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Scroll.in
2 days ago
- Politics
- Scroll.in
Literature, icons, history: How Indian nationhood was built through local languages
Earlier analyses by political scientists tended to emphasise the compulsions of electoral mobilisation and factional power conflicts within the ruling Congress Party or the masking of communal or ethnic demands by those of language. A spate of recent research on the emergence of reading publics in the different regions of India – which came about as a result of the proliferation of printed literature in the modern Indian languages in the 19th and 20th centuries – has given us an entirely new perspective for understanding the cultural foundations of mass nationalism. We can now see that the imagination of the nation as a community of millions of people unrelated by kin or face-to-face proximity was enabled by the circulation of printed texts in newspapers, magazines, novels, government circulars, and textbooks. Poets, novelists, and playwrights performed a crucial role in creating the emotional attachment of masses of people to something they learnt to call their nation. The printed text was supplemented by the performance of songs and plays as well as the circulation of printed images. This was possible only through the medium of the standardised print vernaculars. Consequently, the consciousness of large democratic solidarities was grounded in the regional languages. This was the reason why the Congress, at the moment of its transformation into a mass movement of nationalism, realised the importance of organising itself into monolingual provincial organisations. The same force was active after Independence in the demand for linguistic states. But if the proximate community of national solidarity was built around the regional languages, how could there be a sense of Indian nationhood? This is where the Indian experience has produced a unique historical example. This book will set out the argument that the description of the Indian nation varies according to the language formation in which one is positioned. The nation is imagined and contested in different ways in Tamil, Marathi, Urdu, Hindi, Punjabi, Assamese, or Bengali, and different genres of prose and verse literature, music, art, and theatre participate in this project of imagination. But even when the entity may be called the Indian nation, it actually looks different from each regional perspective. This is reflected in the fact that the terms 'nation' and 'state' often have different equivalents in the regional languages. Thus, Assamese and Odia use desh, and Telugu and Tamil desam and tecam, to mean nation, while in Bengali the word is jati. The word for state in Bengali is rashtra and in Telugu rashtram, which are completely different from the way the word is used in Hindi. Tamil uses arasu or maanilam. These differences are not merely nominal, because each of these words have different conceptual and affective histories in each language. My argument, therefore, is that we can only, and necessarily, get a relativist view of the Indian nation – relative to the linguistic region from which one is looking – since there is no available linguistic perspective from which we can obtain an invariant view of the object. Academic histories produced in English by professional historians only give us the history of the Indian nation-state built around an imperial state apparatus. The history of the Indian nation as a solidarity of the people can only be imagined in a vernacular print language: of these, there are several and each produces a different description of the Indian nation. Consequently, only a relativist view can reconcile the history of the state with that of the people. Thus, in Maharashtra, the memory of the Maratha Empire frames the imagination of a sovereign people, united by Maharashtra Dharma, fighting a prolonged war against the Mughals under the leadership of the warrior-king Shivaji. This nation, portrayed mainly by Brahmin writers, is male, militant, and imperial, in which Maharashtra leads the rest of India. But this vision was challenged by anti-Brahmin intellectuals who rejected the inheritance of the Peshwa-dominated Maratha Empire and instead held up the devotional congregation of the Varkari sect of Pandharpur as the living soul of Maharashtra Dharma. By contrast, the imagination of the nation in Bengal is that of a mother, insulted and injured by foreign rulers, seeking protection and sacrifice from her children. The image of the mother goddess came to dominate this representation of the nation, iconically symbolised in the song Vande Mataram. Soon, this representation of Mother Bengal was transformed into the image of Bharat Mata and circulated all over India. This showed that signifiers of the nation could be used interchangeably for the regional as well as the pan-Indian community, depending on the context. But this vision of the nation in Bengal, constructed mainly by Hindu upper-caste writers, with its strong association with the iconography of the warrior mother-goddess, was contested by Muslim intellectuals. Interestingly, when Bangladesh was created in 1971, it adopted as its national anthem a song by Rabindranath Tagore that represented Bengal as a homely mother who loves, shelters, feeds, and plays with her children – yet another transformation of the same signifier familiar in Bengal's literary imagination. In the Tamil region, the language itself was deified as the iconic maternal image of Tamilttāy. Tamil acquired the status of a classical but living language that rivalled Sanskrit. When the first generation of Brahmin nationalists identified the Indian nation with Aryan Hinduism, they were challenged by the non-Brahmin movement in the mid-20th century. The public register of the Tamil language in the theatre, cinema, and political oratory was classicised by replacing Sanskrit with pure Tamil words. This was the reverse of what happened with most North Indian languages, which produced a modern vocabulary for public use by adopting or coining neologisms out of Sanskrit words. Further, the historical imagination of the state was stoked in Tamil Nadu by memories of the glory of the Pallava, Chola, and Pandyan kingdoms, rivals to the empires of the North. The Dravidian movement was launched by the Justice Party which was anti-Congress and pro-British. Later, EV Ramasamy sustained the critique of mainstream Indian nationalism by pointing to a series of real and imagined overlaps between the Hindu religion, the Brahmin caste, the Sanskrit language, the Aryan race, the valorisation of unproductive occupations, and the patriarchal subordination of women. This reached a critical point in the anti-Hindi agitations of 1937–40 and the early 1950s when the Dravidian movement demanded freedom from Hindi imperialism by separating from India. The legacy of Dravidianism and the anti-Brahmin movement in Tamil Nadu continues to this day, even though there is no separatist political demand any more. The imagination of the Indian nation in Tamil is thus quite distinct. The role that secondary education plays in grounding the imagination of the nation in a language is dramatically shown in the large swathe of North India where Urdu was the language of bureaucracy and education in the colonial period. In Punjab, the modern high literary culture of the province was built through the medium of Urdu. But the regional and cultural identity signified by Urdu was much larger than Punjab. When the Arya Samaj tried to build a reformed Hindu identity in Punjab, it preferred to use Hindi as its chosen language which occupied an equally large cultural space. Ironically, therefore, Punjabi, which was the ordinary spoken language of most Punjabis, did not become a modern print vernacular before the partition of the province in 1947. The imagination of the nation in Punjab, split between three languages – Urdu, Hindi, and Punjabi – finally acquired three distinct demographic categories tied to three religious groups – Muslims, Hindus, and Sikhs. These divisions were resolved politically not merely by the bloody partition of Punjab between India and Pakistan, but also by the later separation of Haryana from Punjab. Nevertheless, the relation between regional solidarity and the pan-Indian remains problematic because of the continued resonance of a distinct Sikh nationalism.
Time of India
2 days ago
- Politics
- Time of India
'LoP decided to get briefing from Chinese Ambassador during Doklam crisis': Jaishankar slams Rahul Gandhi in LS debate
External Affairs Minister Jaishankar responded to Congress's claims regarding China. He mentioned Rahul Gandhi's meeting with the Chinese envoy during the Doklam issue. Jaishankar highlighted Congress's past dealings with China, including trade agreements and technology imports. He spoke about the government's efforts to improve border infrastructure and relations with neighboring countries like Maldives and Sri Lanka. Tired of too many ads? Remove Ads Tired of too many ads? Remove Ads External Affairs Minister S Jaishankar on Monday hit back at Congress over its allegations against the government in relation to China and took potshots at Rahul Gandhi over his meeting with Chinese envoy during Doklam standoff in minister, who was participating in the debate on Operation Sindoor in Lok Sabha, referred to some comments made by Congress member Gaurav Gogoi about government not mentioning China in the context of its support to Pakistan."Some mention was made about visits, including my visit. Yes, I went to China. I went to China to make our position very clear about de-escalation, about trade restrictions and about terrorism. I did not go to China for the Olympics, I did not go to China for secret agreements. The House should know that people were watching Olympics when China was issuing stapled visas to people from Arunachal and Jammu and Kashmir. This is the reality of China. Let me really tell you how is the relation with China. We heard about warning about China, caution about China and you know China is planning this and China is planning that. Sir, I want to remind this House," he over two-month Doklam crisis eruputed in 2017 following actions of Chinese Army. Rahul Gandhi is now the Leader of Opposition in Lok Sabha."Doklam crisis was on. The Leader of Opposition decided to get a briefing from whom? Not from the Government, not from the MEA, but from the Chinese Ambassador. He took his briefing from the Chinese Ambassador when our military was confronting the Chinese military in Doklam. This is the political thing. I spoke about the political fact, I spoke about the border fact, let me give you an economic fact. What is the economic thinking of the Congress Party about China? In 2006, the Congress Party agreed to do a regional trading arrangement with China. It was finalised during the visit of President Hu Jintao. A task force was appointed. The task force gave a positive recommendation. Through the efforts of various people, this did not happen. Let me give you the technology side. The very people today who are cautioning us on China are the people who allowed 3G and 4G to come from China. It was this Government which made sure that there was a Made in India 5G," the minister spoke of government's efforts to ramp up border infrastructure."We keep speaking about the border. The border today, whether it is border with Pakistan or border with China or any other border. If our military is today able to stand its ground, the kind of massive deployment that we saw on the China border after 2020, it is because our border infrastructure budget has gone up four times, our tunnelling, our road building, our bridge building has doubled or tripled. And this is a far cry from the period the thinking was let us not develop the border because then the Chinese cannot come in. We had 60 years of the neglect of the border. Today in last 10 years, that neglect has been reversed. There is still a lot of work to be done. So I think people need to understand, and its not just in India," he also talked of improving ties with several neighbouring countries."We have just come back from Maldives. When I hear comments about foreign policy, day before yesterday, the PM was the Guest of Honour at the Independence Day of Maldives. This is the country which during their time forced an Indian company to leave an airport. That country has today invited India to build two new airports. Look at Sri Lanka. If the Hambantota port was built between 2005 and 2008 and at that time it was actually justified that it has no impact on India's interest. I want the House to appreciate that the people who are claiming today to be the custodians of national security thinking, who say that they are giving warnings, let us look at their record, let us see what they did when they were in office," he added.
News18
2 days ago
- Politics
- News18
'Read History': Supriya Sule Schools BJP's Tejasvi Surya In Lok Sabha Over Nehru Claim
Last Updated: The BJP MP from Bengaluru South alleged that the Congress Party has prioritised weakening India's military capabilities through systemic and deliberate policies Nationalist Congress Party (SCP) MP Supriya Sule on Monday hit out at BJP MP Tejasvi Surya over a claim that 'Jawaharlal Nehru never encouraged the defence forces." Speaking in the Lok Sabha during the debate on Operation Sindoor, Sule asked Surya to read up the history and said, 'When it comes to the country, the country comes first, then the state, then the party, then the family." 'I would like to tell Tejasvi Surya and put it on record, he said that Jawaharlal Nehruji, the first Prime Minister of India, never encouraged the defence forces and we have never done anything, this is the first time India has done exceptionally well in its armed forces. He has not only insulted thousands and lakhs of Indian force and armies and their families who have stood so that you and I can be safe. I object to the statement that he has made… Tejasvi Surya, if you haven't read history, then read it," she added. The Baramati MP further said, 'When we got a call from Kiren Rijiju, he just told me on the phone that Supriya, you will have to give 10 days for the country… It was the greatness of the Prime Minister that he showed faith in the opposition leaders to lead the delegations… At the all-party meeting, the Congress party was the first to say that the Congress party and the entire opposition will stand with Narendra Modi's government with full strength." In his speech, the BJP MP from Bengaluru South alleged that the Congress Party has prioritised weakening India's military capabilities through systemic and deliberate policies. 'From 1947 to the present, the Congress Party has prioritised weakening India's military capabilities through systemic and deliberate policies – Nehru even said the country did not require an army and dismissed the modernisation of the armed forces as rubbish," he said. Sule Questions Govt On Pahalgam The NCP-SP MP questioned the government's handling of Operation Sindoor, saying it cannot be called a success until the terrorists responsible for the Pahalgam attack are caught. 'Sindoor is not a success till you find those terrorists. Until you catch the terrorists, it cannot be celebrated," Sule said. She requested External Affairs Minister S Jaishankar to reflect on international calls for de-escalation and asked why there is still no clarity on the outcome of the military response. She referred to the anguish of victims' families, recounting how one person from her area repeatedly asked her, 'When will my father get justice?" The NCP-SP leader said once seen as a paradise, Kashmir has now become a nightmare for many and that compensation without jobs or accountability is inadequate. view comments First Published: July 28, 2025, 22:23 IST Disclaimer: Comments reflect users' views, not News18's. Please keep discussions respectful and constructive. Abusive, defamatory, or illegal comments will be removed. News18 may disable any comment at its discretion. By posting, you agree to our Terms of Use and Privacy Policy.
India Today
2 days ago
- Politics
- India Today
Home Minister must take moral responsibility for Pahalgam attack: Gaurav Gogoi
In a speech in the Lok Sabha, Congress Party's Gaurav Gogoi questioned the government on security failures, citing the Pahalgam attack as the most painful in 20 years, alongside previous incidents in Uri and Pulwama. He asserted that the Home Minister must take moral responsibility and that the central government cannot hide behind the Lieutenant Governor. Gogoi criticized the government's response, stating, 'this government is so weak, this government is so cowardly that today… they blamed the tour operators.' He also challenged the effectiveness and aims of 'Operation Sindoor,' questioning why, despite such operations, Pakistan remains undeterred. Gogoi condemned the Prime Minister for not visiting Pahalgam after returning from Saudi Arabia, contrasting it with Rahul Gandhi's visit to the area. He accused the security establishment of having an 'ego' that prevents it from being questioned.
Hans India
4 days ago
- Politics
- Hans India
Sarithamma Champions OBC Empowerment at Congress National Meet in Delhi
Gadwal: A major gathering of prominent Congress OBC (Other Backward Classes) leaders was held at the historic Talkatora Stadium in Delhi, aiming to build unity and raise awareness among OBC communities across the nation. The event saw the participation of several high-profile Congress leaders, including AICC President Mallikarjun Kharge, Leader of Opposition in the Lok Sabha Rahul Gandhi, PCC Chief Mahesh Kumar Goud, ministers from the OBC community, and other senior leaders. Among the distinguished attendees was former Zilla Parishad Chairperson and Congress Party Gadwal Constituency In-Charge Sarithamma, who addressed the gathering with a powerful speech focused on the upliftment of marginalized communities. Key Highlights of Sarithamma's Speech: Sarithamma emphasized the need for social, educational, and economic development of underprivileged sections of society, particularly OBCs. She expressed confidence in the leadership of Rahul Gandhi to steer the nation towards inclusive growth. She noted that: > 'To provide justice to the backward classes, there is a dire need for a strong and empowered OBC movement. Under the leadership of Rahul Gandhi, the Congress party is committed to pressuring the central government to pass the long-pending 42% OBC Reservation Bill, which will be a historic step for backward communities across the country.' She added that the time has come for people from weaker sections to unite and support Rahul Gandhi as the next Prime Minister of India. "The sons and daughters of marginalized communities are calling for Rahul Gandhi to lead the nation and ensure their rightful place in society," she asserted. Prominent Participants: The conference witnessed the participation of: Sitting and former OBC MLAs, MPs, MLCs Corporation Chairpersons, Market Committee Chairpersons DCC Presidents Senior leaders from Congress Party's OBC wings and affiliated associations Representatives from Youth Congress, NSUILibrary Corporation Chairpersons Eminent OBC intellectuals and scholars Influential figures from various OBC community organizations and caste-based associations This large-scale meeting is seen as part of the Congress party's renewed strategy to mobilize backward classes ahead of the upcoming elections and reinforce its commitment to social justice and equality. With strong voices like Sarithamma advocating for grassroots empowerment, the event marked a significant step towards strengthening the Congress party's OBC outreach across India.
