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Ghana Declares Ex-Finance Minister Ofori-Atta Wanted Again
Ghana Declares Ex-Finance Minister Ofori-Atta Wanted Again

Bloomberg

timea day ago

  • Business
  • Bloomberg

Ghana Declares Ex-Finance Minister Ofori-Atta Wanted Again

Ghana's special prosecutor has declared former Minister of Finance Ken Ofori-Atta wanted again after he missed a deadline Monday to appear for questioning about payments for projects during his tenure. The minister under whose watch Ghana defaulted on its debt and agreed a $3 billion program with the International Monetary Fund to fix finances is being sought over funding for a controversial national cathedral project, procurement of ambulance spare parts and other issues.

IDT mistrust: Minister Zikalala's whitewash that secured IDT CEO Malaka her job
IDT mistrust: Minister Zikalala's whitewash that secured IDT CEO Malaka her job

News24

time4 days ago

  • Business
  • News24

IDT mistrust: Minister Zikalala's whitewash that secured IDT CEO Malaka her job

Evidence suggests that interventions by former public works minister Sihle Zikalala and his close comrade, then-IDT chair Kwazi Mshengu, stifled Treasury investigations into allegations against then-acting CEO Tebogo Malaka and substituted a superficial probe by Zikalala's department. Nine days before the 2024 national elections, Zikalala endorsed Malaka's elevation from acting to permanent CEO on the basis that his probe 'found no wrongdoing' against her, but the probe had not been mandated to investigate Malaka. Last month the IDT was slapped down in its attempt to review the contract that Malaka was accused of mishandling after Malaka herself had deposed the founding affidavit. Former public works minister Sihle Zikalala downplayed the findings of an investigation he had commissioned, paving the way for Tebogo Malaka's appointment as chief executive of the Independent Development Trust (IDT) despite her involvement in a R45 million lease scandal. Part one of this series showed how Kwazi Mshengu, Zikalala's confidant and then-IDT chair, led the board in abandoning a National Treasury investigation into the parastatal's procurement of a new head office lease – even refusing to be briefed on its provisional findings. Mshengu and the board asked Zikalala to have his Department of Public Works and Infrastructure, of which the IDT is an implementing agency, investigate instead. The current story shows that while departmental auditors went on to produce a damning report on procedural irregularities, they had also warned Zikalala they were unequipped to probe and could not investigate substantive allegations against Malaka and others – a limitation he readily accepted. Despite the auditors recommending a further probe by the department's anti-corruption unit, Zikalala instantly wrote to Mshengu endorsing Malaka's appointment, claiming the auditors had 'found no wrongdoing' on her part. This was on 20 May 2024, just nine days before the national elections that ushered in the government of national unity. Mshengu signed off on Malaka's appointment six weeks later, as new ministers – including the DA's Dean Macpherson, Zikalala's successor – were being sworn in. Zikalala's exoneration of her had proved decisive for Malaka, whose elevation from acting to permanent chief executive was blocked after she had entered a five-year, R45 million lease with politically connected Moepathutse Property Investments behind the board's back. This followed a procurement process marred by allegations of favouritism. Moepathutse, which has denied wrongdoing or any relationship with Malaka, sued the IDT for damages and costs, which the IDT itself estimates amount to almost R14 million, after it failed to occupy the building. The IDT responded by washing its dirty linen in court. It argued that the lease was invalid because tender specifications had been 'tailormade' for Moepathutse's Irene property and because Malaka had signed without the requisite board authority. The IDT's defence took a potentially fatal hit two weeks ago when the Gauteng High Court in Pretoria dismissed a review application it had brought to set the lease aside. The judge found that the IDT had failed to prove the lease was 'tainted by any illegality' in any way. Malaka – despite being heavily conflicted – had deposed the IDT's founding affidavit. Malaka has not responded to detailed questions. Under pressure In response to amaBhungane's questions, Zikalala, now deputy to Macpherson, did not address why his endorsement of Malaka had claimed 'no wrongdoing' despite the probe's limited remit. He said, however, that he had held back Malaka's appointment for over a year pending the investigations and that she had 'engaged in legal challenges through her lawyers relating to [her] appointment'. Zikalala said that when he became minister in March 2023, his predecessor, Patricia de Lille, had already recommended Malaka to Cabinet. 'I am the minister who withdrew the [recommendation] for investigations to be conducted.' As detailed in part one, the board then considered procuring a forensic firm to conduct a probe, but hesitated to entrust the process to IDT management, then led by Malaka in acting capacity. One thing led to another and National Treasury, assisted by law firm ENS, commenced a forensic investigation on the board's behalf. Towards the end of the year, a reconstituted board, now chaired by Mshengu, canned the Treasury investigation and asked Zikalala to have his department investigate internally instead. The board's resolution still targeted Malaka though, calling for Moepathutse's selection to be probed 'specifically relating to the relationship between the lessor and the acting CEO'. But the new probe was neither forensic nor focused on Malaka. Zikalala – who said he was committed 'to serve with integrity, transparency and accountability' – shared the final report with amaBhungane. READ | This report shows that the request to investigate had been routed through the department's inter-governmental relations unit to internal audit, not its governance, risk and compliance (GRC) branch, whose remit includes fraud and corruption investigations. The audit unit agreed to help, but only with an 'assurance audit' to check compliance with control prescripts. 'Internal audit performs assurance audits and not investigations/forensic audits which reside within GRC.' So concerned were the auditors that the limitations of their approach be understood that they insisted on Zikalala's approval and board concurrence before they start. 'The minister approved the proposed assurance audit approach on the 15th of March 2024.' The internal audit chief signed off on her team's report two months later. Within its narrow lane, the report was damning. It was 'unable to provide reasonable assurance that the procurement process was fair, transparent and regular'. It identified multiple gaps in the procurement file and 'material non-compliance to procurement policies, laws and regulations'. However, the report also reiterated that 'our audit did not cover the review of conflict of interest of executive management, the board members, [and supply chain management] officials to any bidder, especially to the recommended bidder'. This, it said, 'requires special tools that we do not have'. The auditors went on to recommend that the board, in consultation with the minister, ask the GRC's anti-corruption unit after all 'to investigate further the areas' they could not cover or where information had been unavailable to them. No wrongdoing Zikalala wasted no time, least of all to initiate the deeper investigation. Instead, on 20 May 2024 – the same day the audit report was signed – Zikalala addressed a letter to Mshengu in his capacity as board chair. 'You will recall the proposal,' he wrote, 'to hold in abeyance the matter of the confirmation of Ms Tebogo Malaka… pending the conclusion of the investigation… The investigation by the department has been completed and no wrongdoing was found on the part of Ms Malaka. 'As such, I want to confirm my concurrence to the board's decision to appoint Ms Malaka as the IDT chief executive officer.' Zikalala did this knowing his audit team had not probed allegations against Malaka – and despite briefings from the previous board that Treasury had been tasked to do just that. Zikalala sent the letter nine days before the elections resulted in the ANC losing its majority and Zikalala his post. Mshengu signed off on Malaka's appointment on 3 July 2024, the day new ministers, including Macpherson, were sworn in. Both Mshengu and Zikalala denied there was any connection between their respective actions of canning the Treasury probe, declaring Malaka cleared by the department, and getting her appointed before Macpherson took charge. Mshengu, whom Macpherson removed from the board, said, 'You would also know that IDT is a state entity and its operations are not subject to changes in government. Therefore, the appointment of Ms Malaka as CEO had nothing to do with changes in government. In any event, no one knew what would be the outcomes of the national general elections.' Zikalala said the board had terminated the Treasury investigation of its own accord and that there was 'no so-called 'haste' on my part' to appoint Malaka. He reiterated that he had ordered investigations after becoming minister and had paused the appointment 'for a period of more than a year until there were legal procedures initiated against me as minister'. Another investigation Zikalala also stressed that Malaka's appointment was not the end of the road and that the GRC anti-corruption unit had in fact 'commenced its deeper investigation' as recommended by the internal auditors. That probe only started last November, months after Zikalala was replaced as minister. The department confirmed that the investigation was concluded in mid-February but was awaiting the director-general's sign-off. Its terms of reference included 'determining whether there was irregular, improper and/or criminal conduct by IDT official(s) and/or third parties'. AmaBhungane has submitted a request under the Promotion of Access to Information Act for the canned Treasury investigation reports and will do the same for the anti-corruption unit report. Who will pay? Meanwhile, the costs of this debacle continue to mount. When Moepathutse filed its damages claim, the IDT responded with a special plea, claiming that the bid had been tailored to suit Moepathutse's building and that Malaka had concluded the lease without board approval, which was required due to its value. The IDT asked the court to pause the damages suit it applied in order to review its own decision and void the lease. When the IDT finally filed the review in March 2024, the deponent to its founding affidavit was none other than Malaka – hopelessly conflicted. She put hardly any admissible evidence on the table and the outcome was predictably dire. In a judgment delivered on 16 May, acting judge S J Myburgh complained repeatedly that the IDT had provided no evidence that its decisions were improper. 'The IDT has failed to show that the agreement concluded between itself and the respondent was tainted by any illegality. I thus find myself in agreement with the argument made by the respondent that this application is simply an attempt by the IDT to avoid liability in terms of the now cancelled agreement.' The court dismissed the IDT's application with costs and Moepathutse's damages claim, which the IDT's latest annual report says now stands at almost R14 million, is effectively irresistible, unless, perhaps, the IDT throws Malaka under the bus. The bills are coming. The question is, who will pay?

9 People Arrested, S$1.9M Seized in Police Operation Targeting Scam Activities in Singapore
9 People Arrested, S$1.9M Seized in Police Operation Targeting Scam Activities in Singapore

International Business Times

time6 days ago

  • International Business Times

9 People Arrested, S$1.9M Seized in Police Operation Targeting Scam Activities in Singapore

Officers from the Singapore Police Force's Anti-Scam Command (ASC) and Police Land Divisions' Scam Strike Teams, along with cooperating local banks, carried out an island-wide operation between April 15, 2025, and May 13, 2025, focusing on investment scams, employment scams, and impersonation scams involving government officials. Working together with local banks, ASC officials confiscated over S$1.9 million in alleged scam proceeds and frozen over 400 bank accounts throughout the operation. At the same time, members of the Police Land Divisions' Scam Strike Teams conducted raids throughout Singapore to find people who might have given their bank accounts to scammers for money laundering purposes. A total number of 33 people are under investigation, and seven males and two women, ages 18 to 33, were taken into custody. The police also shut down over 900 online enablers and terminated over 806 phone lines used in the scams by working closely with key industry players, including social media companies, messaging platforms, and telecommunications companies (for telco line reporting). Forty-two people are thought to have been involved in over 200 scam cases, primarily including investment scams, government official impersonation scams, and employment scams. The Singapore Police Force (SPF) said in a statement, "Investigations are ongoing into offences under the Corruption, Drug Trafficking and Other Serious Crimes (Confiscation of Benefits) Act 1992, and Computer Misuse Act 1993." "The offence of assisting another to retain benefits from criminal conduct in certain circumstances under Section 55A(1) of the Corruption, Drug Trafficking and Other Serious Crimes (Confiscation of Benefits) Act 1992 carries an imprisonment term of up to three years, a fine of up to $50,000, or both. For first-time offenders the offence of unauthorized access to computer material under Section 3(1) of the Computer Misuse Act 1993 carries an imprisonment term of up to two years, a fine of up to $5,000, or both," added the statement. People who may be involved in scams are taken seriously by the police, and those who do so will face legal consequences. In order to avoid being an accomplice to criminal activities, members of the public are advised to reject requests by others to use their SingPass credentials, bank accounts or mobile lines as they will be held accountable for their misuse.

Nigeria: Understanding economic imperatives of Lagos-Calabar costal highway
Nigeria: Understanding economic imperatives of Lagos-Calabar costal highway

Zawya

time6 days ago

  • Business
  • Zawya

Nigeria: Understanding economic imperatives of Lagos-Calabar costal highway

There is no gainsaying that infrastructure is key to national economic development. I have taken my time to do some research on this, and I discover that in other climes, in the developed nations in particular, whenever their economy is going through challenges, what their governments do is to stimulate economic activities, create job and wealth through massive investment in infrastructure. When people have means of sustenance, they will be able to pay tax, which is also used to refinance the economy and you have the economy getting back to life, then individual businesses will come on stream and begin to thrive. In other words, infrastructure is the key, both to economic recovery, and a stable or prospering economy. That is why China for instance is still investing heavily on infrastructure. I have keenly followed conversations, controversy and the mounting public criticisms trailing the ongoing 700 km Lagos-Calabar road project. A former President was unsparing in his criticism of the Lagos-Calabar coastal highway projectwhich has been in the pipeline for over a decade. He is of the opinion that the project which wasdesigned to connect Lagos to Calabar in Cross River State through the coastal states of Ogun, Ondo, Delta, Edo, Bayelsa, Rivers, and Akwa Ibom is bogus, shrouded in corruption, wasteful, unrealistic and unreasonable. Many voices have not only towed his line of argument, but have reechoed his perspective. Some queried the huge amount of N15 trillion earmarked for the road, wondering how such a heavy amount would be sourced, and where, while others are concerned about the significant impacts the construction of the highway would bring to bear on the environment. They expressed apprehension about habitat and ecosystems disruption, vulnerability to flooding and erosion, social impacts of the construction, loss of means of livelihood arising from possible displacement of villages, communities and settlements along the route, and several other issues, which the federal government, through the Honourable Minister of Works, Engr David Umahi have addressed. However, my take on the project is different. I look at it from a different angle, from a professional perspective precisely. To me, it's a laudable project, and non of the views or fears so far expressed are potent enough to knock off its importance. Poor infrastructure is the bane of Nigeria's development. Inadequate infrastructure has continued to keep Nigeria at bay. Poor infrastructure is really slowing down the pace of development here, and it seem we are not really paying attention to this. When you add logistics deficiencies, particularly epileptic, irregular and inadequate power supply to infrastructural challenges in Nigeria, when you analyse the effects on the nation's economy, cost of production, cost of living, the social impacts, you will agree with me that the journey is far. In today's Nigeria, to travel by road from Lagos to Abuja for instance takes eleven to twelve hours, wasted hours. If we have modern, fast and efficient rail system, you will cover the distance in about six hours. We can't move forward without infrastructure development, without, good, efficient, holistic and comprehensive infrastructure, hence the politics of infrastructure in Nigeria must be intentionally, or deliberately downplayed. Lagos-Calabar coastal highway is not just a road, it is a game changer, a catalyst that will open up our ports to increased commerce and reduce travel times and costs within Nigeria. The potential commercial and investment value of the project is high, its social and economic values not in contention. Have critics consider the economic advantage of the longest highway in Africa when completed? Lagos-Calabar highway on completion will serve as a link to seven ports of Lekki, Tin-Can Island, Koko, Warri, Port Harcourt, Gelegele and Calabar. The importance of this is that importers and exporters of goods and items will no longer have to depend on ports in Lagos or Port Harcourt. They can choose any of these seven ports, which will increase to eight when Ondo State completes construction of the Ilaje Deep-Sea will translate to cheaper importation costs, because ships would no longer accrue demurrage charges while waiting to berth at the congested Lagos ports. Not only will goods arrive in Nigeria, but they will also leave Nigeria without delay, or any form of hitch. Consider the multiplier effect to the Nigerian corporations and individuals who will no longer need to use the Port of Cotonou in Benin Republic, meaning that the increased marrying traffic will almost immediately increase our GDP! The highway which is gradually becoming a reality will boost Nigeria's internal and external tourism. What about driving for endless miles and just seeing the turquoise-blue colors of the Atlantic Ocean. It will almost feel as if you are driving to heaven! Infrastructure is a top factor in driving where real estate development happens. Its provision is a strong priority for future real investments, in that it offers opportunities for real estate investors to participate in the positive dynamics that follow such investment cycles. An insight into the economies of the Asian countries, particularly China reveals that several opportunities for real estate market and development arise from infrastructure development. China boast of some of the largest infrastructure projects in the world such as the high-speed railway system and the hydroelectric three gorges dam, simply because the country has been investing heavily in infrastructure over several years. You can be sure that construction of the Lagos-Calabar Coastal Highway would ensure that businesses, including real estate development springs up along the route, and transactions will be conducted more efficiently. Businesses are conducted more seamlessly when hiccups in communication and transportation are removed or substantially and significantly removed. Upon the completion of the Lagos-Calabar Coastal Highway, population would increase in the seven states, new settlements would spring up along the highway route, and this would subsequently lead to increase in demand for commercial and residential accommodations, increase in property development and property or estate developers. Rental values of residential properties would improve, land prices will skyrocket along the axis, and real estate development along the corridor shall spring up in a manner that would be as if real estate is being reinvented or redefined, all because real estate investors and developers would shift attention to the axis. Under the improved business environment, people would live healthier and contribute better to the society.

Dance$ With Emolument$
Dance$ With Emolument$

New York Times

time24-05-2025

  • Politics
  • New York Times

Dance$ With Emolument$

When Donald Trump was headed for the Republican nomination in the summer of 2016, I took Carl Hulse, our chief Washington correspondent, to Trump Tower to meet him. Trump didn't know anything about the inner workings of Washington. He proudly showed us his 'Wall of Shame' with pictures of Republican candidates he had bested. His campaign office had few staffers, but it overflowed with cheesy portraits of him sent by fans: one of him playing poker with Ronald Reagan, Richard Nixon and Teddy Roosevelt, and a cardboard cutout of him giving a thumbs up, flanked by Reagan and John Wayne. As we were leaving, Hulse warned Trump dryly: 'If you ever get a call from our colleague Eric Lipton, you'll know you're in trouble.' 'Eric Lipton?' Trump murmured. The president probably knows who Lipton is now, because the Pulitzer Prize-winning Times investigative reporter is tracking Trump on issues of corruption as closely as the relentless lawman in the white straw hat tracked Butch Cassidy and the Sundance Kid. Lipton and The Times's David Yaffe-Bellany were on the scene at Trump's Virginia golf club Thursday night as the president held his gala dinner to promote sales of $TRUMP, the memecoin he launched on the cusp of his inauguration. (Melania debuted hers two days later.) Trump has been hawking himself in an absurdly grandiose way his whole life. But this time he isn't grandstanding as a flamboyant New York businessman. He's selling himself as the president of the United States, staining his office with a blithe display of turpitude. Want all of The Times? Subscribe.

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