Latest news with #DepartmentofChildrenandFamilies

ABC News
2 days ago
- Politics
- ABC News
Are most of the NT's landmark DV inquest recommendations already in place, as the government says?
Two years ago the Northern Territory coroner began an inquiry into the domestic violence deaths of four Aboriginal women, with her findings and recommendations handed down in November. At the last parliamentary sittings, the NT government provided its long-awaited formal response to the inquiry, with Prevention of Domestic Violence Minister Robyn Cahill stating the 35 recommendations were "uninspiring" and "failed so dismally to hit the mark". Ms Cahill's comments received significant backlash from the sector and legal associations, who labelled them "hurtful" and "undermining of the independence" of the coroner. As another series of coronial inquests into domestic violence deaths begins this month in Darwin and Alice Springs — which the NT coroner previously flagged as "an excellent opportunity" to review the government's response — the question remains: What has been the government's progress on implementing the recommendations? Of the coroner's 35 recommendations, the NT government has accepted 21 of them in full and 11 in principle. In the government's tabled response to the recommendations, it stated that for the majority of those accepted, funding for the programs was either already available under existing plans or had been recently assigned as part of the 2025-26 budget. For many of those it accepted in principle, the government said fully implementing them would be "subject to" finding the necessary funding and resourcing, or undertaking significant work to create a "whole new model of operation". During her speech to parliament, Ms Cahill claimed that "24 of the 35 recommendations related to programs or processes already in place". But that assertion is disputed by frontline sector workers, including the chief executive of the Women's Safety Services of Central Australia, Larissa Ellis, who has called such a claim "disingenuous at best". One of the recommendations in dispute is recommendation 7, which relates to an NT-wide rollout of the co-responder model, where police and Department of Children and Families staff work together to support victims and perpetrators of domestic violence. In her report, the coroner called for the co-responder model, which is already being trialled in Alice Springs, to be funded, evaluated and implemented across the NT. Ms Cahill claims that model is already "in place". However, less than two weeks before the last parliamentary sittings, a Department of Children and Families spokesperson told the ABC in a statement that the co-responder model had yet to be expanded across the NT. The full list of locations for the program's expansion was also only announced in parliament late last month. Ms Ellis also says the government has "skipped the monitoring and evaluation" of the Alice Springs co-responder pilot, which would have allowed the sector to consider "the lessons that we could learn [and] the challenges that we have experienced here in Alice Springs". Recommendation 11 is another the government claims is already in place, while sector workers disagree. The coroner called for the Prevent, Assist, Respond training (PARt) domestic violence program to be rolled out to "all current NT police officers, auxiliaries and new recruits, as well as [to emergency call centre] staff" and its specific funding. Ms Ellis says: "I would debate that that has been fully implemented". "The NT government has not funded that initiative, that is funded through philanthropic avenues. And it is temporary funding," she says. Multiple sector workers have also told the ABC that despite Ms Cahill stating recommendation 17— which calls for the replication of Alice Springs's specialist domestic, family and sexual violence court in other regions — is "in place", there is in fact no specialist court outside of Alice Springs. The government did not support three of the recommendations: The government's refusal to establish a peak DFSV body has been particularly contentious. Ms Cahill says there is no need for a peak body because that role is already fulfilled by a government-funded "domestic, family and sexual violence officer" position at the Northern Territory Council of Social Services. But Ms Ellis says this position doesn't equate to a peak body. "We're the only jurisdiction without a domestic and family violence peak, [and] we are the jurisdiction with the highest rates of domestic and family violence across the country," she says. "The domestic and family violence sector in the Northern Territory is in a terrible position, where we are advocating and arguing with our funders. "That places us in really precarious situation, because if we advocate too strongly we risk our funding."


Boston Globe
6 days ago
- Boston Globe
Longmeadow middle school librarian arrested on child pornography charge, federal prosecutors say
In a conversation with an undercover officer, McGinley allegedly said 'he had 'students' who were '11-14 years old' but 'ha[d]n't touched them sexually,'' prosecutors said. In the chat, he made graphic statements about them, prosecutors said. On Aug. 8, investigators seized two iPhones, an Apple Watch, a tablet, and two laptops during a search of McGinley's home and allegedly found more than 100 files of child pornography on his phone, prosecutors said. Authorities are continuing to search the devices. Advertisement Investigators also found a locked case in McGinley's basement that allegedly contained 'assorted children's clothes, a Santa costume, diapers, and apple sauce packets,' prosecutors said. It also held a toolbox with boys' underwear and bedding stuffed inside, prosecutors said. If convicted, McGinley could face five to 20 years in prison and a fine of as much as $250,000, prosecutors said. Advertisement In a letter to families Wednesday, the superintendent of the Longmeadow Public Schools, Martin O'Shea, said the district is cooperating with investigators and is in contact with the state Department of Children and Families. 'Our highest priority is and always will be student safety and well being,' O'Shea said. 'LPS has policies and protocols in place to protect students through student education, staff training, and the use of background checks and mandatory reporting.' O'Shea said the allegations against McGinley were 'highly troubling and disturbing.' He said school counselors, social workers, and administrators will be available to support students and staff. He said the school system has asked the US attorney's office and the FBI to join school officials for an 'in-person and remotely accessible informational meetings.' O'Shea said details on those events are forthcoming. 'Our community has always shown strength in difficult times,' he wrote. 'I have no doubt that we will come together now with the same care and resilience to support one another.' Nick Stoico can be reached at

Yahoo
10-06-2025
- Politics
- Yahoo
Maxwell: DeSantis orders Orlando Sentinel to stop investigating his scandal. That's not happening.
Late last week, Gov. Ron DeSantis' administration publicly threatened the Orlando Sentinel reporter who has been investigating the Hope Florida scandal. Welcome to the 'Free State of Florida,' where the governor feels free to live out authoritarian fever dreams surrounded by staff who are apparently unwilling to tell Mao ZeRon that emporers can't control journalism in this country. Just after noon on Friday, Florida's Department of Children and Families issued what it labeled a 'cease and desist' demand that Sentinel reporter Jeff Schweers stop his reporting efforts after saying it had 'heard' that Jeff might be 'threatening or coercing' foster families in Florida. There was no proof. No specifics. The letter wasn't even signed by anyone — maybe because no reputable attorney would put their name on a document that looked like it was written by a Twitter bot trying to cosplay as a lawyer. It was just an anonymous, undocumented claim that someone had heard something about harassment, which the governor then tweeted along with the comment: 'Bottom feeders gonna bottom feed…' The governor's tweet — which included Jeff's email address — prompted the kind of online reaction DeSantis surely expected. One of the governor's followers called for Jeff to be arrested. Others responded to the governor's name-calling with more name-calling, either opting for antisemitism or just blanket statements like: 'Journos are some the worst people alive. Scum of the earth.' By this point, you might be wondering: So what did Jeff do? Well, for months now, he's been trying to track down how the DeSantis administration has been spending money — some of it public, some of it private donations that are supposed to be carefully accounted for the IRS. That apparently scared the hell out of the governor and his staff. Specifically, Jeff was trying to find out what happened to public money given to the beleaguered Hope Florida program championed by Ron and Casey DeSantis. And Jeff isn't the only one. Legislative Republicans have flat-out said they believe crimes were committed. A prosecutor is looking at the issue as well. But apparently Jeff was getting too close to the truth for comfort. So the DeSantis administration bogusly claimed he was 'threatening' foster families and ordered him to stop his reporting. Well, that ain't gonna happen. As the Sentinel's executive editor, Roger Simmons said: 'We stand by our stories and reject the state's attempt to chill free speech and encroach on our First Amendment right to report on an important issue.' Editorial: Intimidation won't make the Sentinel back down on Hope Florida story Reporting, after all, is what newspapers do. We search for answers. And Jeff has been doing it for years. In fact, before he started working for the Sentinel a few years ago, Jeff worked for the Tallahassee Democrat where he investigated scandalous behavior by Andrew Gillum. Gillum, as you may recall, was the Democratic candidate for governor against … wait for it … Ron DeSantis. And some of Jeff's reporting was so damning to Gillum that the stories generated by Jeff and his colleagues were used by the DeSantis campaign to help DeSantis eke out a 0.4% victory. So to recap: When newspapers investigate a Democrat, everyone should pay attention. But if they investigate DeSantis, it's bottom-feeding that needs to be shut down. The latest scandal involves Hope Florida — the moniker for both a state program and affiliated private charity that the DeSantises have championed. The couple say the programs have been successful at getting struggling citizens off welfare. But GOP legislators (yes, lawmakers from the governor's own party) say they believe public money was inappropriately 'laundered' to political causes and campaigns. For journalists, a common mantra is: Follow the money. But that's been particularly challenging in this story that involves two entities by the same name, money transfers and incomplete financial records. Maxwell: Scandals for Dummies. Breaking down the Hope Florida fiasco It has been my experience that, when financial stories are complicated, that's often intentional. Someone doesn't want you to follow the money. But Jeff and other Florida reporters have kept on digging. And that's what has the DeSantis administration nervous. Last month, Jeff tracked down one of the few, specific people Hope Florida had touted as a success story for being weaned off public assistance only to learn that she appeared 'no better off than she was. She lives with her three youngest daughters in a double-wide mobile home … not working, and she and her children are still on Medicaid … just as they were three years ago.' Financial independence eludes Hope Florida 'graduate' 3 years later This week, Jeff combed through IRS records to learn that a golf-tournament fundraiser staged by the Hope Florida Foundation actually reported losing $17,000 — only to have the foundation's attorney say that the foundation would soon be filing an amended report. How fortuitous for the charity that Jeff was able to help it sort out its finances. Hope Florida Foundation to amend tax return to show golf tourney made more money And those are just the stories Jeff was able to ferret out with access to limited records. He said he's still waiting for the state to provide specific details about how it spent more than $20 million in federal relief funds — a request he filed back in October 2024 If Hope Florida looks like a three-alarm dumpster fire right now, one wonders how many alarms would go off if journalists and the public ever get to see the full financial picture. To that end, when the governor of America's third-largest state took to Twitter to try to debase and bully, Jeff responded with a pretty simple, nine-word question: 'Why not respond to my numerous public records requests?' The answer to that is becoming increasingly obvious. Because the more the facts get out, the worse things look for DeSantis. So the state's top elected official is trying to use all the influence he can to stop journalists from even asking questions. smaxwell@

Yahoo
10-06-2025
- Politics
- Yahoo
Maxwell: DeSantis orders Orlando Sentinel to stop investigating his scandal. That's not happening.
Late last week, Gov. Ron DeSantis' administration publicly threatened the Orlando Sentinel reporter who has been investigating the Hope Florida scandal. Welcome to the 'Free State of Florida,' where the governor feels free to live out authoritarian fever dreams surrounded by staff who are apparently unwilling to tell Mao ZeRon that emporers can't control journalism in this country. Just after noon on Friday, Florida's Department of Children and Families issued what it labeled a 'cease and desist' demand that Sentinel reporter Jeff Schweers stop his reporting efforts after saying it had 'heard' that Jeff might be 'threatening or coercing' foster families in Florida. There was no proof. No specifics. The letter wasn't even signed by anyone — maybe because no reputable attorney would put their name on a document that looked like it was written by a Twitter bot trying to cosplay as a lawyer. It was just an anonymous, undocumented claim that someone had heard something about harassment, which the governor then tweeted along with the comment: 'Bottom feeders gonna bottom feed…' The governor's tweet — which included Jeff's email address — prompted the kind of online reaction DeSantis surely expected. One of the governor's followers called for Jeff to be arrested. Others responded to the governor's name-calling with more name-calling, either opting for antisemitism or just blanket statements like: 'Journos are some the worst people alive. Scum of the earth.' By this point, you might be wondering: So what did Jeff do? Well, for months now, he's been trying to track down how the DeSantis administration has been spending money — some of it public, some of it private donations that are supposed to be carefully accounted for the IRS. That apparently scared the hell out of the governor and his staff. Specifically, Jeff was trying to find out what happened to public money given to the beleaguered Hope Florida program championed by Ron and Casey DeSantis. And Jeff isn't the only one. Legislative Republicans have flat-out said they believe crimes were committed. A prosecutor is looking at the issue as well. But apparently Jeff was getting too close to the truth for comfort. So the DeSantis administration bogusly claimed he was 'threatening' foster families and ordered him to stop his reporting. Well, that ain't gonna happen. As the Sentinel's executive editor, Roger Simmons said: 'We stand by our stories and reject the state's attempt to chill free speech and encroach on our First Amendment right to report on an important issue.' Editorial: Intimidation won't make the Sentinel back down on Hope Florida story Reporting, after all, is what newspapers do. We search for answers. And Jeff has been doing it for years. In fact, before he started working for the Sentinel a few years ago, Jeff worked for the Tallahassee Democrat where he investigated scandalous behavior by Andrew Gillum. Gillum, as you may recall, was the Democratic candidate for governor against … wait for it … Ron DeSantis. And some of Jeff's reporting was so damning to Gillum that the stories generated by Jeff and his colleagues were used by the DeSantis campaign to help DeSantis eke out a 0.4% victory. So to recap: When newspapers investigate a Democrat, everyone should pay attention. But if they investigate DeSantis, it's bottom-feeding that needs to be shut down. The latest scandal involves Hope Florida — the moniker for both a state program and affiliated private charity that the DeSantises have championed. The couple say the programs have been successful at getting struggling citizens off welfare. But GOP legislators (yes, lawmakers from the governor's own party) say they believe public money was inappropriately 'laundered' to political causes and campaigns. For journalists, a common mantra is: Follow the money. But that's been particularly challenging in this story that involves two entities by the same name, money transfers and incomplete financial records. Maxwell: Scandals for Dummies. Breaking down the Hope Florida fiasco It has been my experience that, when financial stories are complicated, that's often intentional. Someone doesn't want you to follow the money. But Jeff and other Florida reporters have kept on digging. And that's what has the DeSantis administration nervous. Last month, Jeff tracked down one of the few, specific people Hope Florida had touted as a success story for being weaned off public assistance only to learn that she appeared 'no better off than she was. She lives with her three youngest daughters in a double-wide mobile home … not working, and she and her children are still on Medicaid … just as they were three years ago.' Financial independence eludes Hope Florida 'graduate' 3 years later This week, Jeff combed through IRS records to learn that a golf-tournament fundraiser staged by the Hope Florida Foundation actually reported losing $17,000 — only to have the foundation's attorney say that the foundation would soon be filing an amended report. How fortuitous for the charity that Jeff was able to help it sort out its finances. Hope Florida Foundation to amend tax return to show golf tourney made more money And those are just the stories Jeff was able to ferret out with access to limited records. He said he's still waiting for the state to provide specific details about how it spent more than $20 million in federal relief funds — a request he filed back in October 2024 If Hope Florida looks like a three-alarm dumpster fire right now, one wonders how many alarms would go off if journalists and the public ever get to see the full financial picture. To that end, when the governor of America's third-largest state took to Twitter to try to debase and bully, Jeff responded with a pretty simple, nine-word question: 'Why not respond to my numerous public records requests?' The answer to that is becoming increasingly obvious. Because the more the facts get out, the worse things look for DeSantis. So the state's top elected official is trying to use all the influence he can to stop journalists from even asking questions. smaxwell@
Yahoo
10-06-2025
- Politics
- Yahoo
DeSantis administration blasted for 'chilling' Florida press with cease-and-desist letter
By sending and posting on social media an unsigned cease-and-desist letter to an Orlando Sentinel reporter, Gov. Ron DeSantis' administration infringed on press freedom by demanding that reporting stop about an initiative spearheaded by his wife, First Amendment attorneys say. The Department of Children and Families (DCF), which houses the Hope Florida program, sent a letter June 6 addressed to Sentinel reporter Jeffrey Schweers and its executive editor, Roger Simmons. It accuses Schweers of using "threats" to coerce foster families who had experienced damages to their homes after Hurricanes Helene and Milton to make "negative statements about Hope Florida for his reporting." Hope Florida is a conservative alternative to welfare, which has a goal to steer Florida residents away from government programs and instead toward services from nonprofits and faith groups, for instance. DCF's letter was promptly posted on X and reposted by Gov. Ron DeSantis, who called the reporter a "bottom feeder." That sparked outrage among many journalists on the platform, accusing the governor's office of First Amendment infringements. DeSantis spokesperson Brian Wright denied those claims. The governor's office was asked whether it was involved in drafting the letter to the newspaper and whether the governor had any response to accusations of infringing on the First Amendment. "The Orlando Sentinel can report on whatever they want, but they do not have a right to harass foster families," Wright said in a June 9 email to the USA TODAY Network-Florida. In a June 8 editorial, the Sentinel denied the agency's accusations and said any "attempt to bully our newsroom away from a story is clearly intended to be chilling, but it won't impact our reporting." A request for comment is pending with the Department of Children and Families. "We stand by our stories and reject the state's attempt to chill free speech and encroach on our First Amendment right to report on an important issue. The state's characterization of our reporter's conduct is completely false," Simmons said in a statement. First Amendment attorneys cited a number of issues with the cease-and-desist letter, starting with it being unsigned and not directed to a specific attorney in the Orlando Sentinel's legal department. That's what caused Gary Edinger of Gainesville to call it "completely irregular." It also doesn't specify which laws were broken, added Caroline Corbin, a law professor and First Amendment scholar at the University of Miami: "This letter reads more like, 'Shut up,' " she said. Aside from these inconsistencies, attorney Larry Walters, who focuses on First Amendment issues in his Longwood law firm, said the letter "appears to be designed to instill a chilling effect on the reporter's investigation." And "any attempt by the government to instill fear or concern about repercussions from the government based on reporting is a violation of the First Amendment," Walter said. Moreover, the letter could be construed as "prior restraint," according to Clay Calvert, a nonresident senior fellow with the American Enterprise Institute who specializes in First Amendment law. Prior restraint is when the government tries to stop the press from publishing something before it's printed or broadcast, which is generally considered unconstitutional under the First Amendment. Calvert said the letter and the administration's attendant social media attention on it also fall into a pattern created by President Donald Trump of creating a "hostile environment for the news media." Calvert referred to the Trump administration's threats to defund public media and barring the Associated Press from White House events. "This is the Trump playbook here being operationalized in Florida," Calvert said. Hope Florida investigation: What is Hope Florida? Why Casey DeSantis-connected charity is reportedly under investigation In April, state lawmakers investigated the fundraising arm of Casey DeSantis' flagship initiative, Hope Florida, after discovering a $10 million "donation" it received from a Medicaid settlement. The money eventually wound up with a political committee backed by the governor that campaigned against a recreational marijuana constitutional amendment. The Orlando Sentinel editorial board's response to the cease-and-desist letter said Schweers was looking into grants distributed by Hope Florida. This reporting was not finished, the editorial said, but is "far enough along to raise some questions." For months, reporters statewide also have focused on looking into the funding and effectiveness of Hope Florida itself, the program launched in 2021 by the first lady. The Hope Florida Foundation was formed in 2023. Casey DeSantis is not listed on the foundation's board of directors, state records show. 2024 ballot amendment: Ron DeSantis-supported opposition mounts against Florida marijuana ballot question The Florida House's investigation, which looked at the foundation, began after the governor encouraged lawmakers to codify Hope Florida into law under the governor's oversight. It stalled after reporting from the Tampa Bay Times/Miami Herald Tallahassee Bureau revealed the money flow. The legislation also would have expanded the program's reach and required participation from state agencies. As a success story, Hope Florida could boost her political resume in a potential run for governor in 2026 — succeeding her term-limited husband. After shooting down rumors she was interested in running, the governor teased at his wife's potential candidacy following Trump's early endorsement of U.S. Rep. Byron Donalds, R-Naples. After a Florida House panel concluded its inquiry and questioning of officials working with Hope Florida, its chair – state Rep. Alex Andrade, R-Pensacola – said he believed there was "criminal fraud" by those involved. He gave his findings to State Attorney Jack Campbell, who won't confirm whether he's investigating the matter. DeSantis responds: Hope Florida probe halted as DeSantis allies refuse to testify One thing is sure: Courtrooms are no stranger to cases questioning the DeSantis administration's handling of public records requests. In October, Floridians Protecting Freedom filed a federal First Amendment lawsuit against the DeSantis-appointed state surgeon general, Joseph Ladapo, after the Florida Department of Health sent a cease-and-desist letter to television stations for running advertisements by the group campaigning for Florida's abortion access amendment. The lawsuit condemned the surgeon general of "threatening broadcasters with criminal prosecution if they air viewpoints the State disagrees with." Abortion ballot amendment: Florida pro-abortion amendment group files First Amendment lawsuit as state targets ads In 2024, government accountability watchdog organization American Oversight sued DeSantis, claiming in part his administration failed to respond to public records requests in a "timely and lawful manner." In May, the group announced a settlement in the lawsuit and said the governor's office began providing tracking numbers in its records request-acknowledgement emails and signing employee names in those emails. Barbara Petersen, a co-founder of the nonprofit Florida Center for Governmental Accountability, said the governor has "repeatedly expressed his disdain for the media." She referred to her own group's fights to obtain public information, including accusing the state's Department of Transportation and its contractor of slow-walking records requests related to DeSantis' relocation in 2022 of nearly 50 Venezuelan migrants from Texas to Martha's Vineyard. An appeals court sided with the governor earlier this year, agreeing that taking weeks to produce a breadth of records was "reasonable." But the court also found that any work-related communications from personal devices were still public. "His lack of support for the public's constitutional right to public information (is) mind boggling," Petersen said. This reporting content is supported by a partnership with Freedom Forum and Journalism Funding Partners. USA Today Network-Florida First Amendment reporter Stephany Matat is based in Tallahassee, Fla. She can be reached at SMatat@ On X: @stephanymatat. This article originally appeared on Tallahassee Democrat: Reporting on DeSantis, Hope Florida triggers clash over press freedom