese?
At the heart of Chiang Kai-shek's vast memorial in Taipei, a giant bronze statue of the leader sits facing China. For the exiled Chinese Nationalist Party and its faithful who fled China's civil war, Taiwan was a temporary home and China was the motherland. Decades later, only 3% of people in Taiwan consider themselves primarily Chinese. But plenty of people don't think of themselves as being fully Taiwanese, either. That ambiguity is being exploited by China's Communist Party, which insists the island is part of China, and has threatened to take it by force. Without a concrete sense of what it means to be Taiwanese, how will people resist?
