Latest news with #Democratic-held
Yahoo
2 days ago
- Politics
- Yahoo
Democrats tested immigration messaging in battleground districts. Here's what they found.
A survey of likely voters seeks to offer Democrats a blueprint for how to punch back on an issue that's vexed them in recent elections: immigration. The poll, conducted in key 2026 battleground districts by Democratic-leaning groups Way to Win and Impact Research and shared first with POLITICO, argues that Democrats — with the right messaging — can drive down President Donald Trump's strength on immigration by a net 10 percentage points. The poll does not shy away from Democrats' overall poor standing on the issue. Republicans overall have an 11-percentage-point net negative job rating on immigration (43 percent approve versus 54 percent disapprove), but Democrats have a 58-percentage-point net negative rating on the issue (19 percent approve versus 77 disapprove). Democrats can turn the tide, the message testing found, by playing up Trump's overreach and disregard for the rule of law that they say threatens citizens and noncitizens alike as he carries out his mass deportations. But many Democrats would rather avoid the topic. 'Coming into and out of the 2024 cycle, Democrats were silent — completely — on immigration,' said Tory Gavito, president of Way to Win. 'There was just no response at all. This poll is to show Democrats that when they point out how enforcement has failed, they can attack Trump on one of his most favorable policies.' The survey, conducted in more than 70 key congressional districts, including the 26 'frontline' member list of top House Democratic-held seats the party hopes to defend next cycle, found a weakness for Trump. His initial job rating, which started with 50 percent positive versus 49 percent negative on immigration, dropped to 45 percent positive and 54 percent negative after emphasizing overreach messaging. The survey used specific examples, like the deportation of a person in the country legally 'but deported and sent to a prison in El Salvador because of their autism awareness tattoowas wrongly identified as a gang tattoo' — or a 10-year-old U.S. citizen deported because her parents were undocumented. Researchers say Democrats have plenty ammunition on the issue. They found policies that separate families and impact children among the most salient issues among respondents. A large majority, 74 percent, of respondents who oppose revoking visa and green cards from people without proof of committing a crime. And nearly eight in 10 respondents do not support sending U.S. citizens to foreign prisons. 'Voters view Trump's policies on immigration and his enforcement of immigration differently — there's a gap,' said Molly Murphy, president of Impact Research. 'They are more supportive of what Trump wants to do on immigration … from a policy standpoint, than how he's actually going about it.' Of course, getting voters engaged on the specifics of Trump's immigration policies can be a challenge. Public polling shows voters who haven't heard much about the high-profile cases are more likely to approve of the president. The poll, conducted May 6-11 with a margin of error of plus or minus 3.1 percent, does not capture reactions to the widespread protests in Los Angeles. The showdown between California Gov. Gavin Newsom and the Trump administration's deployment of the state's National Guard has also centered on the president's overreach. 'Democrats shouldn't be focused on protesters right now,' Murphy said. "We should be talking about the people he's deporting: people here legally, people here with no criminal records, people who have proof of citizenship and not make this a fight about protesters, because that's what he wants.' Rep. Greg Casar (D-Texas) said the party needs to " keep those stories in the news.' and plans to hold a briefing on the survey findings for members of the Congressional Progressive Caucus early next week on Capitol Hill. 'Trump wants to highlight the chaos that he is helping stoke in LA," Cesar added. "Democrats should be making sure that more of the focus is on the immigration overreach that has everyday people … deeply upset and deeply troubled.'
Politico
2 days ago
- Politics
- Politico
Democrats tested immigration messaging in battleground districts. Here's what they found.
A survey of likely voters seeks to offer Democrats a blueprint for how to punch back on an issue that's vexed them in recent elections: immigration. The poll, conducted in key 2026 battleground districts by Democratic-leaning groups Way to Win and Impact Research and shared first with POLITICO, argues that Democrats — with the right messaging — can drive down President Donald Trump's strength on immigration by a net 10 percentage points. The poll does not shy away from Democrats' overall poor standing on the issue. Republicans overall have an 11-percentage-point net negative job rating on immigration (43 percent approve versus 54 percent disapprove), but Democrats have a 58-percentage-point net negative rating on the issue (19 percent approve versus 77 disapprove). Democrats can turn the tide, the message testing found, by playing up Trump's overreach and disregard for the rule of law that they say threatens citizens and noncitizens alike as he carries out his mass deportations. But many Democrats would rather avoid the topic. 'Coming into and out of the 2024 cycle, Democrats were silent — completely — on immigration,' said Tory Gavito, president of Way to Win. 'There was just no response at all. This poll is to show Democrats that when they point out how enforcement has failed, they can attack Trump on one of his most favorable policies.' The survey, conducted in more than 70 key congressional districts, including the 26 'frontline' member list of top House Democratic-held seats the party hopes to defend next cycle, found a weakness for Trump. His initial job rating, which started with 50 percent positive versus 49 percent negative on immigration, dropped to 45 percent positive and 54 percent negative after emphasizing overreach messaging. The survey used specific examples, like the deportation of a person in the country legally 'but deported and sent to a prison in El Salvador because of their autism awareness tattoo was wrongly identified as a gang tattoo' — or a 10-year-old U.S. citizen deported because her parents were undocumented. Researchers say Democrats have plenty ammunition on the issue. They found policies that separate families and impact children among the most salient issues among respondents. A large majority, 74 percent, of respondents who oppose revoking visa and green cards from people without proof of committing a crime. And nearly eight in 10 respondents do not support sending U.S. citizens to foreign prisons. 'Voters view Trump's policies on immigration and his enforcement of immigration differently — there's a gap,' said Molly Murphy, president of Impact Research. 'They are more supportive of what Trump wants to do on immigration … from a policy standpoint, than how he's actually going about it.' Of course, getting voters engaged on the specifics of Trump's immigration policies can be a challenge. Public polling shows voters who haven't heard much about the high-profile cases are more likely to approve of the president. The poll, conducted May 6-11 with a margin of error of plus or minus 3.1 percent, does not capture reactions to the widespread protests in Los Angeles. The showdown between California Gov. Gavin Newsom and the Trump administration's deployment of the state's National Guard has also centered on the president's overreach. 'Democrats shouldn't be focused on protesters right now,' Murphy said. 'We should be talking about the people he's deporting: people here legally, people here with no criminal records, people who have proof of citizenship and not make this a fight about protesters, because that's what he wants.' Rep. Greg Casar (D-Texas) said the party needs to " keep those stories in the news.' and plans to hold a briefing on the survey findings for members of the Congressional Progressive Caucus early next week on Capitol Hill. 'Trump wants to highlight the chaos that he is helping stoke in LA,' Cesar added. 'Democrats should be making sure that more of the focus is on the immigration overreach that has everyday people … deeply upset and deeply troubled.'
Newsweek
3 days ago
- Politics
- Newsweek
How Texas Could Help Donald Trump Thwart Democratic Gains in 2026 Midterm
Based on facts, either observed and verified firsthand by the reporter, or reported and verified from knowledgeable sources. Newsweek AI is in beta. Translations may contain inaccuracies—please refer to the original content. Texas Republicans are mulling a plan that could help thwart potential Democratic gains in the 2026 midterms. Why It Matters Democrats are hoping for a 2018-esque "blue wave" that will carry them to victory in key races across the country and help them retake a majority in the U.S. House of Representatives. However, Texas Republicans are now considering a mid-decade redistricting of their congressional districts, in hopes of giving Republicans a chance to flip Democratic-held seats in the Lone Star State. If successful, this plan could offset potential losses in other states. One Democratic strategist told Newsweek the plan could be a "catastrophe" for state Democrats. Newsweek reached out to the White House and Texas Governor Greg Abbott for comment via email. What To Know Texas Republicans met Monday to discuss a proposal to redraw Texas's congressional boundary lines, Representative Pete Sessions, whose expansive district includes areas near Round Rock, Waco and Lufkin, told The Texas Tribune. Few details about the meeting were made public, and Sessions told the publication there would be another meeting to discuss data. The New York Times reported on Tuesday that Trump's political team has discussed whether to redraw the state's districts in a way to bolster Republicans ahead of the midterms. Typically, the president's party loses seats during the midterms. In 2018, Trump's first midterm, Democrats gained 41 House seats. Democrats are hoping that if Trump's approval rating does not improve by next November, they could see similar returns in next year's election. Abbott has the authority to call a special legislative session required for such a redistricting effort, and it's unclear whether he is willing to do so. Mid-decade redistricting is rare, although it does occur from time to time, typically after a court declares a map unconstitutional. President Donald Trump speaks in Austin, Texas, on October 25, 2024. President Donald Trump speaks in Austin, Texas, on October 25, Democratic strategist Joel Montfort told Newsweek that any attempts to "gerrymander" Texas's congressional districts would be a "real catastrophe for Democratic representation in Texas," and likely violate Section 2 of the Voting Rights Act. "The Texas GOP has consistently redrawn Texas congressional districts to their advantage, denying Democrats their fair representation in our state. While we typically represent 45 percent of the total votes in any given election in our state, we only have 13 representatives (40 percent) of the 38 in the Texas delegation," he said. Montfort specifically pointed to two Trump-won seats, currently represented by Democrats in South Texas, as vulnerable to being redrawn. Those seats are the 28th District, held by Representative Henry Cuellar, and the 34th District, held by Representative Vicente Gonzalez. Those are both former Democratic strongholds that shifted toward Republicans last year amid a nationwide rightward shift among Hispanic voters. South Texas experienced some of the most pronounced Republican swings in the country, with Trump delivering the strongest GOP performance in years. "Both of these seats were won by the Democrat by 5 points or less in 2024 and would be targets if the GOP attempted to redistrict now," Montfort said. "I expect Democrats to have a very strong showing next year, similar to 2018, where we picked up [two] congressional seats, one of which was Pete Sessions' old district 32." However, Mark Jones, a fellow in political science at the Baker Institute and a political science professor at Rice University, told Newsweek that Republicans may not actually benefit from a redraw, describing the idea that Republicans could make sizable gains as a "fantasy." "Back in 2021, they maximized to the best of their ability the number of U.S. House seats in their possession," Jones said. "They're now at a point where there's simply nothing left for them to pick off." Redrawing the lines could be risky for Republicans, he said. If Republicans run the risk of redrawing districts held by Cuellar and Gonzalez, they could run the risk of stretching Republican voters out through so many districts that GOP Representatives Tony Gonzalez or Monica De La Cruz—who also represent once-competitive but now more solidly Republican districts—could find themselves in closer races. Texas, a reliably Republican state, shifted toward Democrats in the 2010s. Democrats flipped two seats in Texas, one near Houston and one near Dallas, in 2018, and came close to flipping a third in 2020. Republicans' margins in several other once-safe seats dwindled to the single digits by the end of the decade. In redistricting, those districts were redrawn to give Republican incumbents more cushioning. Those seats, which flipped in 2018 by Democratic Representatives Lizzie Fletcher and Colin Allred, were redrawn to be more solidly Democratic, taking in Democratic voters from those increasingly competitive GOP-held districts. Any efforts to redraw the map would likely be fought "aggressively by the court" and could potentially "drag the process beyond the 2026 midterm elections," Joshua Blank, who runs the Texas Politics Project at the University of Texas at Austin, told Newsweek. "Texas is an attractive place for the president to focus his efforts on maintain a congressional majority. Its size, and in turn, the number of seats available to consider, but also Texas' demonstrated willingness to partner with the president on his goals, make it the obvious target for this effort to avoid the electorate as its currently constructed," he said. Still, he said it is a "huge ask," as it would require Republicans to make their own seats less safe "for a return that might only be guaranteed for one election, if that." Neither Trump nor Abbott, a Republican, has publicly weighed in on the plan. Other Texas Republicans have also not commented, so it's unclear whether they support the redistricting effort. What People Are Saying Joshua Blank told Newsweek: "While the initial focus has been on how many seats the Republicans might be able to pick up, which is likely very few, it's also possible that this effort might in the service of protecting Republicans who might find defending their seats challenging with Trump in the White House in 2026." Democratic activist Olivia Julianna wrote on X (formerly Twitter): "In case you're wondering how confident Republicans are about the midterms— Trump's team is trying to force Texas to redraw our House map so they can tilt the house majority in 2026." Texas Representative Pete Sessions told The Texas Tribune: "We want to make sure all of our members, even those that are brand new, have an opportunity to see this for what it is." What Happens Next The Cook Political Report classifies three House races as competitive for 2026—the seat held by Cuellar is "Lean Democrat," the seat held by Gonzalez is a "toss-up," and the seat held by De La Cruz is "Likely Republican."
Yahoo
20-04-2025
- Politics
- Yahoo
Senate GOP braces for primary headaches after 2024 break
After a two-year hiatus, Senate GOP primaries are on the way back. Senate Republicans are bracing for a midterm cycle that could be littered with nasty primary challenges to both incumbents and preferred candidates alike, marking a stark change after party leaders worked hand in glove with President Trump to root them out to help boost their efforts in 2024. Those efforts paid off handsomely last cycle, with Senate Republicans being able to sidestep a number of potential primary landmines en route to a 53-seat majority that is already paying dividends in Trump's first 100 days. But 2026 is shaping up to be very different with Republicans staring down upward of a half-dozen potential primary battles as they look to keep hold of their majority, potentially making this cycle even more perilous than it was already shaping up to be. 'There's a real opportunity to get to 54, 55 seats [this cycle],' one GOP operative who has worked on Senate races told The Hill. 'Putting any red seat in play after a divisive primary where you potentially get a weak challenger that allows Democrats to give some degree of hope is incredibly ill-advised.' After a rough 2022 midterm cycle, Sen. Steve Daines (R-Mont.) altered the National Republican Senatorial Committee's (NRSC) tactics so the party would take a more heavy-handed approach. That included identifying preferred candidates — particularly those who could self-fund — who could win both a primary and a general election. That stamped out meddlesome primaries by getting Trump on the same page and supporting those candidates, and by saving money that could be used in November instead of in costly intraparty battles. This resulted in a single competitive primary in Ohio, a competitive state. While the committee is hoping to build off that success, primaries have already started to emerge, with a number of incumbent senators serving as prime examples — a group the NRSC has made clear it will protect as they look at the rest of the map on a case-by-case basis. Sen. John Cornyn (R-Texas), a longtime GOP leadership member and ally, is staring down a primary from Texas Attorney General Ken Paxton, one that promises to be bitter throughout given their personal rivalry. In Louisiana, Sen. Bill Cassidy (R) is facing a primary challenge from former Rep. John Fleming (R). The sitting senator has long been a target of Trump World due to his vote to convict the president in his second impeachment over his actions related to Jan. 6, 2021. Sen. Thom Tillis (R-N.C.) could be on the receiving end of one in the coming months given conservative backlash he's received over the years for some bipartisan work. There also are set to be a number of open-seat states and Democratic-held seats that could feature Republican primary battles. Former Kentucky Attorney General Daniel Cameron (R) is expected to face off with Rep. Andy Barr (R-Ky.), who is set to officially announce a run next week. The winner will replace Sen. Mitch McConnell (R-Ky.). Former Rep. Mike Rogers (R-Mich.) announced a second bid in as many cycles in the Wolverine State last week. But unlike last year, it is less clear that he will be able to skate through a primary. Despite being endorsed by Senate Majority Leader John Thune (R-S.D.) and the NRSC, Rep. Bill Huizenga (R-Mich.) did not appear dissuaded from a potential run, though it is unclear whether he will actually launch one of his own. Finally, the Georgia GOP primary is a major question mark as the field would likely be cleared if Gov. Brian Kemp (R) decides to take the plunge. But if he doesn't, that race could get crowded fast. 'It's harder to ask people to sit this one out than it was last year,' one Senate GOP aide said. 'We're coming off a really successful cycle, and that's good for business. The recruiting effort is really different.' On top of the aforementioned list of states, there are also a number of them percolating on the periphery as multiple Senate Republicans look at possible gubernatorial runs, headlined by Sens. Tommy Tuberville (R-Ala.) and Mike Rounds (R-S.D.). Despite the consternation, there is an upside to some of the primaries, particularly those in the open-seat contests. Despite the potentially high spending, operatives are quick to note that a robust primary can help an eventual general election candidate sharpen their operation and serve as a testing ground for November. However, it's the efforts against incumbents that are worrisome, with members and operatives staring at two people to weed them out: Trump and Sen. Tim Scott (R-S.C.), the new NRSC chair. Cornyn's race is the highest profile given his stature in the conference and years-long feud with Paxton, who is an ardent Trump ally. But given Trump's need for the Texas senator's support to advance his agenda, Republicans believe he will endorse Cornyn at the end of the day. GOP members also believe that the onus is on Scott to help make that happen, with some concerned that his rosy exterior could present problems down the road and looking toward the Cornyn race as a major test case. 'The early thought is: He's a nice guy, he's just got to be very assertive,' one Senate Republican said. 'I don't think anyone's judged him. Everybody loves Tim. He's a nice guy, but they are afraid that niceness could end up creating some exposure that we don't need.' 'If Cornyn wins the primary, we're not going to have to spend a lot of money in the general. If Paxton wins the primary, we're going to have to spend a lot of money in the general because he's a flawed candidate,' the Senate GOP member continued. 'If Tim is really going to step up and be an effective leader in the conference, he's got to go down [to to the White House] and say, 'You're not doing us any favors. You're costing us money in a resource-constrained cycle,'' the member added. The NRSC took issue with the criticism and argued that members need to recalibrate their focus. The committee has already issued warnings to members and their top aides that their individual operations need to carry more weight on the fundraising side. 'The NRSC had a record-breaking first quarter raising the money needed to begin paying off the debt incurred retaking the majority. Chairman Scott and [Leader John Thune] are focused on one thing: protecting and growing the majority,' said Jennifer DeCasper, the NRSC's executive director. 'Anyone saying otherwise clearly isn't doing the same.' Sen. Katie Britt (R-Ala.), an NRSC vice chair, also defended the party's unity at these early stages in a statement. 'Senate Republicans are more united than ever, working as one team to grow the majority,' Britt said. 'We are breaking committee fundraising records, turning promises made into promises kept, and exposing the left's radically out-of-touch policies while Democrats continue to be in disarray and on defense.' Successful primaries against incumbent members are incredibly rare, with the last one on the GOP side coming in 2012, when Richard Mourdock defeated the late Sen. Richard Lugar (R-Ind.). The 2010 and 2012 cycles served as a turning point for the Senate GOP, led by McConnell, to start playing in primaries. That culminated in the 2014 cycle, which produced a class that helped give Republicans the majority. Twelve years later, many of those are likely to be on the ballot once again. 'These were the candidates in most cases who the party intervened for. And now there seems to be some who want to challenge them,' the first GOP operative said, calling the full-circle moment 'funny.' Copyright 2025 Nexstar Media, Inc. All rights reserved. This material may not be published, broadcast, rewritten, or redistributed.
The Hill
20-04-2025
- Politics
- The Hill
Senate GOP braces for primary headaches after 2024 break
After a two-year hiatus, Senate GOP primaries are on the way back. Senate Republicans are bracing for a midterm cycle that could be littered with nasty primary challenges to both incumbents and preferred candidates alike, marking a stark change after party leaders worked hand in glove with President Trump to root them out to help boost their efforts in 2024. Those efforts paid off handsomely last cycle, with Senate Republicans being able to sidestep a number of potential primary landmines en route to a 53-seat majority that is already paying dividends in Trump's first 100 days. But 2026 is shaping up to be very different with Republicans staring down upward of a half-dozen potential primary battles as they look to keep hold of their majority, potentially making this cycle even more perilous than it was already shaping up to be. 'There's a real opportunity to get to 54, 55 seats [this cycle],' one GOP operative who has worked on Senate races told The Hill. 'Putting any red seat in play after a divisive primary where you potentially get a weak challenger that allows Democrats to give some degree of hope is incredibly ill-advised.' After a rough 2022 midterm cycle, Sen. Steve Daines (R-Mont.) altered the National Republican Senatorial Committee's (NRSC) tactics so the party would take a more heavy-handed approach. That included identifying preferred candidates — particularly those who could self-fund — who could win both a primary and a general election. That stamped out meddlesome primaries by getting Trump on the same page and supporting those candidates, and by saving money that could be used in November instead of in costly intraparty battles. This resulted in a single competitive primary in Ohio, a competitive state. While the committee is hoping to build off that success, primaries have already started to emerge, with a number of incumbent senators serving as prime examples — a group the NRSC has made clear it will protect as they look at the rest of the map on a case-by-case basis. Sen. John Cornyn (R-Texas), a longtime GOP leadership member and ally, is staring down a primary from Texas Attorney General Ken Paxton, one that promises to be bitter throughout given their personal rivalry. In Louisiana, Sen. Bill Cassidy (R) is facing a primary challenge from former Rep. John Fleming (R). The sitting senator has long been a target of Trump World due to his vote to convict the president in his second impeachment over his actions related to Jan. 6, 2021. Sen. Thom Tillis (R-N.C.) could be on the receiving end of one in the coming months given conservative backlash he's received over the years for some bipartisan work. There also are set to be a number of open-seat states and Democratic-held seats that could feature Republican primary battles. Former Kentucky Attorney General Daniel Cameron (R) is expected to face off with Rep. Andy Barr (R-Ky.), who is set to officially announce a run next week. The winner will replace Sen. Mitch McConnell (R-Ky.). Former Rep. Mike Rogers (R-Mich.) announced a second bid in as many cycles in the Wolverine State last week. But unlike last year, it is less clear that he will be able to skate through a primary. Despite being endorsed by Senate Majority Leader John Thune (R-S.D.) and the NRSC, Rep. Bill Huizenga (R-Mich.) did not appear dissuaded from a potential run, though it is unclear whether he will actually launch one of his own. Finally, the Georgia GOP primary is a major question mark as the field would likely be cleared if Gov. Brian Kemp (R) decides to take the plunge. But if he doesn't, that race could get crowded fast. 'It's harder to ask people to sit this one out than it was last year,' one Senate GOP aide said. 'We're coming off a really successful cycle, and that's good for business. The recruiting effort is really different.' On top of the aforementioned list of states, there are also a number of them percolating on the periphery as multiple Senate Republicans look at possible gubernatorial runs, headlined by Sens. Tommy Tuberville (R-Ala.) and Mike Rounds (R-S.D.). Despite the consternation, there is an upside to some of the primaries, particularly those in the open-seat contests. Despite the potentially high spending, operatives are quick to note that a robust primary can help an eventual general election candidate sharpen their operation and serve as a testing ground for November. However, it's the efforts against incumbents that are worrisome, with members and operatives staring at two people to weed them out: Trump and Sen. Tim Scott (R-S.C.), the new NRSC chair. Cornyn's race is the highest profile given his stature in the conference and years-long feud with Paxton, who is an ardent Trump ally. But given Trump's need for the Texas senator's support to advance his agenda, Republicans believe he will endorse Cornyn at the end of the day. GOP members also believe that the onus is on Scott to help make that happen, with some concerned that his rosy exterior could present problems down the road and looking toward the Cornyn race as a major test case. 'The early thought is: He's a nice guy, he's just got to be very assertive,' one Senate Republican said. 'I don't think anyone's judged him. Everybody loves Tim. He's a nice guy, but they are afraid that niceness could end up creating some exposure that we don't need.' 'If Cornyn wins the primary, we're not going to have to spend a lot of money in the general. If Paxton wins the primary, we're going to have to spend a lot of money in the general because he's a flawed candidate,' the Senate GOP member continued. 'If Tim is really going to step up and be an effective leader in the conference, he's got to go down [to to the White House] and say, 'You're not doing us any favors. You're costing us money in a resource-constrained cycle,'' the member added. The NRSC took issue with the criticism and argued that members need to recalibrate their focus. The committee has already issued warnings to members and their top aides that their individual operations need to carry more weight on the fundraising side. 'The NRSC had a record-breaking first quarter raising the money needed to begin paying off the debt incurred retaking the majority. Chairman Scott and [Leader John Thune] are focused on one thing: protecting and growing the majority,' said Jennifer DeCasper, the NRSC's executive director. 'Anyone saying otherwise clearly isn't doing the same.' Sen. Katie Britt (R-Ala.), an NRSC vice chair, also defended the party's unity at these early stages in a statement. 'Senate Republicans are more united than ever, working as one team to grow the majority,' Britt said. 'We are breaking committee fundraising records, turning promises made into promises kept, and exposing the left's radically out-of-touch policies while Democrats continue to be in disarray and on defense.' Successful primaries against incumbent members are incredibly rare, with the last one on the GOP side coming in 2012, when Richard Mourdock defeated the late Sen. Richard Lugar (R-Ind.). The 2010 and 2012 cycles served as a turning point for the Senate GOP, led by McConnell, to start playing in primaries. That culminated in the 2014 cycle, which produced a class that helped give Republicans the majority. Twelve years later, many of those are likely to be on the ballot once again. 'These were the candidates in most cases who the party intervened for. And now there seems to be some who want to challenge them,' the first GOP operative said, calling the full-circle moment 'funny.'
