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A party resolution accusing Israel of genocide divides Democrats in a key swing state
A party resolution accusing Israel of genocide divides Democrats in a key swing state

CNN

time17-07-2025

  • Politics
  • CNN

A party resolution accusing Israel of genocide divides Democrats in a key swing state

When the executive committee of North Carolina's Democratic Party passed a resolution in June calling for an immediate arms embargo on Israel, it set off another episode in the party's ongoing struggles with how it addresses the Israel-Hamas war. Some Jewish Democrats in North Carolina said the resolution was consistent with their support of Palestinian human rights while others characterized it as divisive. The resolution's backers are talking to Democrats in other states who want to take the same stand. And top state leaders – notably the party chair and North Carolina's Democratic governor – have declined to comment. The Israel-Hamas war still divides the party as it did before the November election, when Democratic nominee Kamala Harris faced protests and boycott threats from parts of the base before eventually losing to President Donald Trump. In North Carolina, where Sen. Thom Tillis' retirement opened an opportunity for Democrats to flip a Republican-held seat, some in the party are worried the disunity will make it harder to compete in a race they almost certainly have to win next year to regain Senate control. 'This is an issue that's going to divide Democrats at a time when Democrats need to be working together on the issues that voters actually care about, the kitchen table issues,' said Kathy Manning, who chairs the Board of Directors for the advocacy group Democratic Majority for Israel. Alan Smith, a lead sponsor of the resolution and a member of the state party's progressive caucus, sees it differently. Passing the resolution, he argues, shows the party is responsive to the will of Democratic voters. 'I think it's only going to help the Democratic Party. It's going to get people to come back,' Smith said. According to a May survey from the Chicago Council on Global Affairs, Democrats younger than 45 are far less likely than their older partisan peers to favor the US supporting Israel militarily, with only 38% saying they favor military support until the hostages are returned, compared with 48% support among older Democrats. Disputes over the war have shaped other Democratic races, notably the New York mayoral primary, where Zohran Mamdani, a democratic socialist and strident critic of Israel, scored an upset victory despite criticism from some Jewish groups that he hadn't sufficiently denounced antisemitism. And in Michigan, where Democrats hope to retain control of an open Senate seat next year, the main candidates in the primary have taken sharply different positions on the war. Trump flipped Michigan in 2024 in part by capitalizing on anger in both Jewish and Arab American communities. Though other Democratic state parties, in Wisconsin and Washington, have recently passed resolutions critical of Israel since the country launched its war against Hamas following the Oct. 7, 2023, attack, the language passed by North Carolina Democrats is the only example that explicitly calls for an embargo on military aid and weapons transfers and accuses the state of committing genocide and apartheid. 'The military resources that have been made available to Israel through annual and emergency military aid have been used to commit the crime of genocide and other war crimes in Gaza,' it reads. 'The North Carolina Democratic Party supports an immediate embargo on all military aid, weapons shipments and military logistical support to Israel,' it continues. The resolution also won the support of NCDP's African American Caucus, the Arab Caucus, the LGBTQ+ Caucus, the Association of Teen Democrats, the Jewish Democrats and various other groups within the state party. Israel rejects claims that its war against Hamas, which killed 1,200 people in the Oct. 7 attack and still holds Israeli hostages, constitutes a genocide. It also rejects allegations that its treatment of Palestinians in Gaza and the West Bank is akin to apartheid. Earlier this month the Gaza Health Ministry reported the Palestinian death toll had passed 58,000, with the most recent rounds of casualties taking place near food distribution sites. Manning says Democratic Majority for Israel is in conversations with Democratic voters across the state and helping them to make their displeasure with the resolution known to state party leadership. The resolution's advocates worked over a multiyear process to get the statement passed, starting at the local precinct level, on to the county convention, then through the congressional district convention, the platform resolutions committee and ultimately the party's state executive committee. 'We see it as an issue of unity and an issue that is local, because we want taxpayer dollars to be invested here, and we believe that speaking up for human lives, including Palestinian lives, is actually a local issue and is a reminder that when grassroots groups come together, that they can accomplish the things that they wish to see within their party,' said Reem Subei, chair of the party's Arab Caucus. Since the resolution's passage, Subei says those engaged with their state-level executive committees have reached out to her asking how they could mirror this effort, including organizers in Texas, Oklahoma and Minnesota. Lisa Jewel, president of the state Democratic party's Jewish Caucus, condemned the resolution as divisive and leaned on leadership to block the effort. 'Our leadership needs to call these extremists out. They need to take a strong stand against antisemitism. By placating these extremists, it helps raise the drum beat that leads to violence,' said Jewel, arguing that state Democrats should be focused on cuts to Medicare and Medicaid, women's reproductive health, the cost of housing, gerrymandering, and other consensus-driven issues. She also voiced fear in the wake of threats against her own synagogue. The Jewish Caucus was created last year in response to what Jewel described as growing antisemitism in the Democratic party and across North Carolina. This is not to be confused with the state party's Jewish Democrats, a separate group that supported the resolution. For a long time, party leadership resisted religious groups creating their own caucuses and wanted the groups to all fall within the Interfaith Caucus out of fear of these very types of disputes, but Jewel says some Jews did not feel welcome in the interfaith group and insisted they would go out on their own. 'It is not feasible for us to disconnect our Judaism from Israel, regardless of the politics that are happening there. It's just part of who we are,' said Jewel. Mark Bochkis, who leads communications for the Jewish Democrats, said he moved to Greensboro as a child from the former Soviet Union and that his extended family lives in Israel. 'We have to take a look at what wins statewide, and we cannot ignore the will of Democratic voters or their values. And their values right now are saying we care about Palestinian human rights,' Bochkis said. 'This is the new North Carolina Democratic Party. This is the way forward. I think the Jewish Caucus represents kind of a view that we're moving past,' he added. The next flashpoint will be if or when the resolution is ultimately adopted into the party platform. Its supporters believe they have cleared all the necessary procedural hurdles and that it will eventually be a part of the party's mission statement, but its opponents argue party leadership can still block that from happening. The timeline for when the platform will be voted on is unclear. There is no readily available record of who supported the measure and no video or even mention of the proceeding on the state Democratic Party's website, though proponents of the resolution say it passed 161-151. According to people who attended the vote, party chair Anderson Clayton and other party officers abstained. Clayton has not commented publicly in local press in the weeks since the resolution passed and declined to speak to CNN. Gov. Josh Stein, the state's first Jewish governor, and his predecessor, Roy Cooper, who many state and national Democrats are pushing to run for Tillis' open Senate seat, also declined requests for comment. An adviser to Cooper told CNN that he generally does not opine on party resolutions. Former US Rep. Wiley Nickel, who is already running for Tillis' seat, dismissed the resolution as one-sided but also criticized the Trump administration and Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu. 'In an issue as complex as this, nuance is essential, and that's something politics often overlooks. You can look at my record and see I'm a staunch supporter of Israel as a key U.S. ally, but I also care deeply about the suffering of innocent civilians in Gaza. The current approach by Trump and Netanyahu is not leading us toward peace or a two-state solution. Instead, their policies are fueling division and perpetuating violence, making a two-state solution seem more out of reach than ever,' said Nickel in a statement to CNN. And Rep. Don Davis, a Democrat on the House Armed Services Committee who could also mount a Senate run, reaffirmed his commitment to Israel as an ally of the United States. 'I believe that providing support to our allies, including Israel, is essential in our commitment to countering the threats posed by the Iranian regime and its associated terrorist proxies,' said Davis in a statement to CNN.

New York City Democrats face a clear choice: Socialist, or Cuomo?
New York City Democrats face a clear choice: Socialist, or Cuomo?

Yahoo

time23-06-2025

  • Politics
  • Yahoo

New York City Democrats face a clear choice: Socialist, or Cuomo?

A Zohran Mamdani victory in New York City's Democratic mayoral primary would give progressives much-needed energy as they try to keep the party's center of gravity from shifting to the right. And the nervous Democratic establishment is acting accordingly to make sure he doesn't survive Tuesday's ranked-choice vote. Mamdani, a progressive state assemblyman, is running as a 180-degree turn from scandal-laden incumbent Mayor Eric Adams, who declared himself 'the future' of his party just four years ago. The 33-year-old Muslim has promised New Yorkers free buses, rent freezes, and disinvestment from Israel — and he could become one of the most prominent Democratic figures in the US, should he win the nomination to take on Adams, a centrist who's now running on the independent line. He'll have to beat back a broad alliance of opponents, many of whom dislike his criticism of Israel's war in Gaza and some of whom are openly supporting his primary rival, former Gov. Andrew Cuomo. The Democratic Majority For Israel rebuked Mamdani for his 'long-standing enmity towards Israel' and urged New York Democrats to reject him; the center-left group Third Way called his potential victory 'a devastating blow in the fight to defeat Trumpism.' Whitney Tilson, a mayoral candidate and former hedge fund manager who helped start Teach for America, has campaigned extensively against Mamdani. He echoed the pointed criticism he has faced for his amid the war in Gaza. 'I think he's a particular threat to both the Jewish community and the business community, with his radical socialism and hatred of Israel,' Tilson told Semafor, after stopping at a Ukrainian festival in Brooklyn where he talked about sending aid to defend the country from Russia. A defeat for Cuomo, whose lead stretched as high as 32 points when he entered the race, would be a remarkable upset — and prevent a comeback that many city leaders had made peace with. 'Eight months after being at 1%, we now stand just a few points away from toppling a political dynasty,' Mamdani told supporters on Sunday, at one of his final pre-vote rallies. New York Democrats are filling out ranked-choice ballots that allow them to pick up to five candidates, out of 11, using the same electoral system that narrowly gave Adams his 2021 victory. That's loomed as a challenge for Cuomo. Universally known by voters, he's consistently led the field; more than a third of New York Democrats are calling him their first-choice candidate, dominating the expected vote in the Bronx and Staten Island. But Cuomo entered the race with the highest negative ratings of any Democratic candidate and his own scandal-marked record. His many enemies, including progressives who fumbled their 2021 campaign to stop Adams, had more time to plan. In February, before Adams quit the race and Cuomo entered, a group of progressives launched 'Don't Rank Eric Adams for Mayor,' or DREAM, to advertise their strategy. When Cuomo tagged in, the acronym was changed to Don't Rank Evil Andrew. Mamdani's campaign surged ahead of every Cuomo alternative, despite some liberal worries about whether he could build a winning coalition. By early June, they had accepted reality: The Working Families Party put Mamdani at the top of its slate, as did Rep. Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez, D-N.Y., as Comptroller Brad Lander cross-endorsed Mamdani and Bernie Sanders announced his own support for him. In the final days of the race, as public polling showed Mamdani with a real chance to win, Cuomo picked up endorsements from centrist Democrats who describe him as the most experienced candidate. But early voting was higher in the neighborhoods where Mamdani has run the strongest — and where his campaign has concentrated its volunteers. On Monday, centrist Democrats fretted that the 33-year old could beat Cuomo, with a combination of lower Election Day turnout during a heat wave, solidarity from most of the anti-Cuomo candidates, and an unapologetically progressive campaign that made no mistakes. The New York Times, which declined to endorse in the race, instead published an editorial (that would immediately be quoted in a Cuomo ad) labeling Mamdani's agenda 'uniquely unsuited to the city's challenges.' A Mamdani victory, argued Matt Bennett, senior vice president for public affairs at Third Way, would put Democratic Socialists for America under the spotlight at a weak moment for the anti-Trump opposition. 'The stuff in the DSA platform is insane,' Bennett said. Third Way, which usually ignores mayoral contests, weighed in against Mamdani because they saw his membership in DSA as an enormous optics problem. 'Open the prisons and shut 'em down? Open the borders and make everything free? It's like a 9th-grader's idea of what a Marxist fantasy would be. It's packed with ideas that could be weaponized by Republicans,' Bennett one sure thing about this race is that it won't be over on Tuesday night. It will take some time to count ballots until one candidate has crossed the 50% win threshold; polling suggested that this could take five rounds of ranked-choiced math, or more. If Cuomo wins, there will be pressure on the Working Families Party to give Mamdani its ballot line for November, and to elect him in a contest with Cuomo as the Democratic nominee, Adams as an independent, businessman Jim Walden as another independent, and Guardian Angels founder Curtis Sliwa as a Republican. The late angst about a Mamdani win suggests another possible five-way contest: Mamdani as the Democratic nominee, and Cuomo as the nominee of his Fight and Deliver Party. (Cuomo's father Mario, who lost the 1977 Democratic mayoral primary, lost again in November as the defunct Liberal Party's nominee.) The bigger question is what it means for the Democratic Party's brand. Outside New York, Cuomo's comeback looked inevitable until the last couple of weeks. Before that, Mamdani's rise as his chief rival gave pro-Cuomo Democrats hope. Surely, they thought, a less left-wing candidate like Lander or City Council Speaker Adrienne Adams would be more formidable. They viewed the choice the way Jeb Bush's campaign viewed Donald Trump's rise 10 years ago — a distraction that would get the anti-establishment bug out of voters' systems, preventing a challenger who might be able to win. Surely, a socialist who refused to acknowledge Israel's right to exist as a 'Jewish state' or condemn the slogan 'globalize the Intifada' would punch himself out before anybody voted. He didn't punch himself out. National Democrats have barely started to consider what it would mean if Mamdani can secure the nomination in New York — for their party's internal politics, for how their voters want to fight Trump, or for how ready they might be to throw off old Politico, Jonathan Martin a Mamdani campaign that made 'affordability' its 'heartbeat' and became more robust than Cuomo et al expected. In New York, Errol Louis stock of the mistakes the city's Democratic elites made on the way to the primary. Earlier this month, I looked at the lessons Mamdani was from Bernie Sanders, in campaigning and in governing.

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