Latest news with #Confucianism
New Straits Times
7 days ago
- Politics
- New Straits Times
Follow the ethos of the UN for Earth's survival
ACCORDING to the order signed by the President of the Republic of Azerbaijan, Ilham Aliyev, 2025 has been officially declared as the Year of Constitution and Sovereignty. And the reason is clear. Since the dawn of humanity, the necessity for norms has been evident, arising from human beings` capacity of reason and free will. Norms were established to safeguard the human mind/capacity of reason from descending into malevolence. Another crucial point that warrants emphasis is that the so-called "Wild World/Wild Nature" — which I personally find a misnomer — requires no normative structures, whereas norms are absolutely indispensable for human society. Among the core principles of the peace agreement proposed by Azerbaijan to Armenia in 2022 were respect for the sovereignty and territorial integrity of the neighbouring countries. In ancient Greece and even in Confucianism, there was a concept/goal of common good. This concept, which has developed over time with the influence of various religious, political, ideological, conjunctural processes and other factors throughout the history, maintains its essence. This is Civilisation of Peaceful Coexistence. The main idea of Confucianism was: "Do not impose on others what you yourself do not desire". Plato argued that a just society is one where everyone fulfils their role for the benefit of the whole. According to Plato the common good is linked to justice, harmony, and the moral development of citizens. Aristotle defined the common good as the flourishing (eudaimonia) of all citizens through virtue and civic participation while Cicero was advocating for laws that serve the common welfare. Al-Farabi envisioned the ideal society as one that aims toward the perfection and happiness of all its members — collective happiness/common good is achieved through the development of moral and intellectual virtues. St Thomas Aquinas defined the common good as the purpose of law and governance: peace, justice, and the flourishing of the community in alignment with divine law. Enlightenment thinkers like Jean-Jacques Rousseau argued that the general will (the collective interest) represents the common good. If everyone attempts to declare and impose their own version of "the good" upon the society they live in, chaos becomes inevitable. It is not the individual's benefit, but that which is reasonable and serves the common good of all, that constitutes the demand of universal ethos. The most comprehensive document serving the common good of world society is the United Nations Charter. The advancement of our level of civilisation is directly proportional to the strengthening of the UN Charter's constitutional authority. The devastating consequences of the First World War prompted humanity to recall the notion of the common good. In response, the League of Nations was established, and a (weak) mechanism was designed to secure global peace. Unfortunately, within the prevailing atmosphere shaped by the demands of humanity's then-level of civilisation, the League of Nations was stillborn. The absence of an effective mechanism to secure world peace flung the doors wide open to the Second World War. The tragic aftermath of the Second World War gave rise to a new organisation — the United Nations — emerging from the ashes of the League of Nations. Let us remember Article 2(1) of the UN Charter: "The Organisation is based on the principle of the sovereign equality of all its members." This means that all member states, regardless of size or power, have equal rights and responsibilities under international law. Article 2(4) states that "All members shall refrain in their international relations from the threat or use of force against the territorial integrity or political independence of any state, or in any other manner inconsistent with the purposes of the United Nations." Within the framework of the UN Charter and, more broadly, international law, Azerbaijan ended Armenia's occupation by military means in 2020 and 2023. After patiently waiting for three decades for the implementation of UN Security Council Resolutions 822, 853, 874, and 884, Azerbaijan was ultimately compelled to enforce/fulfil them through military action in 2020 and 2023. As long as we remain committed to the UN Charter, we will begin to see our fundamental problems — and the grave dangers that await us — with greater clarity. Chief among these are poverty and climate change. Tomorrow may be too late. Let us not destroy our shared home — our Earth.
Korea Herald
25-05-2025
- Korea Herald
'Cuisine reflects traditions, culture'
Head researcher at The Korean Studies Institute says food can be considered cultural content Food is not just a means of nourishment; it can provide insight into different cultures and broaden one's understanding of society through the traditions, values, practices and heritage hidden in each dish. This idea took center stage during a talk on Thursday on the cultural significance of "jongga." Jonnga food refers to unique practices and specialty dishes passed down through generations through the jongga, or head of a family, who is typically the oldest son of that generation. The session, organized by The Korea Food Promotion Institute was held on the sidelines of a special exhibition highlighting how the food culture in Andong -- a city in North Gyeongsang Province and a bastion of Confucianism -- has evolved, offering visitors a walk down memory lane through the past and present culinary heritage of a city steeped in tradition and history. Saying that food can tell stories, Kim Mi-young, head researcher at The Korean Studies Institute, stressed that traditional food should be shared through "meaningful storytelling" to connect with younger Korean generations and people from other cultures. "Food can be content. I believe it is a way of consuming history and culture. That is why we must pay attention to storytelling, meaning and value," the senior researcher said, underscoring that cultural traditions can be a powerful way to build strong brands. "For example, people used to only think of high-end Western liquors such as Ballantine's or Royal Salute when it came to alcohol. However, traditional Korean liquor can also be stylish. Gayangju (traditional home-brewed liquor) bottle designs have received an upgrade to stand out on shelves and are starting to attract younger consumers," the senior researcher explained. Kim said restaurants in Andong have adapted to meet the changes and preferences of the younger generation while still retaining their core identity. "A restaurant I often go to in Andong serves a meal set consisting of seasoned radish greens, stir-fried seaweed stems, grilled yam, Andong-style salted mackerel and wild mountain greens from the region. This can provide a deeper understanding of the city and its traditions, allowing visitors to explore what Andong people eat and its local specialties. And this could be (considered) content because eating the food can be an experience in understanding the culture better," Kim noted. "Koreans eat with our mouths, not our eyes, meaning that the taste of food is more important than how it looks. For example, when it comes to 'namul' (seasoned vegetables), we mix them with our hands, creating a deeper taste. By eating these, visitors can better understand the city's culture and experience local traditions," Kim said. There is a difference between simply eating food and experiencing it as an expression of culture, she continued. Since many foreign national tourists tend to learn about Korean culture and traditions through Korean food, Kim noted that now is the time to "find the value" behind it, especially through food as cultural content. Referring to a popular tourist destination in central Seoul, Kim said. "Why would tourists head to Insa-dong to visit and eat? It is because they want to explore the culture."
Malay Mail
18-05-2025
- Politics
- Malay Mail
Zu Xi, Ibn Khaldun, Ibn Battuta, and Liu Zhi: Forgotten front-runners of the confucian-Islamic dialogue — Osman Bakar and Phar Kim Beng
MAY 18 — As Malaysia prepares to host the ASEAN GCC and China Summit on May 27 2025, it is equally vital to recover the legacy of four historical figures who embody the spirit of such a convergence: Zu Xi, Ibn Khaldun, Ibn Battuta, and Liu Zhi. Why ? Though separated by geography and doctrinal traditions, these three polymaths provide a roadmap for today's scholars, policymakers, and religious leaders striving to bridge the Islamic and Confucian worlds in an increasingly fractured global order. Thus, their lives offer compelling evidence that Islam and Confucianism are not civilizational strangers. Rather, they are complementary ethical systems rooted in reason, virtue, and harmony—each committed to shaping a just and knowledgeable society. To examine these thinkers together is not to force equivalences, but to explore synergies. Zu Xi: Order Through Self-Cultivation Zu Xi (1130–1200), the Neo-Confucian sage of the Southern Song dynasty, redefined Confucianism with his concept of li (principle) and qi (vital force), emphasizing that moral self-cultivation is the foundation of social order. Education, to Zu Xi, was not mere knowledge acquisition but the shaping of character and the deepening of ethical discernment. This resonates strongly with Islamic conceptions of adab—the integration of manners, learning, and piety. In Zu Xi's view, social harmony emanates from personal discipline rooted in metaphysical clarity. His insistence on gewu (the investigation of things) and reflective practice finds parallels in Islamic traditions of ijtihad (independent reasoning) and tazkiyah al-nafs (purification of the soul). Both worldviews reject chaos as natural. They insist on an ordered cosmos governed by divine or moral law. Ibn Khaldun: History as a Mirror of Civilizational Ethics Ibn Khaldun (1332–1406), the North African polymath, offered a groundbreaking vision of history as the science of society. In his Muqaddimah, Ibn Khaldun theorized that dynasties rise and fall in cycles tied to asabiyyah (social cohesion) and moral decay. Like Zu Xi, he was preoccupied with the ethical foundations of governance and the limits of human power. Where Zu Xi saw order through metaphysical introspection, Ibn Khaldun saw it through empirical observation. Yet both reached similar conclusions: a just society depends on virtuous individuals and rulers. Ibn Khaldun's skepticism of urban decadence echoes Zu Xi's caution against luxury corrupting virtue. Today, in an age of declining trust in leadership across much of the world, these insights are painfully relevant. Malaysia will be chairing ASEAN in 2025 and taking the helm of both the ASEAN-GCC-China Summit and the Confucian-Islamic Dialogue. — Bernama pic Their shared emphasis on the moral dimensions of power aligns with the agenda of the upcoming ASEAN-GCC-China Summit in Malaysia. ASEAN's model of consensus governance, the Gulf's efforts at modernization without losing moral footing, and China's invocation of 'shared future for mankind' all echo fragments of this legacy. Ibn Battuta: Witness to Civilizational Crossroads Ibn Battuta (1304–1369), the legendary Moroccan traveler, was less a philosopher than a witness. His journeys across North and Sub-Saharan Africa, the Middle East, Central Asia, India, and China reveal a world where Confucian and Islamic cultures did not merely coexist—they intersected. His vivid accounts of Tang and Yuan China, and the respect he paid to Chinese administrative sophistication, offer a unique early template of civilizational admiration without domination. While the modern international system is structured around rigid sovereignties and zero-sum logics, Ibn Battuta's world was one of porous boundaries and dynamic interactions. He exemplified what we now call 'Track II diplomacy': observing, recording, and transmitting knowledge through lived experience. In our time of travel restrictions, digital walls, and civilizational anxieties, his life reminds us that movement and dialogue are not luxuries—they are necessities for global understanding. Liu Zhi (1670-1724): Knowing the Other Key to Inter-Civilisational Understanding Living in the Qing dynasty Liu Zhi was an exemplar of dialogue scholar-activist with a deep knowledge of China's religions and philosophies. A Muslim by birth he immersed himself throughout his life in the study of Taoist, Confucian, Buddhist, and Christian scriptures apart from the Quran. His mind is an accomplished synthesis of Confucian and Islamic thought conveying a precious message for the contemporary world. Toward a New Civilizational Consensus Bringing Zu Xi, Ibn Khaldun, Ibn Battuta, and Liu Zhi into dialogue may seem anachronistic. But as philosopher Daniel Bell reminds us, traditions must be reimagined, not fossilized. These thinkers represent a counter-narrative to the 'clash of civilizations.' They offer a civilizational confluence, grounded in ethical mutuality and intellectual humility. Indeed, their philosophies are now being revived not merely by academics but by governments looking for alternative models to Western universalism. The Confucian-Islamic Dialogue to be hosted by the International Islamic University Malaysia and the International Confucian Association (ICA) on June 16 2025 will not be a mere academic ritual. It is an opportunity to reestablish forgotten lines of empathy between East and West Asia—lines once navigated by ships, camels, and scholars. Why This Dialogue Matters Now With Malaysia chairing ASEAN in 2025 and taking the helm of both the ASEAN-GCC-China Summit and the Confucian-Islamic Dialogue, the moral weight of regional leadership falls on Putrajaya. The challenge is not just geopolitical—it is philosophical. ASEAN and the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) must collectively affirm that economic growth and technology transfer alone cannot foster durable peace or resilience. Zu Xi's emphasis on moral education, Ibn Khaldun's concern with ethical leadership, Ibn Battuta's respect for cultural pluralism, and Liu Zhi's commitment to knowing the civilisational other together form a civilizational grammar sorely needed in the 21st century. As the global order fractures under nationalist rhetoric and hegemonic struggles, it is time to listen to the echoes of those who lived before borders were walls and faith was reduced to faction. In remembering these thinkers, we are not just paying homage—we are recovering tools for navigating the uncertain world ahead. * This is the personal opinion of the writer or publication and does not necessarily represent the views of Malay Mail.
South China Morning Post
17-05-2025
- Politics
- South China Morning Post
China's religious history features Christianity, Judaism and Islam … and a cult that sparked bloody civil war
Here are five pieces from Post Magazine's long-running column Reflections by Wee Kek Koon that look at the Chinese Bible's impact on Mandarin, the forgotten Kaifeng Jews, the journey of Islam in China and how one Hong Xiuquan, who thought he was Jesus Christ's brother, started the Taiping Rebellion. Read the fascinating tale of Hong Xiuquan, who claimed to be Jesus Christ's younger brother, sparking the Taiping Rebellion that hastened the downfall of the Qing dynasty. His religious movement, born from failed exams and divine visions, resulted in millions of deaths in the bloodiest of civil wars. Explore the harmonious coexistence of Buddhism, Taoism and Confucianism in China, and how it contrasts with the historical conflicts among Abrahamic faiths. The non-dogmatic nature of Chinese belief systems, which foster inclusivity and syncretism, suggests something can be learned from their approach to religious tolerance and coexistence. The Chinese Union Version of the Bible introduced biblical phrases like 'sacrificial lamb' and 'a tooth for a tooth' into the Chinese language. Christian translators consulted ancient Greek texts and English editions to create a version for Chinese readers, shaping linguistic and cultural landscapes.
Malay Mail
17-05-2025
- Business
- Malay Mail
When Islam meets Confucianism: Why the Asean-GCC-China Summit will redefine regional integration — Phar Kim Beng
MAY 17 — When Malaysia assumes the Asean Chair in 2025, it does so with a unique historical and civilisational compass — one that points not only to the Pacific and Indian Oceans but also to the heart of civilisational dialogues between Islam and Confucianism. The upcoming Asean-GCC-China Summit, to be held on May 26–27 in Kuala Lumpur, is not just a diplomatic convergence — it is a strategic opportunity to reimagine integration between East and West Asia. Indeed, rarely in modern diplomacy does a summit represent such a layered confluence of history, culture, religion, and trade. With the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) representing the Arab-Islamic world and Asean reflecting the dynamic economies of Southeast Asia, and with China as the enduring Confucian power, this trilateral engagement provides fertile ground for both strategic connectivity and philosophical synthesis. Malaysia, grounded in both the Malay-Muslim worldview and the Confucian tradition through its long-standing ties with China, is the most natural bridge. The upcoming Asean-GCC-China Summit, to be held on May 26–27 in Kuala Lumpur, is not just a diplomatic convergence — it is a strategic opportunity to reimagine integration between East and West Asia. — Reuters pic Malaysia's civilisational vantage point Malaysia is more than just a host — it is the inheritor of two civilisational streams. As a Muslim-majority nation that has practiced open engagement with China for centuries, it is uniquely placed to mediate, synthesise, and propose a deeper regionalism based not solely on economics, but also shared values of order, harmony, and justice. In the Malay world, Islam was never just a faith — it was a worldview (al-ru'yah al-islamiyyah) based on justice, moderation, and community. And similarly, the Confucian tradition, as articulated by thinkers like Zhu Xi, enshrined hierarchy not as oppression but as a moral order grounded in virtue. Together, these civilisational legacies offer the Asean-GCC-China trilateral format a deeper philosophical anchor than the transactional frameworks that plague many modern multilateral arrangements. Asean and GCC: Strategic convergence, not just convenience The Gulf states are looking East — and not just to hedge against Western uncertainties. As hydrocarbon economies seek diversification under Saudi Arabia's Vision 2030, the UAE's Future Foresight Initiative, and Qatar's diplomacy of soft power, Asean presents a compelling destination. With a combined GDP of over US$3.6 trillion (RM15.4 trillion) and a population nearing 700 million, Asean is not just a market — it is a model of developmental pragmatism. Yet it is China that serves as the third axis in this emerging tri-polar framework. Its Belt and Road Initiative, the Digital Silk Road, and vast infrastructure financing across both Asean and GCC territories position Beijing as the pivotal economic enabler. However, China's engagement has often raised concerns about asymmetry. This is where Asean, under Malaysian chairmanship, can mediate—not merely to dilute China's influence, but to embed it within a rules-based, civilisationally conscious framework. Zhu Xi and Ibn Khaldun: A dialogue of orders The strategic logic of this summit is not just geopolitical; it is philosophical. Zhu Xi, the great neo-Confucian scholar of the Song dynasty, emphasised 'li'—the principle of universal order. His writings on harmony, filial piety, and moral governance can find deep resonance in the Islamic concept of 'adl (justice) and maslahah (public interest), emphasised by Ibn Khaldun. Ibn Khaldun's Muqaddimah teaches that civilisations rise and fall based on asabiyyah—social cohesion. This cohesion, he argued, must be rooted in justice and collective purpose, not simply material wealth. Asean and GCC nations, increasingly buffeted by global disorder, must re-anchor their cooperation in this kind of civilisational cohesion. Trade and infrastructure are important, but enduring integration must emerge from shared moral visions. From Zhu Xi's 'Great Unity' to Ibn Khaldun's cycles of civilisation, both traditions caution against imperial overreach, moral decay, and the loss of community values. As such, Asean and the GCC, guided by the Confucian respect for hierarchy and the Islamic ethos of ethical governance, must design integration that emphasises human dignity over profit, regional sovereignty over coercive alliances, and dialogue over domination. A new infrastructure of conscience At a practical level, the Asean-GCC-China Summit should consider the following innovations: 1. Civilisational Dialogue Mechanism: Establish a permanent Asean-GCC Cultural and Civilisational Dialogue Forum, housed in Kuala Lumpur or Doha, with rotating leadership and anchored in comparative philosophy, interfaith dialogue, and values education. 2. Islamic-Confucian Sustainability Framework: Inspired by the Confucian ideal of harmony with nature and Islam's stewardship concept (khalifah), propose an environmental cooperation platform focused on water, desertification, carbon markets, and halal green industries. 3. Halal-Confucian Trade Corridor: Promote a joint economic zone where halal standards, Confucian business ethics (such as sincerity and accountability), and Islamic finance norms shape trade protocols. This could attract global Muslim and Confucian heritage markets, from Africa to Northeast Asia. After all l, Indonesia and Malaysia have mutually agreed to acknowledge each other's Halal products. 4. Digital Ethics Compact: Asean, GCC, and China can co-develop an AI and digital technology governance framework that balances innovation with moral safeguards. Drawing from Islamic and Confucian epistemologies, such a framework would emphasise data responsibility, public interest, and algorithmic transparency. Beyond realism: A value-based regionalism Too often, summits are reduced to press statements and photo opportunities. Yet regional orders that endure—from the Treaty of Westphalia to the Bandung Conference—were born not of necessity alone, but of vision. Malaysia's leadership this year must resurrect that spirit. Thus, the Asean-GCC-China Summit is a chance to move beyond mere hedging strategies between the US and China. It is a moment to craft a third way—one rooted in the value pluralism of Asia, not its division. Islam and Confucianism, long treated as cultural artifacts, must now inform how we build institutional bridges, not just symbolic ones. Malaysia, with Prime Minister Anwar Ibrahim's deep commitment to civilisational dialogue, can lead this synthesis. As Chair of Asean, it can push beyond trade facilitation toward trade with ethical depth. As a Muslim democracy with historical ties to both Mecca and Beijing, it can propose structures of cooperation that reflect moral clarity in a fragmented world. Conclusion: A summit of destiny As wars rage in Gaza and Ukraine, and as sanctions, tariffs, and technology decoupling dominate headlines, Asia's answer must not merely be alignment — but enlightenment. The Asean-GCC-China Summit must serve as the Bandung 2.0 — not in rhetoric, but in building an inclusive framework grounded in civilisational ethics. Let this be the summit where the Gulf and East Asia rediscover one another — not through oil and semiconductors alone, but through the quiet wisdom of Zhu Xi and Ibn Khaldun. Their ancient insights offer not nostalgia, but navigational beacons. If Asean and the GCC, with China's engagement, can embody those values, then the 21st century may finally witness a regionalism of conscience — and not just convenience. Phar Kim Beng, PhD, is Professor of Asean Studies at the International Islamic University Malaysia. He is a Harvard and Cambridge Commonwealth Fellow. He writes frequently on civilisational diplomacy, comparative regionalism, and the philosophical foundations of Asia's international order. * Phar Kim Beng, PhD, is a Professor of Asean Studies at the International Islamic University Malaysia and a Visiting Faculty member at the Asia-Europe Institute, University of Malaya. ** This is the personal opinion of the writer or publication and does not necessarily represent the views of Malay Mail.
