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Syrian President Al-Sharaa to visit Kuwait end of May
Syrian President Al-Sharaa to visit Kuwait end of May

Arab Times

time19-05-2025

  • Business
  • Arab Times

Syrian President Al-Sharaa to visit Kuwait end of May

KUWAIT CITY, May 19: Syrian President Ahmad Al-Sharaa is scheduled to visit Kuwait at the end of this month, marking his first official trip to the country since assuming leadership during the transitional period, reports Al- Seyassah daily quoting Syrian sources. In an exclusive statement to the daily, sources said this visit will conclude Al-Sharaa's Gulf tour, which included stops in Saudi Arabia, United Arab Emirates (UAE), Qatar and Bahrain. Sources added he will visit the Sultanate of Oman before arriving in Kuwait. his visit, President Al-Sharaa will meet with the Kuwaiti political leadership to discuss ways to strengthen bilateral cooperation. He will also express Syria's gratitude for Kuwait's longstanding political and financial support; including its role in hosting multiple donor conferences, providing substantial humanitarian aid since 2011, and launching an emergency airlift following the fall of the former regime. Sources revealed that a delegation of Kuwaiti businesspersons, led by Bader Nasser Al-Kharafi, held a preliminary meeting last Tuesday to discuss potential investment opportunities. They said President Al-Sharaa is expected to meet with business leaders during his visit to explore avenues for economic collaboration. In preparation for these discussions, President Al-Sharaa met earlier this week with several ministers and heads of the concerned institutions to review the draft investment law and the proposed amendments. Sources stated that the goal is to improve the business climate and align with Syria's new phase of economic openness and recovery. On the political front, the President recently issued a decision to establish the National Commission for Transitional Justice, in accordance with the country's Constitutional Declaration. This move reflects the commitment of the President to justice and reconciliation as foundations for a lawful and inclusive State. The mandate of the commission includes investigating human rights violations committed by the former regime, holding perpetrators accountable, compensating victims, and addressing the damage caused. Sources also indicated that the commission will pursue legal accountability for former regime-linked businessmen who were involved in fraudulent activities, particularly those impacting Gulf countries. They affirmed that all proceedings will follow proper legal channels. Describing Syria as a 'land of justice and fertile ground for investment,' the sources highlighted the country's pressing need for reconstruction. They pointed out that this process gained significant momentum after US President Donald Trump lifted sanctions on Syria at the request of Crown Prince of Saudi Arabia Mohammed bin Salman. 'This development paves the way for renewed Gulf investment, especially from Kuwait, to take a leading role in rebuilding efforts and capitalizing on the range of opportunities in different sectors,' source elaborated. Sources stressed that 'the new Syria is determined to reengage with its Arab neighbors. The visit of Al- Sharaa to Kuwait is also a gesture of appreciation for the Kuwaiti people's steadfast support throughout the Syrian crisis. This marks a turning point in the foreign policy of Syria, signaling a return to its Arab identity.' On the security front, sources confirmed that the Syrian leadership is focusing on maintaining stability. They revealed that Defense Minister Murhaf Abu Qasra recently called on small armed groups not yet integrated into the national security forces to do so within 10 days.

Rage In Syria: The Constitutional Declaration Approved By The President Is Yet Another Step On The Path To A New Dictatorial Rule
Rage In Syria: The Constitutional Declaration Approved By The President Is Yet Another Step On The Path To A New Dictatorial Rule

Memri

time07-04-2025

  • Politics
  • Memri

Rage In Syria: The Constitutional Declaration Approved By The President Is Yet Another Step On The Path To A New Dictatorial Rule

Introduction On March 13, 2025, Syria's new president and Hay'at Tahrir Al-Sham (HTS) leader Ahmed Al-Sharaa, formerly known as Abu Mohammad Al-Joulani, signed the Constitutional Declaration of the Syrian Arab Republic. The document serves as the country's constitution for the transitional phase of the government, which will continue for at least the next five years. The Constitutional Declaration was approved relatively quickly, about two weeks after the National Dialogue Conference was held, where hundreds of representatives from the various ethnic and other groups in Syria had come together to lay the groundwork for the transitional phase. However, prominent Syrian political forces were actually excluded from the conference. A look at the Constitutional Declaration shows that it is another step by HTS in establishing its dictatorial regime in the country, since it concentrates many powers as well as control of the three branches of government in the hands of the president – he will be responsible for appointing members of parliament, members of the government, judges in the High Constitutional Court, and members of the Syrian National Security council. Absent from the declaration are oversight apparatuses and checks and accountability requirements for the president, and it does not state that the people are the source of the government's rule. The president's approval of the declaration enraged many elements in Syria, particularly among the Kurds, who have an autonomous region in the country's northeast, and among the Druze in Suwayda province, who see it as a "dictatorial declaration" incompatible with the people's wishes and warned that they would not abide by it. Protests against the declaration were also held in both areas. Similar criticism appeared in articles published by many Syrian writers, both inside and outside the country, stating that the Constitutional Declaration disregarded the fact that the revolution had aimed for democracy and to restore the rule to the people, and that it was the beginning of the establishment of a new dictatorship that would take over from the previous dictatorship. Syrian President Al-Sharaa signs the Constitutional Declaration of the Syrian Arab Republic (Source: March 13, 2025) This report will present the main points of the Constitutional Declaration and the criticism it has sparked in Syria. The President Holds Many Powers And Controls The Executive, Legislative, And Judiciary Authorities The Constitutional Declaration's 53 clauses, drawn up by a committee of seven appointed by Al-Sharaa himself, place many powers in the hands of Syria's president and give him control of all three authorities. Thus, in the legislative authority, Al-Sharaa will be in charge of appointing all members of the Syrian parliament – one third of them directly, and the others by a supreme committee that he forms. He will also be given the right to propose bills. In the executive authority, Al-Sharaa will be the one to nominate and remove government ministers. Likewise, the declaration does not mention a prime minister; that role appears to have been eradicated. The drafting committee explained at the signing that the president is to be appointed by the executive authority, and that the president's limitation of the powers of the executive authority is aimed at allowing him to act quickly and to deal with any difficulty that might arise during the transitional phase in Syria. [1] With regard to the judiciary authority, the president will appoint the judges of the Supreme Constitutional Court that rules on the constitutionality of laws and is in charge of establishing a body to deal with transitional justice, [2] establishing a supreme electoral authority, and other bodies. Furthermore, the Constitutional Declaration states that the president is also commander-in-chief of the Syrian army and has the authority to declare a state of emergency for a period of up to three months with the agreement of the Syrian National Security Council, which the president heads and whose members he appoints. [3] In addition to all of the above, conspicuous in their absence from the declaration are apparatuses for accountability for the president if he oversteps or misuses his authority. Other parts of the Constitutional Declaration cast a dark shadow on the prospect of democracy for Syria. Syrian jurists have said that even if there are some positive clauses in it, others damage it. For example, despite the clause stating that citizens have equal rights and obligations before the law regardless of race, religion, sex, or origin, and provides for equality of opportunity at work, it also states that the Syrian president must be Muslim. Likewise, it appears that the clauses about protection of human rights, freedom of expression, freedom of the press, and others can be restricted by the president using another clause in the declaration that permits him to declare a state of emergency with the agreement of officials who were selected by him. [4] Pages from the Constitutional Declaration (Source: March 13, 2025) The Constitutional Declaration Is Another Step In The New Syrian Regime's Establishment Of Anti-Democratic Measures It should be noted that the Constitutional Declaration is an addition to previous measures taken by the HTS-led Syrian regime that has sparked apprehension in the country that the dictatorial Assad regime has been replaced by another, similar regime. Thus, on January 29, 2025, the Syrian government held a "Victory Conference" at which unilateral decisions were made about the transitional phase in the country, including the appointment of Al-Sharaa as president and his consent to assemble an interim legislative council for the transitional phase. The conference did not, however, include representatives of Syrian political and civil organizations, and during it a decision was made to disband them. [5] The conference was held as a military event to which pro-Al-Sharaa military factions were invited, with the exclusion of Kurdish military representatives from the northeast and Druze representatives from Al-Suwayda province. [6] Additionally, the National Dialogue Conference was held on February 25, 2025; it was presented as a meeting of hundreds of representatives of Syria's ethnic and other groups that aimed to lay the foundation for the transitional phase in the country. But in actuality, representatives of prominent forces were excluded from the conference, first and foremost from the Kurdish autonomous region, and the conference participants were determined by HTS-affiliated elements – reinforcing the impression that the organization was in control of the proceedings. [7] Likewise, even before the conference, Al-Sharaa had made it clear that its outcomes would be considered suggestions, that is, non-binding for the regime. [8] Indeed, the conference's concluding statement consisted of a series of general aims with no details of how they would be implemented – for example, strengthening freedom as a supreme value in society, establishing the principle of cooperative life among all Syrians, establishing a legislative council as soon as possible, and the like. [9] Thus, the conference was perceived as no more than a marketing tactic aimed at obtaining popular and international legitimacy for HTS's control of Syria during the transitional phase. [10] The line in the Constitutional Declaration stating that it was based on the Victory Conference and on the National Dialogue Conference only reinforced the accusations that the declaration does not truly represent the Syrian people and was aimed at establishing the new regime. Rage In Syria Over The Constitutional Declaration: It Does Not Represent All Of Syrian Society The Constitutional Declaration sparked a great deal of criticism among many Syrians, particularly from rivals of the HTS government: the Kurds, who continue to maintain their autonomous region in the northeast which has not been under Syrian government control since the Assad regime, and the Druze in the southern province of Suwayda, where HTS is not fully in control. On the day of its publication, March 13, the administration of the autonomous region said in a statement that the declaration does not reflect the diversity of the country, does not promote partnership among all elements of Syrian society, and expresses "a mentality of an individual [regime] that is a direct continuation of the previous situation in Syria [i.e. the Assad regime] against which the people rebelled." It added that the declaration "does not reflect the aspirations of the people" and that it "thwarts efforts to achieve true democracy in Syria..." [11] For its part, the Syrian Democratic Council, the political arm of the Syrian Democratic Forces that serve as the military organization of the Kurdish autonomous zone, announced its absolute opposition to the declaration, calling it "an attempt to recreate dictatorship in the guise of the transitional phase." [12] Likewise, in Suwayda province, Druze spiritual leader Sheikh Hikmat Al-Hijri expressed opposition to the declaration "that includes a dictatorial declaration." He added, "We will not implement a single clause of any constitution or [constitutional] declaration that is incompatible with the will and rights of the people." [13] Another Druze spiritual leader in Suwayda, Sheikh Yousef Jerboa, said that the declaration "gives more powers to the president and the presidential or national council [apparently a reference to the National Security Council] established by and based on six or seven officials headed by President Al-Sharaa, and this limits decision[making] to a single uniform group." He also expressed his hope that the Constitutional Declaration would be changed. [14] In both regions, protests were held against the declaration. Left: Protests in Hasaka, northeast Syria: "The people want a change to the constitution" (Source: March 16, 2025); right: Protest in Suwayda: "Al-Joulani and Assad – two sides of the same coin" (Source: March 23, 2025) Attempts by members of the Constitutional Declaration drafting committee to justify its clauses were not particularly persuasive. Committee head Abd Al-Hamid Al-Awak said that a presidential regime was decided upon for the transitional period, and in such a regime the president has broad powers, but there was no expansion of these exceptional powers. [15] But these statements did not explain why no element in the Syrian government had the power to demand presidential accountability. Committee member Ahmad Karibi's statement that "it is the people who judge the president and the parliament" [16] has no grounding in the Constitutional Declaration, in which the role of the people is not mentioned. Syrian Writers: The Constitutional Declaration Establishes A New Dictatorship In Syria; The President Has Too Many Powers Criticism of the Constitutional Declaration was also expressed in articles by numerous Syrian writers who claimed that the declaration concentrates too many powers in the hands of the president, it excludes the people and the different political forces from participation in determining the destiny of the country, and constitutes the beginning of the establishment of a new dictatorship. Syrian Journalist: The Constitutional Declaration Excludes The People And Ignores Its Aspiration To Democracy In his March 16, 2025 article, Syrian journalist Ammar Dayoub maintained that the Constitutional Declaration concentrates great power in the hands of President Al-Sharaa and does not include the role of the Syrian people in determining the destiny of the country. Therefore, he foresees that the Syrian government will take control of all government authorities and that a new dictatorship is about to arise in Syria. He wrote: "Syria's interim president Ahmed Al-Sharaa has approved a Constitutional Declaration that does not include the word 'temporary' and was signed into force. Its preamble cites the [concluding] statement of [the] Victory [Conference] and the closing statement of the National Dialogue Conference, and speaks of reliance on previous constitutions, but fails to mention the popular revolution's goal of transitioning to democracy... The discourse on freedom and dignity has become tailored to the will of the new administration and the temporary [constitutional] declaration serves the interests of this administration and its president... "Many clauses in the [constitutional] declaration concentrate power in the hands of Ahmad Al-Sharaa: He is authorized to appoint one-third of the legislative council and to form the election committee that elects the rest of its members, and he is also authorized to appoint [government] ministers. The text makes no mention of the prime minister, and there are speculations that [Al-Sharaa] himself will head the government. He is [also] the one who appoints judges to the constitutional court. [Also] absent from the declaration's clauses is the word 'elections,' and any mention of the people's role in the referendum on the draft constitution at the end of the interim period. The length of this period – five years – is further proof of the danger [inherent in] the interim president's control over the state and all its institutions. They could have sufficed with two years, or three at most... "No clause in the declaration mentions the sovereignty of the people, in contrast to [Syria's] 1950 constitution, which stated that 'sovereignty is anchored in the rule of the people, by the people and for the people.' The popular revolution was meant to restore the people's role in determining the fate of the country, but after this role was absent from the Victory Conference and the National Dialogue, it is also absent from the [constitutional] declaration and from the temporary people's council that is to be established. The Syrian people now fear that figures it trusts, and prominent national figures, will be absent from the interim government that, according to President Ahmed Al-Sharaa's plan for the interim stage, is to be established... "The measures taken by the interim administration; the length of [the interim period], which has been set at five years; the fact that the people and [various] political forces have been excluded or suspended from political participation... [all] indicate that the new administration means to monopolize all the branches [of government] and deprive them of any independence. Therefore, this [constitutional] declaration is the first step in establishing a new dictatorship in the guise of a victory over the previous dictatorship..." [17] Syrian Lawyer: We Are Creating A Pharaoh – Not A President Of Syria Similarly, Syrian lawyer Ghazwan Koronsul wrote that the Constitutional Declaration is nothing more than a vehicle by which to subordinate Syria to an autocracy led by the president, and that this explains the absence of mechanisms to demand accountability in it. He wrote: "I will not deny that I had some slight hope that the Constitutional Declaration would actually reflect the hoped-for national consensus, so that we Syrians would all manage to unite the fragmented homeland and divided people, each sector of which feels superior to the other factions... [But] in practice, this slight hope I harbored has certainly faded away. This is because I am among those who believe that constitutions, temporary or permanent, are like mirrors in which every citizen must be able to see his reflection and his rights, and this sadly failed to happen with the [new] Constitutional Declaration... "Although there are some positive clauses in it, they do not make it a declaration that lays the foundations for a national partnership... but are only [a way to] subordinate the constitution to an autocracy, to the monopoly [of the ruling party] and to the principle that whoever liberated [Syria has the right] to decide. This is a negative message to the rest of the Syrians, which shatters the mirror in which all Syrians must be able to see themselves. "More to the point, it can be said that this constitutional declaration significantly concentrates power in the president's hands without setting up mechanisms for holding him to account or demanding accountability from him if he oversteps or abuses his power. It is important to understand that 'absolute power corrupts absolutely,' especially when accompanied by the absence of means and mechanisms for supervision and accountability. After all, the ruler or president is not God's shadow, endowed with authority by God. The people are the source of authority that grants [power] or revokes it, appoints [figures] or removes [them]. The strange thing is that this specific statement – that 'the people is the source of authority' – is absent from the text of the Constitutional Declaration... "The president, who appoints the parliament members either directly or in a manipulative indirect manner, denies the parliament the right to approve or reject the government makeup or [the appointment of] specific ministers. It also excludes the parliament and the Supreme Judicial Council from the appointment of the constitutional court judges, and claims exclusive authority to do so... It's as though we have created a Pharoah, not a president... "Let me conclude by saying that [even] if it will not be possible to amend the declaration – and I do not believe it is impossible – we will be able to solve [the problems] when we begin to draft the country's permanent constitution. Then we can make sure not to tailor the constitution to the ruler, any ruler, but to the Syrian people, of every stripe and persuasion, without discrimination and injustice, with full equality in citizenship and in rights." [18] * O. Peri is a Research Fellow at MEMRI. [1] March 13, 2025. [2] The term transitional justice encompasses the totality of legal and social measures that can be taken by states in political transition to redress crimes and injustice carried out by the previous regime or during a past conflict . [3] March 13, 2025. [4] Al-Quds Al-Araby (London), March 13, 2025. [5] January 29, 2025. [6] February 3, 2025. [7] February 25, 2025. [8] Al-Sharq Al-Awsat (London), February 10, 2025. [9] February 25, 2025. [10] Al-Arabi Al-Jadeed (London), February 28, 2025. [11] March 13, 2025. [12] March 14, 2025. [13] March 18, 2025. [14] March 24, 2025. [15] March 13, 2025; March 15, 2025. [16] March 14, 2025. [17] Al-Arabi Al-Jadeed (London), March 16, 2025. [18] March 17, 2025.

Controversial Constitutional Declaration - World - Al-Ahram Weekly
Controversial Constitutional Declaration - World - Al-Ahram Weekly

Al-Ahram Weekly

time20-03-2025

  • Politics
  • Al-Ahram Weekly

Controversial Constitutional Declaration - World - Al-Ahram Weekly

The promulgation of a Constitutional Declaration by Syrian Interim President Ahmed Al-Sharaa has sparked criticism among the country's minorities and civil society figures On 14 March, Syrian Interim President Ahmed Al-Sharaa signed into law the Constitutional Declaration that will govern the transitional phase in Syria. Drafted by a committee of legal experts selected by the president less than a month ago, the document has sparked widespread criticism. Critics charge that it is one more step towards concentrating power in the person of the interim president while it excludes key Syrian opposition figures who spent 14 years studying the best forms of government for their country in the post-Bashar Al-Assad era. They cite the appointment of the interim government, the militia factions' 'victory' conference that installed Al-Sharaa as interim president, and the formation of the National Security Council as steps in consolidating power in Al-Sharaa's hands. The members of the council, hand-picked by Al-Sharaa, have the power to declare a state of emergency and war. The 53-article Constitutional Declaration is relatively long and is therefore unlike other such declarations that contain few articles as they are designed for shorter transitional phases. In Syria's case, the five-year transition seems to have warranted greater detail on the structures, processes, rights and principles that will govern this period. Many have criticised the length of the transitional period, fearing that it will further entrench the new Islamist ruling elite in Syria and hamper broader political participation. Others counter that a relatively lengthy period is required to conduct a comprehensive census and prepare the country for elections after nearly a decade and a half of devastating war. The declaration defines Syria as a republic with an Arab national identity and Arabic as its main language. It states that the president must be Muslim, and that Islamic Law (Sharia) is the main source of legislation. The identity provisions have drawn ire among Syria's many minorities, not least the Kurds who hold that the 'Arab' designation of the republic's identity ignores its multiethnic character. Syria also has sizeable Syriac, Assyrian, Turkmen, and Armenian communities. They also consider Articles 7 to 10 of the declaration, which address cultural diversity and provide a guarantee for cultural and linguistic rights for all Syrians, to be vaguely worded and insufficient to protect ethnic and religious minorities. The provision stating that only Muslims can serve as president has been criticised for ignoring the country's multi-faith demography, even if Sunni and Shia Muslims make up around 90 per cent of the population. Others are concerned that Islamic jurisprudence is identified as the main source of legislation, as opposed to a source among others. The drafting committee has countered that such contentious provisions could not be altered by an unelected committee and that it has retained them as they stood in previous constitutions. It added that the Constituent Assembly, which will be responsible for drafting the new constitution, will have plenty of opportunity to deliberate on these provisions. Apart from Syria's short-lived first constitution under King Faisal in 1920, all of Syria's previous constitutions, whether under the Al-Assads or before, have stated that Sharia is 'a' source of legislation if they have included a role for religion in legislation at all. On the other hand, many have praised the section on rights and freedoms in the declaration, especially Article 12, which renders all international human rights treaties and conventions to which Syria is a party an integral part of the declaration. Sceptics say that the proof of this will be in the implementation. Articles 48 and 49 have been well received. The first abolishes extraordinary laws and procedures that restrict human and political rights, while the second calls for the creation of a Transitional Justice Commission responsible for investigating and prosecuting the perpetrators of human rights crimes under the former regime and bringing justice to the victims and survivors. Hopes are also vested in Article 2, which addresses women's rights. Its reaffirmation of women's right to work and education, their economic, social and political rights, and their right to be protected from gender-based violence offers reassurances that Syria will not become another Afghanistan. The Constitutional Declaration includes many general principles that originally inspired the revolution in 2011: the separation of powers, respect for human rights, social justice, protection of fair economic competition, and the prohibition of penalties undefined by law. It also commits the state to protecting private property, safeguarding personal privacy, and banning torture and enforced disappearances, which were among the abuses of the former regime. However, the considerable powers vested in the president cast a shadow over the implementation of the stipulated principles. He will appoint the committee responsible for selecting two-thirds of the People's Assembly members, and he will personally appoint the remaining third. Although he will not have the power to dismiss the appointed parliament, that body will not have the power to dismiss him either. Similarly, the president is empowered to appoint the members of the constitutional court. Effectively, the declaration has rendered both the legislative and judicial branches subordinate to the president, in contradiction to the separation of powers and adequate checks and balances. As there are no provisions for a prime minister, all the powers of the executive will be concentrated in the president. Some members of the civil Syrian opposition had hoped that Al-Sharaa would choose a figure from among its ranks to serve as prime minister, in recognition of the fact that the overthrow of the Al-Assad regime was not a purely military achievement by the militia factions. Reports had indicated that Ayman Asfari was a likely candidate for the post. Asfari founded Madaniya, a network of more than 180 Syrian civil society organisations to promote inclusiveness, human rights, and stability. The Constitutional Declaration abolishes the position of prime minister, which had existed in almost all previous Syrian constitutions, even if the powers of the prime ministers varied. The composition of the next government will set the course for the transitional phase. If it draws on professionals of different backgrounds, it will inspire confidence in the transition, whereas a homogeneous and ideologically exclusive Islamist one will feed suspicions that Al-Sharaa intends to monopolise power. The recent agreement with the Kurdish-led Syrian Democratic Forces (SDF), in accordance with which these forces will be incorporated into security and defence institutions, had inspired optimism. This has now been tempered by the contentious articles in the Constitutional Declaration. Someone from a militant jihadist background who only recently shifted to the discourse of pluralist constitutional government may falter in his new role. This makes it all the more crucial for Al-Sharaa to bring on board technocrats with the requisite expertise to help him navigate the difficulties that lie ahead. Al-Sharaa's next steps will also be telling. Will he form a pluralist government representative of Syria's diverse religious and ethnic communities? Will the procedures for establishing a small-scale parliament allow for the adequate representation of its diversity? Will the investigations into the recent atrocities committed in the coastal provinces bring those responsible to justice regardless of their connections to the new regime? Syrians at home and abroad will be asking such questions in order to determine whether their country is on course to unity and whether all citizens will be endowed with equal rights under the law. Meanwhile, the ceremony of the promulgation of the Constitutional Declaration was far from encouraging. In addition to the interim president, the foreign minister, and the members of the drafting committee, the event was attended by a group of religious scholars closely connected to Hayaat Tahrir Al-Sham, as well as other conservative Sunni clerics. As their official capacities were not clarified, it seemed as though they were a kind of supra-constitutional religious authority whose presence was needed to bless the document. Sceptics see this as a sign of an intention to establish a theocratic body in Syria, a Sunni Islamist equivalent of Iran's Expediency Discernment Council. Others read it differently, saying that the religious figures were present to give the adoption of a constitutional republican system of government a religious wrapping for the coalition of radical Islamist militias that appointed Al-Sharaa as president. According to this view, the presence of Sunni religious figures at the ceremony was a tactical move intended to contain the militias and prevent insurrection. * A version of this article appears in print in the 20 March, 2025 edition of Al-Ahram Weekly Follow us on: Facebook Instagram Whatsapp Short link:

Security Council Urges Syrian Authorities to Protect Minorities
Security Council Urges Syrian Authorities to Protect Minorities

Asharq Al-Awsat

time15-03-2025

  • Politics
  • Asharq Al-Awsat

Security Council Urges Syrian Authorities to Protect Minorities

The UN Security Council has condemned the widespread violence in several provinces in Syria, calling on the interim authorities 'to protect all Syrians without distinction.' In a presidential statement it adopted unanimously on Friday, the Council 'condemned the widespread violence perpetrated in Syria's Latakia and Tartus provinces since 6 March — including mass killings of civilians among the Alawite community.' The Council 'condemned attacks targeting civilian infrastructure' and 'called on all parties to immediately cease all violence and inflammatory activities and ensure the protection of all civilian populations and infrastructure, as well as humanitarian operations.' It said 'all parties and States must ensure full, safe and unhindered humanitarian access to those affected and the humane treatment of all persons. The Council also urged a rapid increase of humanitarian support across Syria.' The Council 'called for swift, transparent, independent, impartial and comprehensive investigations to ensure accountability and bring all perpetrators of violence against civilians to justice.' It took note of the Syrian interim authorities' establishment of an independent committee to investigate such violence and identify those responsible. The Council also noted the Syrian decision to establish a committee for civil peace. It renewed its call for an inclusive political process led and owned by Syrians, facilitated by the UN and based on the principles outlined in resolution 2254. 'This includes safeguarding the rights of all Syrians — regardless of ethnicity or religion — meeting their legitimate aspirations and enabling them to peacefully, independently and democratically determine their futures.' Meanwhile, the Special Envoy for Syria, Geir Pedersen, hoped that the Constitutional Declaration issued by the Syrian authorities 'will move Syria toward restoring the rule of law and promoting an orderly inclusive transition.' Pedersen issued a statement on the fourteenth anniversary of the war in Syria. 'Now is the time for bold moves to create a genuinely credible and inclusive transitional government and legislative body; a constitutional framework and process to draft a new constitution for the long term that is credible and inclusive too; and genuine transitional justice,' he said. 'More than three months since the fall of the Assad regime, Syria now stands at a pivotal moment,' he added. The Special Envoy called for 'an immediate end to all violence and for protection of civilians in accordance with international law' and called 'for a credible independent investigation into the recent killings and violence, and for the full cooperation of the caretaker authorities with the United Nations in this regard.'

Syria: Al-Sharaa (Joulani) Signs the Draft Constitutional Declaration
Syria: Al-Sharaa (Joulani) Signs the Draft Constitutional Declaration

Al Manar

time13-03-2025

  • Politics
  • Al Manar

Syria: Al-Sharaa (Joulani) Signs the Draft Constitutional Declaration

Syria's Interim President, Ahmad Al-Sharaa, signed on Thursday the draft 'Constitutional' Declaration. 'We hope the step would be a good opening for the Syrian people on the path of construction and development.' Al-Sharaa, who is also the head of HTS militant group, said after receiving the draft constitutional declaration from the committee in charge of drafting it. 'We hope that will be a new chapter for Syria to replace ignorance with knowledge and suffering with mercy,' Abu Mohammad Al-Joulani said. In turn, the Committee of Experts charged with drafting the Constitutional Declaration affirmed at a press conference that the Committee had adhered to complete the required work from the very first moment of its formation and had relied on the outcomes of the National Dialogue Conference in the constitutional declaration. The Committee clarified that the Declaration stipulates freedom of opinion, expression, information, publication, and the press, it also emphasizes the State's commitment to the unity of the land and people and respect for cultural specificities. 'We were keen to include a special chapter on rights and freedoms to create a balance between societal security and freedom,' the committee stated noting that the Constitutional Declaration guaranteed the right to property ownership, women's right to education and participating in the work and guaranteed their political rights. According to the committee, the declaration stipulates the importance of judges, their verdicts, and their independence. It also leaves the matter of dismissing, expelling, or reducing the powers of a member of the Assembly to the People's Assembly. The People's Assembly also assumes full legislative responsibility, while executive authority is assumed by President of the Republic. The transitional period is set at five years, and President of the Republic is granted the right to declare a state of emergency.

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