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Bangkok Post
3 days ago
- Politics
- Bangkok Post
Should the US join China's WWII event?
The latest Victory Day parade in Moscow marking the 80th anniversary of Germany's independence defeat in May will be bookended in the upcoming September with a commemorative parade at Tiananmen Square in Beijing marking the defeat of Japan. Of the "Big Five" victor nations, only the leaders of China and Russia will be on the rostrum, with no confirmed plans for US, UK or French leaders to attend. Two leading Chinese opinion leaders, Jin Canrong of Renmin University, formerly of the Chinese Academy of Social Sciences, and Wang Xiangwei, former editor of the South China Morning Post, have suggested that China should invite the US to join the event at Tiananmen. This tantalising possibility was flagged by internet maven Wang Zichen in his Pekingnology newsletter Nice try, guys. This is a bold gesture at a time of immense diplomatic turmoil, a time when it's worth a try to think out of the box, but it's unlikely to work. Any gathering at which Vladimir Putin is party to will project mixed messages and crossed signals at odds with the spirit of the original victory against global fascism. Winners of the war never tire of the narrative that Germany and Japan were the bad guys, on the wrong side of history, but both those countries have transformed themselves beyond recognition. The Soviet Union and the United States emerged triumphant in 1945, of course, with immense leverage between them in shaping the peace of the post-war world order. But the fleeting solidarity enjoyed in that moment of victory was frittered away as the two very different nations turned competitors, contenders and Cold War adversaries in the rush to determine who controlled what and where and on whose terms. China was on the winning side, but its legacy is most pronounced as a victim nation. Its losses under Imperial Japanese aggression were among the most catastrophic in history, with estimates of 35 million dead or more, and while it is natural that China should want to celebrate the moment that the horror of Japanese occupation ended, China did not end it. Some will argue the horrific bomb dropped on Hiroshima did the job, others credit the Soviet Union's late but formidable arrival in Manchuria. Chinese of all political factions fought bravely and made great sacrifices, but China was part occupied, part battleground and part rump state. The KMT in Chungking offered continuity of governance, but were not winners on the battlefield. Chiang Kai-shek's family ties and diplomatic links to the US gave him a seat at the table at the Cairo Conference and subsequent discussions about reordering a broken world order. It is fitting and proper that China should be among those who salute the march of history in 1945. But what about Britain? Under Winston Churchill's leadership, the UK correctly perceived Adolf Hitler to be the enemy of all mankind, even before the Nazi's went on the rampage and began to pound London with bombs. In the face of an insuperable threat, the UK, like China, did its best to delay the march of armies it couldn't singlehandedly stop. What both did, significantly, was to communicate to the world that fascism was everyone's struggle. Long before the US entered either the Pacific or Atlantic theatre of the war, Washington was beseeched with pleas from old friends in both China and England to pay attention, to lend support, to get involved. Both frontline countries did much to convince the more powerful but geographically isolated US to join in. Of the five big powers, France got a seat at the table despite its collaboration with the Nazis because of Charles de Gaulle's guerrilla war against the Nazis. France surrendered to Nazi occupation under the guise of cooperation, only to turn on them when US intervention became a game-changer. A similar pattern of biding time took place in the vast swathes of China. Much of the coast was occupied directly by Japan, such as in Manchuria, or indirectly ruled under the aegis of pro-Tokyo collaborationist Wang Jingwei. Today, as several serious regional wars are already raging across the globe, the spectre of world war cannot be entirely dismissed. Commemoration of World War II can offer a useful perspective if the ceremonies are not hijacked for partisan benefit or are tone-deaf to the past. The presence of Mr Putin as a guest of honour at the Beijing parade, presents a problem. No one can deny the great contribution to victory that was made by the USSR in bringing the World War to an end in 1945, but the past is another country. Furthermore, the absence of the US, Britain and arguably France, makes for a lopsided affair. It becomes instead a commemoration of convenience, serving present needs without really taking an honest look at what the fight against fascism was fighting against. In the Western press, Mr Putin has been compared to Hitler, and as historically inaccurate as that may be, Mr Putin did recently invade Ukraine upon which he continues to wreak death and sow hatred. Russia's blatant aggression has put all of Europe on edge, setting into motion some of the same dynamics seen in continental Europe when the Allies grappled with the rising German threat of the 1940s. Another reason why it's worth being sceptical about the US joining China and Russia to praise the heroism of a bygone struggle against fascism is the confused state of affairs in the US at this time. Donald Trump, self-styled strongman leader of the US, has introduced elements of fascism to his authoritarian ruling style at home and abroad. Oblivious to the nuances of history, he recently crowed about the success of his attack on Iran, comparing it to dropping the atomic bomb on Hiroshima. Finally, there is the question of where Germany and Japan, the two aggressor nations so soundly defeated by the Allies and Soviets in 1945, stand in today's world. It's one thing to crow about victory over the bad guys while the smoke is still clearing, but the smoke cleared 80 years ago and the world is a very different place now, with Germany and Japan rule-bound, cooperative, diplomatic and peace-abiding. Sad to say, the two aggressor states of World War II are in many ways exemplars of the post-war peace, while the Allied victors, especially Russia and the US, are looking more and more like aggressors these days.
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First Post
14-07-2025
- Politics
- First Post
How China's ideologues glorify the Uyghur genocide
The mass killings, cultural erasure, and brutal tactics of the 1950s are being celebrated as a model for how to govern East Turkistan today. This is not merely a message for domestic audiences, it is a signal to the world and a warning to those who remain silent read more China's ideological institutions are praising genocide as a tool of statecraft. On February 4, 2025, the Chinese Red Culture Research Association (CRCRA), a national ideological organisation supervised by the Chinese Academy of Social Sciences (CASS) and overseen by China's Ministry of Civil Affairs, published an article openly glorifying the mass murder of Uyghurs by General Wang Zhen, a key figure in the Chinese Communist Party's (CCP) violent conquest of East Turkistan in 1949. This article did not frame these atrocities as a regrettable chapter of the past. It held them up as a governing model for the present. STORY CONTINUES BELOW THIS AD The article, titled 'Wang Zhen Governs Xinjiang: What 'East Turkistan' or 'West Turkistan'? Just 'Tutu' Them All!', refers to the slang term '突突' (tūtũ), meaning 'machine-gun them'. It uses the phrase '全部突突掉!' meaning 'just shoot them all!' not rhetorically but as direct policy advice. The piece presents the mass killings, religious subjugation, and total suppression of the Uyghurs not as regrettable, but as effective and necessary. Wang Zhen, remembered as Wang Huzi ('Bandit Wang'), ordered entire villages destroyed with artillery and implemented a brutal policy of collective punishment, executing five to ten Uyghurs in retaliation for every Chinese soldier lost. He enforced practices of spiritual desecration by forcing devout Uyghurs to raise pigs, slaughter them, and consume the meat; these were deliberate acts of cultural and religious humiliation. When villagers protested the killing of an elderly man, Wang deployed thousands of paramilitary units from the Xinjiang Production and Construction Corps (XPCC) to violently suppress the demonstration. The article boasts, 'Blood flowed like a river.' It further praises Wang for deceiving a delegation of Uyghur leaders who sought to petition Beijing to honour its nationality policies. Promising to take them to the capital, Wang instead ordered their transport to a remote location, where they were summarily executed. 'Tutu'ed,' the article notes, with chilling finality. It proudly recounts that any assembly of three or more adult Uyghur men was treated as a cause for immediate execution. It goes further, praising Wang's brutality as not excessive but exemplary. Why should we not be iron-blooded?' It asks, framing genocide as a patriotic necessity. It concludes by asserting that such measures succeeded in pacifying East Turkistan for decades, explicitly endorsing the repetition of those same genocidal tactics today. The article proclaims, 'Without thunderbolts, there can be no compassion,' and declares, 'Only by terrorising the troublemakers can we eliminate terror.' It ends with a chilling ideological assertion: 'In matters of national interest, force is truth.' STORY CONTINUES BELOW THIS AD These are not metaphors. They are ideological endorsements of policies already being carried out: enslavement through forced labour, mass internment, organ harvesting, and the systematic erasure of an entire people. This is not the rant of an internet provocateur or the revisionism of a random Chinese blogger. These words come from an official ideological institution whose mission, according to its own charter, is to 'serve the overall work of the Party and the State,' 'study and promote red culture,' and 'strengthen the ruling status of the Communist Party'. It is overseen by the Chinese Academy of Social Sciences, the CCP's top ideological think tank, and operates under the full authority of the Party. CRCRA is not obscure. Its events are attended and endorsed by China's top ideological elites. At its 2023 national conference, speakers included Teng Wensheng, former Director of the CCP Central Policy Research Office, and Li Dianren, former Deputy Political Commissar of the National Defence University, who also spoke at the organisation's 2024 national conference. The former praised the organisation's materials as 'politically sharp'. The latter called it a 'fighting force' for Xi Jinping's ideological leadership. STORY CONTINUES BELOW THIS AD Former Central Propaganda Department head Wang Renzhi and former Director of the Literature Research Office of the CCP Central Committee (renamed the Central Institute of Party History and Literature after 2018), Pang Xianzhi, have publicly praised the CRCRA for its unwavering commitment to advancing Party ideology. Their support is not incidental. It is confirmation of alignment with the CCP's core ideological goals. This is not a historical reflection. It is contemporary incitement. These narratives are being institutionalised, not by fringe bloggers or elements, but by organs of the Chinese state. China officially refers to its 1949 invasion of East Turkistan as the 'Peaceful Liberation of Xinjiang'. But the CRCRA's own article contradicts this claim. It recounts, in vivid detail and with ideological pride, the shelling of villages, mass executions, forced desecration of religious identity, and suppression through terror. China's own ideological institutions have now confirmed what Uyghurs have said for decades: that this was not liberation. It is a brutal military occupation. STORY CONTINUES BELOW THIS AD Since 2014, China has been engaged in a coordinated campaign of genocide and crimes against humanity in East Turkistan. Millions of Uyghurs, Kazakhs, and other Turkic peoples have been imprisoned in concentration camps, subjected to forced labour, coerced into sterilisation, and separated from their children. Thousands of cultural and religious sites have been destroyed. The Uyghur language has been suppressed. The Chinese government calls this 'poverty alleviation,' 'counterterrorism,' and 'vocational training'. But leaked official documents and the publicly available CRCRA article show the true motive: subjugation through extermination, justified in ideological terms. In 2020, the East Turkistan Government in Exile, the East Turkistan National Movement, and survivors of the camps filed a formal complaint with the International Criminal Court (ICC). The United States and over a dozen parliaments have recognised China's actions as genocide. In 2022, the UN Human Rights Office confirmed these crimes may constitute crimes against humanity. Yet no meaningful legal or political consequences have followed. STORY CONTINUES BELOW THIS AD The CRCRA article marks a dangerous new threshold. China's genocide against the Uyghurs is not only ongoing; it is now being openly glorified. The mass killings, cultural erasure, and brutal tactics of the 1950s are being celebrated as a model for how to govern East Turkistan today. This is not merely a message for domestic audiences. It is a signal to the world and a warning to those who remain silent. The world can no longer claim ignorance. In June 2025, the genocide of Uyghurs continues, no longer hidden but openly justified through state ideology. China's state-supervised institutions now openly praise the mass killings, forced assimilation, and religious destruction that defined the conquest of East Turkistan. These are not historical reflections; they are blueprints for how the Chinese party-state seeks to rule today. It continues to deny these crimes even as it glorifies the very ideology that justifies them. This is not merely impunity. It is escalation. STORY CONTINUES BELOW THIS AD The United Nations, democratic governments, and leading human rights organisations must demand that the International Criminal Court open a formal investigation without further delay. If the Court fails to act, the responsibility falls to democratic states to establish a special international tribunal to prosecute China's ongoing genocide and crimes against humanity in East Turkistan. Recognition of genocide and crimes against humanity, without concrete action to stop them and hold the perpetrators accountable, is not justice. It is complicity. Genocide does not begin with bullets. It begins with ideological incitement. In 2025, China is publishing that ideology proudly. The world must decide whether to confront the machinery of state-led extermination or enable it through silence. Mamtimin Ala is the president of the East Turkistan Government in Exile, and Salih Hudayar is leader of the East Turkistan National Movement. The views expressed in the above piece are personal and solely those of the authors. They do not necessarily reflect Firstpost's views. STORY CONTINUES BELOW THIS AD
South China Morning Post
13-07-2025
- Politics
- South China Morning Post
Forget the West – China think tanks must be ‘self-centred' to project soft power: expert
China's think-tanks should pay more attention to the nation's actual conditions and rely less on Western knowledge, according to a leading Chinese scholar, who said policy advisers could better reflect and project the country's soft power by incorporating 'Chinese characteristics'. Professor Zheng Yongnian, a political economist with the Chinese University of Hong Kong, Shenzhen, who is also a Beijing policy adviser, said that to better explain Chinese practices to the world and anticipate the country's future, such organisations should be based on an 'indigenous knowledge system'. The root and power of a country's rise was the 'rise of ideas', and think tanks were the core and soul of a country's ' soft power ', Zheng said in an interview in Tuesday's issue of Chinese Social Sciences Today, a newspaper published by the Chinese Academy of Social Sciences. Zheng Yongnian, an adviser to Beijing's policymakers, at a seminar last September. Photo: CUHK-Shenzhen Chinese think tanks, Zheng said, focused more on practicality compared with the research and analysis conducted in universities. 'Some universities' 'academism' in social science research is still stuck in Western textbooks. Their policy analysis also tends to be more of a post-analysis function,' he said. 'Think tanks, on the other hand, focus more on public policies in Chinese practice from the perspective of empirical research, exploring their formation, evolution and future development direction, as well as how decisions are made, implemented and supervised by the government and provide feedback,' Zheng told the newspaper. 'Only by truly building an indigenous knowledge system based on China's practical experience and realising 'self-centredness' can we truly explain China's practices and predict China's future,' he added.
The Star
12-07-2025
- Politics
- The Star
‘Global unity through dialogue'
BEIJING: Dialogue and cooperation are crucial tools to address common challenges such as poverty, climate change and inequality in a world grappling with economic uncertainty and tensions, says Datuk Seri Dr Wee Ka Siong. Calling for global unity, the MCA president said the spirit of exchange and mutual learning is facing new challenges amid rising protectionism, ideological divides and a worrying tendency towards isolationism. 'Some are tempted to see the diversity of civilisations not as a source of strength, but as a source of conflict. This is a dangerous path,' he said. Dr Wee was speaking at the forum on 'Inter-Civilisation Exchanges and Mutual Learning: Global Development and Prosperity,' part of the Ministerial Meeting of the Global Civilisations Dialogue held at the Diaoyutai State Guesthouse here yesterday. He emphasised that civilisation should not be a contest of dominance, but a journey of mutual learning. 'It is a journey of learning, where we share experiences, exchange knowledge and draw wisdom from one another to solve common challenges, be it poverty, climate change or global inequality,' he said. Also present was MCA secretary-general Datuk Chong Sin Woon. The forum was opened by Chinese Academy of Social Sciences vice-president Li Xuesong, followed by a keynote address from Hu Heping, executive deputy head of the CPC Central Committee's Publicity Department, and a speech from Andrey Chorbanov, chairman of Bulgaria's Education and Science Committee. Other speakers included Xinhua News Agency president Fu Hua, Bangladesh Cultural Affairs Ministry adviser Mostofa Farooki and CPC Central Committee Party School vice-president Li Wentang. Former Dewan Negara president and Star Media Group Bhd chairman Tan Sri Wong Foon Meng (pic) also participated, speaking at a separate forum. Dr Wee is on an official visit to China at the invitation of the International Department of the Chinese Communist Party Central Committee's Contemporary World Magazine. He is leading a delegation of 23 media representatives from 12 Asian and African countries under the theme 'Media Empowerment and Shared Prosperity'. The delegation is visiting key sites and companies to gain deeper insight into the historical foundations of Chinese civilisation as well as the major achievements and global opportunities arising from China's path to modernisation. Dr Wee noted that Malaysia, as a nation at the crossroads of Asia, embodies the value of cultural convergence, where diverse cultures, beliefs and ideas have come together to produce a rich civilisational tapestry. 'Our future lies not in turning inward but in engaging with the world,' he said. He highlighted Malaysia's commitment to modernisation through learning and adaptation, pointing to the Belt and Road Initiative as a successful example of international cooperation. 'Malaysia and China have shown the world how such collaboration can work,' he said. Dr Wee added that MCA is proud to have fostered these ties through the Belt and Road Centre, Institute of Strategic Analysis and Policy Research, inter-party exchanges and academic cooperation via Tunku Abdul Rahman University of Management and Technology and Universiti Tunku Abdul Rahman. Dr Wee also expressed support for China's Global Civilisation Initiative, which promotes mutual respect and dialogue among nations. 'No civilisation, no matter how advanced, holds all the answers. But through humility and openness, we can find solutions that benefit humanity as a whole. 'We must choose dialogue over division, cooperation over confrontation, and mutual learning over suspicion,' he said, adding that the wisdom of the past shows that diversity is humanity's greatest strength. Meanwhile, in a parallel session, Wong addressed the topic 'Inter-Civilisation Exchanges and Mutual Learning: Cultural Inheritance and Innovation,' highlighting the need for cultures to evolve while staying rooted in their essence. He cited examples such as Malaysia's batik and China's ink painting, which are flourishing in the digital age. 'In Malaysia, traditional batik motifs are being revitalised through digital fashion platforms, while in China, centuries-old ink painting techniques have found new life through immersive digital exhibitions. 'These expressions give rich meaning to our cultural inheritance. Yet, as we evolve, so must our cultures. Innovation does not mean turning away from tradition,' he said. Highlighting the media's role, Wong said, 'The media plays a critical role in cultural inheritance and innovation. We are not just storytellers, we are connectors.' He added that Star Media Group has been using its platform to encourage dialogue and unity in Malaysia's diverse society. 'We live in a time of unprecedented challenges, geopolitical tensions, technological disruption and environmental crisis. 'In such times, dialogue among civilisations is not merely valuable; it is essential,' he said. He praised the Global Civilisation Initiative proposed by Chinese President Xi Jinping as a timely framework for celebrating diversity and shared values. 'Peace, equality, justice and common prosperity are aspirations for all of humanity. 'Let us work together, not only to preserve our past but to leverage its essence to drive innovation and share its gifts with the world,' Wong said.
Al Anbat News
04-07-2025
- Politics
- Al Anbat News
Lot-drawing ceremony is a traditional religious ritual and historical convention that must be upheld in reincarnation of Living Buddhas: signed article
الأنباط - BEIJING, June 30 (Xinhua) -- The following is a signed article by Liu Huan, an assistant research fellow at the Institute of Ethnology and Anthropology, Chinese Academy of Social Sciences. Lot-drawing ceremony is a traditional religious ritual and historical convention that must be upheld in reincarnation of Living Buddhas For a long time, the 14th Dalai Lama has been spreading fallacies and misleading public opinion on the issue of selecting the reincarnations of late Living Buddhas. Recently, he has gone further, falsely claiming that the golden urn lot-drawing system has adopted improper means and caused serious damage to Xizang. His intention is to negate the legal status of the system, thereby repudiating the sovereign jurisdiction of the central government over Xizang, creating an illusion that Xizang was historically an "independent state," and seeking so-called legitimacy for "Tibet independence." In fact, the golden urn lot-drawing ceremony is an important innovation in the development of the Living Buddha reincarnation system in Tibetan Buddhism that dates back to the Qing Dynasty (1644-1911). The ceremony was established by law since the promulgation of the Imperially Approved Ordinance for Better Governance of Tibet (29-Article Ordinance) in 1793. Since then, it has become an essential procedure for the identification of the reincarnations of the Dalai Lama, the Panchen Erdeni and other grand Living Buddhas, gaining wide support and recognition from Tibetan Buddhists. The ceremony has played an important role in sustaining the healthy development and inheritance of Tibetan Buddhism and maintaining social stability in Xizang. I. The golden urn lot-drawing system is a result of conforming to historical trends The reincarnation of Living Buddhas is a method for religious leadership succession specific to Tibetan Buddhism. It was founded by the Karma Kagyu Sect in the 13th century and gradually adopted by other sects henceforth. Over the centuries, with the development and changes in the relation between politics and religion in Xizang, certain drawbacks in the reincarnation system were gradually exposed. In the Qing Dynasty, such problems became increasingly evident with Dharma protectors taking bribes and aristocrats colluding with temples to predetermine reincarnation candidates. Such behavior seriously disrupted the smooth successions of the grand Living Buddhas and even posed a potential threat to security in border areas. From the perspective of internal development, it became increasingly evident that members of the Tibetan aristocracy in the Qing Dynasty wantonly interfered with the selection and identification of reincarnations, in an attempt to expand their influence. When identifying reincarnations, the behavior of Chos Skyongs, or Dharma protectors who were responsible for practicing divination by drawing divining sticks or tossing coins, were left unchecked. Bribed by ecclesiastical and secular forces, they arbitrarily specified reincarnations -- therefore most of the selected boys came from aristocratic families, seriously undermining the sanctity and fairness of the reincarnation system. For instance, when searching for the Eighth Dalai Lama's reincarnation, although the Qing Dynasty government sent the third Zhangjia Living Buddha to Xizang to preside over related matters, the finally selected boy was related to the sixth Panchen; the younger brother and nephew of the third Zhangjia Living Buddha were respectively identified as the Nagya and Rakho Living Buddhas; the elder and younger brothers of the sixth Panchen became the Dhunpa Hutuktu of Tashilhumpo Monastery and the 10th Living Buddha of the red hat system of Karma Kagyu Sect respectively; one niece of the sixth Panchen was the Samding Dorje Phagmo Living Buddha. All these examples demonstrate manipulation by family forces on reincarnations. In response, Emperor Qianlong lamented in his article on Lamas that the reincarnations of grand Lamas seemed to have come from one family, which is almost the same as a hereditary title. From the perspective of the external political environment, the two invasions of Xizang by the Gorkha Tribe (located in central Nepal today) in the 18th century made the Qing Dynasty government realize that the lack of supervision over the selection of reincarnations of Living Buddhas in Tibetan Buddhism posed a threat to border stability. In 1779, the sixth Panchen traveled to Chengde to celebrate Emperor Qianlong's 70th birthday, and received large amounts of tributes from Mongolian and Tibetan noblemen as well as generous rewards granted by the emperor along the way and during his stay in Beijing. Unfortunately, after the sixth Panchen passed away in Beijing, all these properties were controlled by one of his brothers -- Dhunpa Hutuktu. However, another brother of his -- the 10th Living Buddha of the red hat system of Karma Kagyu Sect -- felt resentful and colluded with forces in Gorkha to invade Xizang and ransack the Tashilhunpo Monastery. The Qing Dynasty government sent troops to Xizang, with Fuk'anggan as the general. With the support of Tibetan monks and nuns, the Qing Dynasty troops forced the Gorkha troops to surrender and return the properties. The Gorkha invasion made the Qing Dynasty government realize that the combination of Living Buddha reincarnation and prominent families not only disrupted the succession order, but also posed deeper security risks. Failure to address this problem would lead to more serious border and territorial security issues. Faced with this grim situation, the Qing Dynasty government recognized the importance of strengthening the management of the reincarnation of Living Buddhas in Tibetan Buddhism. In the face of various drawbacks, the Qing Dynasty government followed the trend of historical development and formulated the golden urn lot-drawing system. After the end of the Gorkha War, the Qing government issued the Imperially Approved Ordinance for Better Governance of Tibet (29-Article Ordinance) (hereinafter referred to as the "Ordinance") in 1793, the first of which stipulated the establishment of the lot-drawing system. This system has henceforth been written into the Qing Dynasty's regulation for the department of foreign-related affairs and established at the legal level. According to the regulation, when searching for the reincarnations of grand Living Buddhas, the names and birthdates of the candidates need to be written on signboards in Manchu, Han and Tibetan languages, and placed in a specially made golden urn. The Qing Dynasty government's high commissioner in Xizang and the grand Living Buddhas would officially draw the lot to identify the signs in front of the statue of Sakyamuni Buddha in Jokhang Temple, and report to the central government for approval after selection. There are two golden urns, one placed in the Jokhang Temple in Lhasa for identifying the reincarnations of the grand Living Buddhas in Xizang; the other is placed in the Yonghegong Lama Temple in Beijing and used to identify the reincarnations of the grand Living Buddhas in various parts of Mongolia and the Tibetan-inhabited areas of Gansu and Qinghai provinces. Therefore, the golden urn lot-drawing system ensures that the reincarnations and successions of the grand Living Buddhas of Tibetan Buddhism are carried out under standardized and orderly conditions, effectively avoiding jobbery and collusion between ecclesiastical and secular forces. It has had a profound and far-reaching impact on maintaining the purity and dignity of the Living Buddha reincarnation system and stabilizing the social order in Mongolian and Tibetan-inhabited areas. It is the result of conforming to the trend of historical development. II. The golden urn lot-drawing system is widely supported and recognized by the Tibetan Buddhism community The establishment of the golden urn lot-drawing system has hitherto been sincerely supported and actively practiced by the upper echelons of the Gelug Sect, including the Eighth Dalai Lama. After the issuance of the "Ordinance," the Eighth Dalai Lama explicitly expressed his support for it and translated the text into Tibetan for publication across Xizang. In the subsequently issued proclamation for the Year of Water Buffalo, the Eighth Dalai Lama praised the golden urn lot-drawing system as the supreme grace of the central government to the monks and laymen of Xizang and the Gelug Sect, emphasizing the significance of this system for promoting Gelug and loving the people. At the same time, it was also clearly stated that after the implementation of the lot-drawing system, anyone who violates the regulations and selects the reincarnations willfully according to old customs will be severely punished. This proclamation not only demonstrated the respect of the Eighth Dalai Lama and the upper echelons of the Gelug Sect for the authority of the central government, but also showed their firm stance on maintaining the seriousness and purity of religious rituals, setting an example for various sects of Tibetan Buddhism to follow the system. Except for the Eighth Dalai Lama, many of the Gelug Sect Living Buddhas have demonstrated their recognition of the golden urn lot-drawing system through their actions. For instance, when the Qing court formulated the golden urn lot-drawing system, it took into account the distance between Lhasa and regions such as Chamdo, and permitted the recognition of reincarnations in those areas to proceed according to old practices. Nevertheless, the monasteries in Chamdo willingly undertook the arduous journey to Lhasa to conduct the golden urn lot-drawing ceremony. Under the leadership of the Living Buddha Pagbalha of Chamdo's Galden Jampaling Monastery, reincarnations of major Living Buddhas from places such as Riwoqê and Chagyab traveled to Lhasa for the golden urn lot-drawing, fully reflecting the Tibetan Buddhist community's acceptance of the ceremony. This voluntary practice clearly shows that from the moment the golden urn lot-drawing ceremony was introduced, it received widespread recognition within Tibetan Buddhist communities. The fairness, sanctity, and authority of the central government embodied in the system were highly acknowledged. After over 200 years of development, the system has become deeply rooted among both the religious and secular communities in Xizang. In addition, at the request of the Dalai Lama and the Gaxag government, several important golden urn lot-drawing ceremonies during the Qing Dynasty -- for selecting the reincarnations of the Dalai Lama and Panchen Erdeni -- were held in front of the memorial tablet of Emperor Kangxi and the portrait of Emperor Qianlong in the Potala Palace. This demonstrates the high regard and reverence the government of Xizang held for the central government and the golden urn lot-drawing system. Such support was not accidental, but rather the result of multiple factors. On the religious level, the golden urn lot-drawing ceremony inherited and standardized the traditional Tibetan Buddhist method of "divine judgment," aligning with the doctrine of "the Buddha's decision through dharma," thereby ensuring the sanctity of the recognition process for reincarnations, meeting the religious inheritance needs of the various Tibetan Buddhist sects. On the political level, understanding the importance of the central government's authority in helping maintain its influence in Xizang, the upper echelons of the Gelug Sect selected reincarnations by drawing lots from the golden urn and submitted the results for the central government's approval, conferring upon the reincarnations the legitimacy granted by the central government. On the social level, the system effectively curbed the social tensions and religious disorder caused by aristocratic manipulation and fraud in the old reincarnation practices, which strongly preserved social order in Xizang and are in line with the fundamental interests of all Tibetan Buddhist sects and the broader public. III. The golden urn lot-drawing ceremony is the only path for recognizing the reincarnation of the Dalai Lama Since the establishment of the golden urn lot-drawing system, the reincarnations of the Dalai Lama from the Ninth to the 14th, as well as many grand Living Buddhas from other sects of Tibetan Buddhism, have been confirmed either through the golden urn lot-drawing ceremony or, in some cases, exemption from the ceremony with approval from the central government. After the reincarnation of the Eighth Dalai Lama was identified, the Gaxag government of Xizang -- led by the regent Jedrung Hutuktu -- submitted a petition in the name of all the monks and laymen of Xizang, requesting exemption from the golden urn lot-drawing ceremony. The Qing Dynasty government granted this request as an exception. However, after the Ninth Dalai Lama passed away, the Gaxag government, with the regent Demo Hutuktu and others, again requested an exemption from the golden urn lot-drawing ceremony for the reincarnation, which the Qing Dynasty government did not permit. Emperor Jiaqing sternly rebuked the request, stating that the exemption granted for the reincarnation of the Eighth Dalai Lama was a special case, and firmly reaffirmed the principle that the recognition of a Dalai Lama's reincarnation must follow the golden urn lot-drawing procedure. Ultimately, on the 15th day of the first Lunar month in the second year of the Emperor Daoguang's reign (1822), the first-ever golden urn lot-drawing ceremony for the Dalai Lama's reincarnation was held, with Khenpo Kelzang Gyatso chosen as the reincarnation of the Ninth Dalai Lama. With the approval of the Qing government, he was formally enthroned at the Potala Palace as the 10th Dalai Lama. Thereafter, both the 11th and 12th Dalai Lamas were selected through the golden urn lot-drawing ceremony and formally enthroned with the approval of the central government. In the first year of the Emperor Guangxu's reign (1875), the 12th Dalai Lama passed away. The following year, the local government of Xizang submitted a formal petition to the Imperial Commissioner in Xizang, bearing the seals and signatures of the Kalöns, major Hutuktus, and Khenpos of the three great monasteries, respectfully requesting an exemption from the lot-drawing procedure. After the Imperial Commissioner reported the matter to the central government of Qing Dynasty, the exemption was approved, and the candidate was officially recognized as the 13th Dalai Lama. In 1933, following the passing of the 13th Dalai Lama, the Nationalist Government, then the central authorities of China, sent representative Huang Musong to Xizang to offer official condolences. In 1936, it issued a set of measures on the reincarnation of Living Buddhas. The regulations inherited Qing Dynasty's approach to governing Xizang by managing the reincarnation of Living Buddhas through legal means, clearly defining the scope of reincarnation, the reporting procedures for reincarnations, and the recognition process for different levels of Living Buddhas. The regulations reaffirmed key principles such as confirming reincarnations through drawing lots from the golden urn and having central government representatives to preside over the enthronement of grand Living Buddhas. In 1938, the regent Reting Rinpoche of Xizang submitted a petition to the central government requesting that the reincarnation of the 13th Dalai Lama be exempted from the golden urn lot-drawing. After negotiations with the local authorities of Xizang, the Nationalist Government proposed conditions for the exemption: first, Wu Zhongxin, chief of the Mongolian and Tibetan Affairs Commission of the Nationalist Government, must personally travel to Xizang to verify whether the boy truly exhibited spiritual signs; second, Reting Rinpoche must formally submit a written request to the central government to officially seek exemption from the golden urn lot-drawing procedure. On February 5, 1940, the Nationalist Government issued an order approving Lhamo Thondup as the reincarnation of the 13th Dalai Lama, exempting him from the golden urn lot-drawing ceremony, and specially authorizing him to succeed as the 14th Dalai Lama. On February 22, Wu Zhongxin and Reting Rinpoche jointly presided over the enthronement ceremony of the 14th Dalai Lama. These historical facts demonstrate that the legitimacy of the 14th Dalai Lama also derived from the approval of the central government. Not only is this true for the lineage of the Dalai Lamas, but also for the lineages of other grand Living Buddhas, such as the Gelug sect's Panchen Erdeni, the Jebtsundamba Khutuktu, the Jamyang Hutuktu, as well as those of the Karma Kagyu Sect's Black Hat Living Buddhas and the Nyingma Sect's Dojezhak Living Buddha -- all of whom had their reincarnations selected through the golden urn lot-drawing ceremony. History fully demonstrates that the central government, in accordance with the law, holds the final approval authority over the recognition of reincarnations. The selection of a reincarnated Dalai Lama through drawing lots from the golden urn and subsequent approval by the central government is the only path for confirming the Dalai Lama's reincarnation. A review of history clearly shows that the system of the golden urn lot-drawing ceremony was an important measure adopted by the Qing Dynasty central government to eliminate malpractice in the recognition process of reincarnations in Tibetan Buddhism and improve the reincarnation system of Living Buddhas. This measure not only reflected the central government's respect for Tibetan Buddhism and its followers, but also demonstrated its authority in matters concerning the reincarnation of grand Living Buddhas such as the Dalai Lama. It remains a fundamental principle that must be upheld in the reincarnation of grand Living Buddhas in Tibetan Buddhism
