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NDTV
20 hours ago
- Health
- NDTV
Independence Day 2025: Doctors & Medical Practitioners Who Played A Role In India's Freedom Struggle
India is celebrating its 79th Independence Day this year as it marks the nation's liberation from over two centuries of British colonial rule in 1947. It is not only a symbol of political freedom but also a turning point in the social, cultural, and scientific development of the country. It gave birth to the vision of a modern India where sectors like education, healthcare, agriculture, and science could grow in ways that served the nation's unique challenges. Which is why significance of Independence Day also extends deeply into the medical field. Before 1947, India's healthcare system was underdeveloped, heavily urban-centric, and largely inaccessible to the rural majority. Colonial health policies primarily aimed to protect British officials and soldiers rather than the Indian population. During the freedom struggle, doctors were not merely healers but also agents of change and resistance. Many used their medical expertise to support injured protestors, treat revolutionaries in hiding, and provide medical aid in rural areas neglected by the colonial administration. For them, medicine was not just a profession but a tool for empowerment and nation-building. Some refused to serve in colonial hospitals, instead dedicating their skills to nationalist causes. Their clinics often became hubs of political discussion and mobilisation. By advocating for health as a fundamental right, they helped lay the groundwork for the idea that true independence included freedom from disease, poverty, and neglect. They played a notable role in facilitating freedom through their medical service and their passionate steps to fight for the nation. Below we share few of the many heroic doctors who played a crucial role in helping India achieve freedom. Doctors who played a monumental role in India's independence: 1. Dr. Bidhan Chandra Roy Dr. Bidhan Chandra Roy was one of India's most renowned physicians and a former Chief Minister of West Bengal, was both a respected freedom fighter and a close associate of Mahatma Gandhi, whom he had personally treated. His leadership in Bengal's Civil Disobedience Movement led to his arrest and imprisonment by the British. In recognition of his service to the nation, he was later honoured with the Bharat Ratna, and his birth anniversary is commemorated as Doctors' Day in India. 2. Captain Laxmi Sehgal Captain Laxmi Sehgal was born in Malabar, earned her MBBS from Madras Medical College in 1938 and went on to obtain a diploma in gynaecology. Her life took a revolutionary turn when she moved to Singapore, where she met Netaji Subhas Chandra Bose. Entrusted with creating the women's wing of the Azad Hind Fauj, she rose to the rank of 'Captain' and led her battalion into Burma to fight against British forces. After India's independence, she settled in Kanpur, dedicating herself to medical service as a practising gynaecologist. 3. Dr. Bhogaraju Pattabhi Sitaramayya Dr. Bhogaraju Pattabhi Sitaramayya graduated from Madras Christian College, built a flourishing medical practice in present-day Andhra Pradesh. However, his dedication to the nation's cause outweighed personal ambitions. He became an active member of the Andhra Congress Committee and later served in the All India Congress Committee. His participation in the Quit India Movement of 1942 led to a three-year imprisonment by the British. 4. Dr. Muthulakshmi Reddy Dr. Muthulakshmi Reddy was a brilliant alumna of Madras Medical College, earned multiple honours and medals during her medical education. Although she had a promising career in medicine ahead of her, she chose to devote herself to the independence movement, inspired by leaders like Sarojini Naidu and Mahatma Gandhi. After freedom was won, she channelled her commitment to social service into healthcare, founding the Adyar Cancer Institute which is today one of India's leading cancer treatment centres. In essence, India's Independence Day is a reminder that freedom is multifaceted. It includes political autonomy, cultural identity, and the right to health and wellbeing. The doctors of that era understood this deeply. They fought not only against foreign rule but also against the sickness and inequality that weakened the country from within. Their legacy continues in the modern Indian healthcare system, which strives to uphold the vision of a healthier, freer, and more self-reliant nation. 5. Dr. Jadugopal Mukherjee Known more popularly as an associate of revolutionary Bagha Jatin and the leader of the Jugantar movement in Bengal, Dr. Jadugopal Mukherjee studied at the Calcutta Medical College in 1908. However, he discontinued his studies as he became more active in the freedom struggle. In 1921, he had to obtain a special permission to sit for his medical degree examination, but passed it with flying colours in 1922. In the 1920s and hence, Dr. Jadugopal Mukherjee united Jugantar with the Indian National Congress, and continued to be a part of the mainstream freedom struggle. And yet, his legacy as a doctor who treated tuberculosis patients in Ranchi is equally prominent. 6. Dr. M.A. Ansari While most people remember Dr. Mukhtar Ahmed Ansari as one of the founders and chancellors of Delhi's Jamia Millia Islamia University, and a close associate of Mohandas Karamchand Gandhi, what many don't know is this freedom fighter's contributions to the field of medicine. Dr. Ansari obtained his medical degree from Madras Medical College, and went to England to study for his M.D. and M.S. degrees. One of the leading medical students at London Lock Hospital and Charing Cross Hospital, he earned fame as a urologist-in fact, Charing Cross Hospital still has an Ansari Ward. His medical legacy is firmly placed in his book, Regeneration Of Man. Disclaimer: This content including advice provides generic information only. It is in no way a substitute for a qualified medical opinion. Always consult a specialist or your own doctor for more information. NDTV does not claim responsibility for this information.
Time of India
4 days ago
- Politics
- Time of India
After Jhansi ki Rani, another queen fought the British
Tired of too many ads? Remove Ads Start of Rani Gaidinliu's journey Tired of too many ads? Remove Ads Rise of Gaidinliu and her capture Tired of too many ads? Remove Ads 'Rani' and the Road to Freedom After Independence: A lonely struggle While everyone knows about Jhansi ki Rani Laxmibai, who fought with British forces in the battlefield, sword in hand and fire in her eyes, very few know about another Indian queen who too fought the British. Far from the spotlight, a 'rani' from the misty hills of the North East rallied her people, challenged the Crown's might, and ignited a centuries, powerful dynasties in India's Northeast stood as unyielding guardians, keeping at bay wave after wave of invaders -- from the Delhi Sultanate to the mighty Mughals, and even the early British. But that long-standing shield finally cracked when Burma stormed in, seizing control of Assam and Manipur. What followed was a brutal clash of empires -- a high-stakes power struggle between the Burmese and the British. The British, relentless in their imperial ambitions, ultimately crushed Burma after a series of bloody confrontations known as the Anglo-Burmese Wars, changing the fate of the region annexation of the Ahom kingdom by the East India Company in the early decades of the nineteenth century has loomed large as an important moment in the establishment of the British Raj in Assam. The Treaty of Yandabo (1826) gave the British East India Company an opportunity to establish its commercial and political interests in the frontier region of India. Amid the waves of the Civil Disobedience Movement and rising resistance across India, a fiery seventeen-year-old from the Northeast was quietly shaking the foundations of the British Raj. Leading a defiant tribal uprising, Rani Gaidinliu , a Naga, played a key role in the Indian freedom Gaidinliu's journey began when her cousin and spiritual mentor, Jadonang, claimed to have seen a divine vision from a revered god of the hills. The message was powerful: revive the ancient faith of their ancestors and resist the soon found himself surrounded by tribal communities desperate for hope amid fears of crop failure. His growing spiritual authority and anti-colonial message quickly caught the attention of British authorities by 1927 who arranged for a meeting with him, which also led to brief arrest of the Naga leader. As his influence grew strong, inspired by Mahatma Gandhi's Civil Disobedience Movement, he urged his followers to withhold British taxes and instead pay him, positioning himself as a liberator of the Nagas. But in February 1931, with whispers of rebellion in the air, the British arrested him on flimsy grounds. Failing to produce solid evidence, they falsely accused him of murdering Manipuri traders and hanged him publicly at the banks of the Nambul River in his death, Nagas hoped that another messiah would rise to lead them. The prophecy came true sooner than expected -- this time in the form of a seventeen-year-old girl, the British had met her during Jadonang's arrest and dismissed her as a 'sullen little unmarried girl of seventeen,' clearly underestimating her potential. However, this mere dismissal soon turned to be a grave mistake for the colonisers in the North East. With the followers of Jadonang regarding her as a goddess figure, Gaidinliu's revived spiritual movement had spread like wildfire across the Naga Hills, Manipur and the North Cachar Hills. Mirroring Gandhi's defiance, she urged her people to stop paying house taxes and reject British authority. However, with her growing influence, the British were on alert, launching an all-out operation under the Deputy Commissioner of the Naga Hills. Just like Jadonang's arrest, they resurrected an old case -- accusing Gaidinliu of murder, human sacrifice and cult arrest, Gaidinliu moved like a shadow across villages with her militia. Her bottled healing potion, famously called "Gaidinliu water," became a symbol of hope and February 16, 1932, a brutal clash erupted in Hangrum village. Assam Rifles stormed the area, killing villagers, burning homes, destroying granaries, and torching fields. A month later, another fierce encounter near Hangrum left heavy casualties. But once again, Gaidinliu slipped away. Frustrated by repeated failures to capture the teenage rebel, the British unleashed brutal retaliation, torching entire villages, destroying crops and torturing innocent villagers for information. Even Gaidinliu's native village, Lungkao, was not spared from this mid-1932, 29 guns were confiscated and Rs 2,920 collected in fines. British patrols tightened their grip, cutting off village communication and movement. Her name became a threat. The colonisers went so far as to harass girls who shared Gaidinliu's name, pushing many to abandon it out of fear. Even Gaidinliu herself adopted the alias 'Dilenliu' to stay hidden from British the flame of resistance flickered on. Her story echoed through whispered prayers, rebel songs and the dreams of a free Naga nearly five months, Gaidinliu and her band of rebels roamed the jungles of the trans-Barak basin, moving camp constantly. Disguised, she even visited her own village. Eventually, she chose Pulomi village as her base. Nestled between Zemi, Rongmei and Liangmei Naga tribes, her strongest support, Pulomi offered hope. But the village was also home to Christianised Nagas who had turned away from tribal prophecies and aligned with British colonialism. Converted by American Baptist missionaries and educated in mission schools, many now served the these loyalists was Dr. Haralu, a well-educated physician from the Liangmai tribe and native of Pulomi. An ardent supporter of British rule and an ideological critique of Gaidinliu's movement, he volunteered to help track her down. Ironically, his own younger brother, Jinyi, was one of Gaidinliu's closest a desperate bid to tame the fiery rebel, the British turned to a subtler tactic -- marriage. They persuaded Haralu, a well-regarded bachelor, to propose to Gaidinliu, dangling the promise of freedom if she gave up rebellion for domesticity. But Gaidinliu saw through the ruse and she vanished into the forest once more. However, Haralu continued writing to her, promising a personal meeting, but she never let herself be caught between love and she stayed at Pulomi longer than usual, awaiting his arrival, it proved to be a fatal error. Haralu came, not with love, but with armed forces. Though Gaidinliu had begun fortifying Pulomi, the defenses were incomplete. A British spy and village elder, Ishejungbe, had earned her trust, only to betray her. He leaked plans for a final attack to Haralu, who coordinated with the avoid detection, the army misled villagers about their destination. On October 16, 1932, a hundred riflemen marched for Pulomi, while another force of Nagas, Kukis and Gorkhas prepared for backup. They regrouped at Dzulki and surrounded Pulomi before dawn. After capturing a few guards, they learned she was hiding in Hailung's was arrested and brought to trial, not for rebellion, but on similar charges that targeted her sibling, murdering four Meitei traders at Kambiron. She was sentenced to life imprisonment. Initially locked in Imphal jail, she was later transferred to Shillong and Lushai Hills. The British kept moving her from place to place, fearful of the legend that she would return in another form to continue her in prison, her myth lived on. Rumours of her reincarnation sparked minor uprisings led by those claiming to be her avatars and continued until the outbreak of World War 1937, five years into her imprisonment, a turning point arrived. Jawaharlal Nehru, then President of the Indian National Congress, visited Assam for an entirely different reason. But wherever he went, he kept hearing one name, Gaidinliu. Intrigued, he visited her in Shillong was so moved by her courage and unwavering belief in her cause that he pledged to fight for her release. In a powerful article for the Hindustan Times in December 1937, he christened her 'Rani'. The name stuck — and so did her would take another decade and countless appeals, but when India finally gained independence in 1947, one of the first acts of Prime Minister Nehru was to sanction Rani Gaidinliu's freedom came with fresh battles. Two political forces had emerged in the region — the extremist Naga National Council (NNC), which wanted a separate country, and the moderate Naga Peoples' Convention (NPC), which called for a Union supported her Gaidinliu envisioned a separate administrative unit for the Zeliangrong people within India. But her dream clashed with geography, it would mean redrawing boundaries across Nagaland, Manipur and Assam. Her vision conflicted with the agendas of both NNC, NPC as well as the Indian these tensions, Gaidinliu remained a respected figure. She was honoured with the Tamrapatra (1972), Padma Bhushan (1982), Vivekananda Sewa Summan (1983), and the Bhagwan Birsa Munda Puraskar posthumously in her memory, India issued a commemorative stamp in 1996. On her birth centenary in 2015, commemorative coins were released, and in 2016, the Indian Coast Guard commissioned the 'ICGS Rani Gaidinliu'. A museum named the Rani Gaidinliu Tribal Freedom Fighters Museum has also been sanctioned at her birthplace in Manipur.
Time of India
08-08-2025
- Politics
- Time of India
Random Musing: The multi-pronged approach to dealing with Donald Trump's tariffs
Franz Kafka is one of the most written-about authors in the world. By some estimates, 15,000 books have been written about him, totalling over 1.5 million words, which is ironic given Franz Kafka wanted all his works burnt. Instead, he became the patron saint of the academic–industrial complex, a class – if he lived – he would have despised more than Marx hates the bourgeois. And yet, here we are, treating Kafka like a literary Zomato order — endlessly recycled, reviewed, and over-analysed. It's almost poetic that he didn't want his work published; he should have just put it behind a paywall and waited for academia to find it anyway. Much like Kafka, billions of words have also been spilled on Donald Trump — decoding his actions, analysing his motivations, and comparing him to every tyrant and dictator to have walked this planet, from Genghis Khan to Adolf Hitler. All these analyses have tried to interpret him through the prism of rationality, which is a futile exercise, like trying to study an Einstein–Rosen Bridge from within, or asking an auto driver why he took 'the shortcut' that doubled your fare. In recent days, the output has increased thanks to Trump's increasingly irascible rants on India — rants that have led our policy wonks (sports commentators writing commentary on a sport they can't watch) to waste gallons of ink on how New Delhi ought to have reacted to Trump's tariffs. by Taboola by Taboola Sponsored Links Sponsored Links Promoted Links Promoted Links You May Like She Mixed Pink Salt With This - Now She Can't Stop Losing Weight Break The Weight Learn More Undo Other countries and companies have tried different approaches. Buying him planes. Giving him statues with gold bases. Offering crypto deals, oil, Nobel Prize nominations. Even calling him 'Daddy' — which says more about global diplomacy than it does about Trump. But India? India has always refused to bow to foreign powers, even when we were a far poorer economy. We have weathered Persians, Mughals, Mongols, Brits, and the launch of the ₹2,000 note. We can manage one ex-reality-TV-host-turned-president with a spray tan. The correct procedure is a multi-pronged approach unleashing all spheres of society: political, judicial, civil, and the particularly uncivil. For the political, the current government is already on it. But the other sections? They need assignments. First: unleash the Uncivil Disobedience Movement. Mahatma Gandhi's Civil Disobedience Movement played a stellar role in Indian independence — even though it planted a mendacious founding myth about our basic nature — which, over the years, has evolved into something far more authentic to who we are: unruly, unapologetic, occasionally meme-based. Second: the bureaucrats. We look up to them to do what they have mastered over decades — firm, masterly inaction. The Trump administration is about to meet the most Kafkaesque force known to man, one that can make The Trial look like Zindagi Na Milegi Dobara (which, when you think about it, is also a perfectly appropriate name for The Trial): the Indian Babu. By virtue of clearing the most difficult exam known to man, the Indian Babu has ascended beyond mortal constraints, into the pantheon of divinity. Anyone portraying his struggles directly wins a National Award. Trump might be the unstoppable force. The Babu is the immovable object. Or, as the latter would say: Lunch ke baad aana. Every angry Truth Social post will be met with a reply so anodyne and bullet-pointed that it will cause his advisors to re-read it three times before realising it says nothing. Third: the Indian internet. Post the Pahalgam terror attack, we saw how quickly Indians online can unite for a collective cause. This is a digital space forged by a peculiar combination — English fluency, democracy, and truly democratised data plans — making it one of the most chaotic, creative, and terrifying corners of the internet. K-pop fans, fact-checkers, political IT cells — all can be redeployed. This time, not for local skirmishes, but for a hashtag war that makes Mar-a-Lago trend for all the wrong reasons. Fourth: cultural boycotts. We go after America's favourite exports — the Hollywood–Marvel Complex. No more superheroes in spandex saving the day; we'll stick to our homegrown universe where a moustachioed cop in sunglasses can take out a small army with a bicycle chain. Finally: the legal noise machine. Our talking heads have been testing the upper limits of human hearing for years. It's time to channel that decibel power towards Washington until the White House starts issuing press releases in CAPS LOCK. And now, let me borrow lines from an intermittent fasting enthusiast who is quite familiar to Americans: Even though large tracts of trade and many old and famous companies may fall into the grip of Trump's tariffs and all the odious apparatus of MAGA rule, we shall not flag or fail. We shall go on to the end. We shall fight in the WTO, we shall fight in the corridors of Davos, we shall fight with growing confidence and growing bandwidth on the internet, we shall defend our economy, whatever the cost may be. We shall fight on the hashtags, we shall fight on the WhatsApp groups, we shall fight in the fields of cricket commentary and in the streets of Connaught Place, we shall fight in the hills of Bollywood gossip; we shall never surrender. And even if, which I do not for a moment believe, this nation were to be cut off from its burgers, its Marvel movies, and its overpriced tech toys, we are a 5,000-year-old civilisation that has integrated Persians, Mughals, Mongols, Brits, socialism, capitalism, and the IPL without losing our sense of self — we will not be shaken by some reality TV star with a spray tan and a tariff chart.
Time of India
29-04-2025
- Politics
- Time of India
95 years later, the Salt March lives on in Tamil Nadu, but the memory slips away
Every April 13 for the past 25 years, D. Sakthi Selvaganapathi, a horologist from Tiruvarur, makes his way to the Trichy cantonment. There, he joins fellow Gandhians for a 240 km salt march, reenacting the historic Vedaranyam Salt Satyagraha led by freedom fighter C. Rajagopalachari 95 years ago. Gandhians across Tamil Nadu have been reenacting the march for the past 60 years, says Selvaganapathi, ever since the 25th anniversary of the original walk. "The reenactment is a reminder of breaking the salt law imposed by the British," says the 71-year-old, who represents the Trichy-Vedaranyam Salt Satyagraha Dandi Yatra committee. "We continue to campaign against caste discrimination and alcoholism, advocate for literacy, and promote khadi, all causes that the Satyagrahis fought for in 1930." On March 12, 1930, Mahatma Gandhi led about 78 volunteers on a 387 km walk from Sabarmati Ashram in Ahmedabad to the coastal village of Dandi in Navsari district as part of the Civil Disobedience Movement. On April 6, at Dandi beach, Gandhi broke the salt law by boiling seawater to produce salt. Later, Rajagopalachari, President of the Tamil Nadu Congress Committee, began a 240 km march to Vedaranyam to replicate Gandhi's protest. On April 13, 1930, 98 Satyagrahis started their journey from Dr T. S. S. Rajan's residence near Trichy Cantonment. The marchers walked through Srirangam, Kallanai, Thanjavur, Papanasam, Kumbakonam, Needamangalam, Mannargudi, and Thiruthuraipoondi, campaigning against caste discrimination and promoting national integration and social harmony. Despite threats of imprisonment from Thanjavur district collector J. A. Thorne, people in every village and town supported them. by Taboola by Taboola Sponsored Links Sponsored Links Promoted Links Promoted Links You May Like Google Brain Co-Founder Andrew Ng, Recommends: Read These 5 Books And Turn Your Life Around Blinkist: Andrew Ng's Reading List Undo "The sun did not rise over the Bay of Bengal on April 30 when CR and 16 fellow marchers set out towards Edanthevar salt swamp, a couple of miles from Vedaranyam camp. Almost immediately after they reached the swamp, they bent and picked up some salt," writes Rajmohan Gandhi, author of the biography 'Rajaji, a Life'. Rajagopalachari was immediately arrested. A trial was conducted at a salt shed (now the office of the salt commission in Agasthiyampalli). A judge sentenced Rajagopalachari to six months of rigorous imprisonment in Trichinopoly central prison. Following Rajagopalachari, hundreds of people defied the salt law in the following month and were arrested. Every year, the Gandhians and Congress cadres dressed in khadi and carrying Indian flags from across Tamil Nadu reenact the march with a symbolic start at the same point near Trichy cantonment. The villagers of Vedaranyam and a group named Salt Satyagraha Reenactment Marchers Reception Committee welcome the reenactors as they arrive at Vedaranyam on April 28. The following day, the group holds a fast and sings songs of national devotion at the Vedaranyam Salt Satyagraha memorial, even spinning yarn on charkas. On April 30, the Gandhians garland busts of Vedaranyam's freedom fighters such as A. Vedaratnam, K. Vairappan, and V. Subbaiya, and grab handfuls of salt and raise slogans in front of the salt march memorial pillar in Agasthiyampalli where the salt laws were broken. "We are doing this in the hope that the younger generations will not forget," says Selvaganapathi. "Today's generation is not aware of the significance of the Vedaranyam Satyagraha," says 'Pookadai' T. Panneerselvam, a florist from Trichy and representative of the Salt Satyagraha Awareness Committee. "Though we Gandhians have been keeping the spirit of the Satyagraha alive with the reenactment, the govt too needs to promote awareness. The govt could develop memorials that educate people on this movement," says the 61-year-old. P. V. Rajendran, a representative of the Salt Satyagraha Reenactment Marchers Reception Committee, says names of Satyagrahis should be inscribed in memorials as people only know about Rajaji. "We can have sound and light shows at the memorials to educate students about it." Many historical sites associated with the movement are now dilapidated, says Selvaganapathi. "Dr T. S. S. Rajan's house in Trichy and the historic buildings in Vedaranyam where the Satyagrahis were detained and tried after the salt march need renovation." The family of Sardar Vedaratnam, who was one of the main figures of the Vedaranyam march, has been demanding statues of the freedom fighters for years now. "We have been petitioning the Union govt to rename Agasthiyampalli Railway Station as 'Salt Satyagraha Agasthiyampalli Railway Station' and Vedaranyam Railway Station as 'Sardar Vedaratnam Vedaranyam Railway Station' for a few years now," says his 74-year-old grandson A. Vedarathinam.
