Latest news with #Dnyanaprakash
Hindustan Times
21 hours ago
- Politics
- Hindustan Times
Taste of Life: Fasting and starvation tools to freedom and rule
Pune: Hunger is one of the most common and important experiences of living beings. Every individual of the human race has felt it, and it has unquestionably determined many of the actions of their lives. Mahatma Gandhi began the fast on February 10, 1943, as a protest against government propaganda that blamed the Congress for the violence that followed the Quit India resolution. (HT ARCHIVES) In February 1943, Mahatma Gandhi was a prisoner at the Aga Khan Palace in Pune. He and thousands of Indians had been arrested on August 9, 1942, after the All India Congress Committee adopted a resolution calling for the withdrawal of British Rule over India. Violent protests and demonstrations erupted all over the country, including in Pune, where several men and women were killed in police firing. The British Government put the blame squarely on Gandhi. After seven months of incarceration, he decided to resort to a hunger strike – a tactic that he had used in the past. He began the fast on February 10, 1943, as a protest against government propaganda that blamed the Congress for the violence that followed the Quit India resolution. He also demanded the immediate release of all the prisoners held for protests. He was to consume only water, occasionally supplemented with a small amount of lime juice and salt. Gandhi was seventy-four years old at the time. Gandhi used fasting as a tool to shake the conscience of the nation. In Pune, according to a report in the Marathi newspaper 'Dnyanaprakash', leaflets that denounced the British Government were distributed in the markets. As a response, more than fifty labourers from the grain market decided to fast once a week to support Gandhi and their countrymen who had been held prisoners by the government. 'Our fast is for our country, which makes it more worthy', said one of the worker-leaders, Mr Harkare, the 'Dnyanaprakash' reported on February 23, 1943. Gandhi's fasts had made Harkare and many others hopeful that the government would be moved, or better, brought down, by their fasting. At that time, Bengal and a large part of Eastern and Southern India were facing the wrath of a famine for which the indifference of the then Colonial Government of India and the Provincial Government of Bengal was to be blamed. Indians were no strangers to devastating famines, but this was like no other. It arrived in Bengal suddenly in October 1942. The influx of destitute villagers from Bengal and Orissa into Calcutta had begun as early as January 1943. The city and the government were unprepared to feed the starving millions. When the summer arrived, the city found famished men, women, and children lying about the pavements and footpaths, under trees and outside temples, weak and sick. Families were separated, and dead bodies were seen everywhere. Hospitals refused to treat patients who were starving. The news of the famine reached Pune when Gandhi was fasting, but hardly anyone paid attention. After all, famines visited the country regularly. It took a few months for the city to register the gravity of the situation. Almost a thousand Bengalis lived in Pune then. The 'Bangiya Sammelan', or 'Bangiya Association', established in 1936, celebrated festivals like the Durga Pooja, and each year, some contribution was made from the Pooja funds towards some charitable or humanitarian work. The Bengal famine years witnessed subdued celebrations of the Durga Pooja and the Sarasvati Pooja in Pune. While the goddesses were offered their favourite dishes, the menu for feasts for devotees was limited, and the money thus saved was donated to famine relief. The Association organised a charity performance of a Bengali drama, and from the proceeds of the tickets donated nearly ₹3,500 to the Bengal Famine Relief Fund. The Association had always tried to establish closer social and cultural contacts with non-Bengali communities. During the famine, they actively sought support for the people of Bengal from the residents of Pune. Several reports about the famine in 'Dnyanaprakash' quoted bulletins sent by the association. Among the many organisations which were engaged in relief work in Bengal were the Marwari Relief Society, the Gujrat Seva Samiti, the Arya Samaj, the Congress Seva Samiti, Ramkrishna Mission, the Hindu Mahasabha, and the Poona Relief Committee. The Poona Relief Committee was constituted by distinguished volunteers of several organisations in Pune, the details of which are hazy. It appealed for donations and sent clothes and grains to Bengal. Mr K Santhanam visited many areas in Bengal and Orissa in 1943 – 44 to report the distress at the request of the Hindustan Times. According to him, one of the saddest consequences of the Bengal famine was that many young boys and girls were forced to discontinue their education. Mr Dhavale, who was sent to Midnapore on behalf of the Poona Relief Committee, opened a boys' home where arrangements were made for the education, lodging and boarding of poor boys. The home started with twenty and quickly went on to accommodate two hundred. The poor and the lower middle classes were unable to buy food, and many organisations like the Calcutta Relief Society and the Marwari Relief Society started canteens that offered cheap meals for an anna. The Servants of India Society, Poona, donated jowar to the Bengal Relief Society to start a gruel kitchen and sent a batch of fifty-five volunteers to Bengal to participate in the relief operations. They worked under the instructions of Mr Shyam Sundar Misra, who was in charge of the relief activities there. Lakshmibai Thuse, along with ten other women volunteers from Pune, was part of the relief committee constituted by the All India Women's Conference that had taken upon itself the work of attending to children and the mothers. The committee established fifteen centres in Calcutta and eleven centres in the mofussil at which over 5,000 children were given milk and rice daily. It had also started several medical relief centres in Calcutta and nearby villages. But the most important programme of the women's committee was the opening of homes for orphan children in Calcutta, Barisal, Diamond Harbour, and Bankura. Members of the committee organised donation drives in Pune. They urged women to cook frugally and donate grains for the starving children in Bengal. Pune was then reeling under the effects of rationing owing to the Colonial government procuring grains for its troops fighting in Asia and Africa. A Bombay newspaper reported that at a meeting convened to tackle the insufficiency of food in the Bombay Presidency, a British official had commented, 'It is a shame that they (Indians) did not learn to starve from Gandhi'. Gandhi ended his fast on the morning of March 3, 1943, with a reading from the 'Bhagavad Geeta' and a glass of orange juice. The Great Bengal Famine, a man-made disaster, killed an estimated 3 million out of a population of 60 million. The government never admitted its responsibility for the disaster. Winston Churchill said, 'I hate Indians. The famine was their own fault for breeding like rabbits.' All through the history of mankind, food sources have been destroyed, blocked, denied, altered, or substituted to force people to obey, move, and accede to power. Be it India, Africa, or Gaza, rulers have used hunger to grab land and subjugate and humiliate the ruled. It is an effective weapon for ethnic cleansing. The freedom from starvation and the freedom to eat what one desires are still elusive. May we have the compassion for those who starve and the will to resist the use of hunger as a weapon against humanity. Chinmay Damle is a research scientist and food enthusiast. He writes here on Pune's food culture. He can be contacted at
Hindustan Times
03-07-2025
- General
- Hindustan Times
Taste of Life: Encouraging fasting to protect religious traditions
Pune: In early twentieth-century Colonial India, a resurgence of religio-cultural self-awareness that endorsed traditions played a significant role in defining cultural identities. This self-awareness existed alongside the diversities based on caste, ethnicity, and region. The encounter with modernisation sharpened the expressions of cultural identity that differed from traditional religio-cultural conflicts. Movie halls like the Minerva Talkies and Prabhat were known to distribute dates to the fasting audience. Fasting on 'Ekadashi' was considered a tool to bridge the gaps and rifts between different castes and communities. (HT) Keshav V Datye of Shukravar Peth, Pune, wrote a letter to the Marathi daily 'Dnyanaprakash' on July 29, 1940, that began with the criticism of the youth for indulging in frivolity by watching movies on the important festival of 'Ashadhi Ekadashi'. But his bigger consternation was the consumption of 'soda-lemon', tea, and peanuts by a significant section of the audience before, during, and after the screenings, on the day they were supposed to stay away from food. Datye worked at a printing press in Pune. He was also a founding member of an 'Ekadashi Sanghatana'. Members of such organisations fasted on every 'Ekadashi' and donated the money thus saved to funds established for the welfare of Indian political prisoners. Readers of this column would remember an article I wrote last year about these 'Ekadashi Sanghatanas', the fasts on 'Ashadhi Ekadashi' and Muharram, and how they forged a bond between the two communities (Fasting brings people of faith together, July 18, 2024). 'Ekadashi', the eleventh day of the waxing and waning lunar cycles of the Hindu calendar, was a day of fasting for many Hindus. There were two 'Ekadashis', and hence, two fasting days each month. While most men and women fasted for a day, some women kept the 'Ekadashi' fast for three days. They lunched a day before 'Ekadashi' and broke the fast two days later after sunrise. Some chose to fast without water, while some ate only fruits. 'Ashadh Shuddha Ekadashi', also known as 'Devashayani Ekadashi', the eleventh lunar day of the bright fortnight of the Hindu month of 'Ashadh', was one of the most important of the 'Ekadashis'. Fasting was its essential aspect. Since ancient times, fasting has been an expression of piety or penitence towards a deity. In Christianity, fasting was often viewed as a form of penance; while in Islam, it was more about praise and obedience. Fasting to achieve specific results from a deity highlighted a form of thinking where the act of fasting was believed to have direct effects on divine intervention. The reasons given for fasting on an 'Ekadashi' were manifold and depended on which text one referred to. While one was supposed to not touch a single morsel of food on the day, the modern middle-class embraced new ingredients like the potato, sago, peanuts, and chillies and used them to create novel dishes which it decided could be consumed when one was fasting. The housewife, hence, proudly displayed her repertoire of fasting dishes on 'Ashadhi Ekadashi'. Women who ate only once during the entire month of 'Ashadh' were believed to be blessed with prosperity and children. The 'Vaman Purana', one of the eighteen major Puranas in Hinduism, advised donation of footwear, umbrellas, and gooseberry soaked in brine to Brahmins during the holy month. Some vegetable and fruit vendors specially stocked gooseberries during the month. The pressures of modernisation in Colonial India tried to replace and reshape traditional cultures that exhibited resistance and adaptive qualities. The arrival of technology was a sign of emancipation, but it also created anxiety because of the constantly changing personal and social life. The lure of modernity, hence, was perceived as a threat to religious traditions. The anxiety created by Western education and modernity made a section of the Hindu middle class embrace religious rituals with a vigour. The 1930s saw the popularity of the 'Satyanarayana Pooja' soar to new heights. Lord Satyanarayana was considered a form of Lord Vishnu, and hence the ritual was performed with great devotion in the month of 'Ashadh'. Since men had to work during the day, the pooja was organised in the evenings, followed by dinner for guests in some wealthy households. 'Ashadh Pournima', the full moon day of the month of 'Ashadh', was also celebrated as 'Guru Pournima' as a day to mark reverence to teachers. Many families observed a full-day fast on the occasion. The fast ended after the evening ritual of paying obeisance to the spiritual or religious guru of the family or the deity. Some well-to-do families in Pune organised community feasts in Vishnu temples in the city. Many invited their guru, or a Brahmin for lunch. It was also a day when students bowed before their teachers in schools and colleges. The Hindu unification project, initiated and led by the likes of Mahadevshastri Divekar in the early 1920s, called for the abolition of rituals that encouraged the segregation supported by the caste system. Fasting on 'Ekadashi' was considered a tool to bridge the gaps and rifts between different castes and communities, chiefly owing to the association with the pilgrimage to Pandharpur, where men and women belonging to different castes and communities participated. Those not fasting every 'Ekadashi' were not considered good Hindus. Following religious rituals was deemed necessary to preserve Hinduism in its 'pure' form. As a result, groups like 'Tarun Maharashtra Mandal' organised bhajans and keertans for three days before the 'Ashadhi Ekadashi' in the so-called 'lower caste' localities. People belonging to these castes and communities were urged to fast and follow Hindu rituals. Extra shows of movies and plays, apart from the regular shows at 6 pm and 10 pm, were organised at 3 pm on 'Ashadhi Ekadashi'. Movies like 'Sant Sakhu' and 'Sant Meerabai' were shown, and plays like 'Swargasundari' were staged. The trend probably started in the late 1920s. On the 'Ashadhi Ekadashi' in July 1930, Jagadish Film Company's 'Dwarakadhesh' was screened at Aryan Theatre. The 3 pm show was packed with a large crowd outside the movie hall shouting at the doorkeeper to let them in. In the following years, movie halls in Pune made it a regular custom to organise extra shows on 'Ashadhi Ekadashi'. Movie halls like the Minerva Talkies and Prabhat were known to distribute dates to the fasting audience. According to Datye, 'Ashadhi Ekadashi' was an occasion to cleanse mind and body, and those watching movies and drinking 'soda-lemon' were drifting away from the purpose, and hence, from their religion. The young men, on whom 'future of the country rested', were supposed to take pride in the glorious religious traditions of Hinduism; 'modern education' had corrupted the minds of men and women who were gratified by 'western indulgences', but the least they could do was fast on 'Ashadhi and Kartiki Ekadashis', he wrote. Datye's letter in 'Dnyanaprakash' was a testament to the renewed enthusiasm surrounding Hindu festivals in twentieth-century Maharashtra that emphasised the importance of fasting and prayer as integral to the lifestyle of the community, and that these practices were deeply embedded in their religious identity. It showed how the stress, emotions, and novelty associated with westernisation and modernity collided with challenges from the internal and external world that demanded self-control, orderliness, and homogeneity. Chinmay Damle is a research scientist and food enthusiast. He writes here on Pune's food culture. He can be contacted at
Hindustan Times
22-05-2025
- Politics
- Hindustan Times
Taste of Life: Doer of Gandhiji's philosophy of decentralised democracy
Pune: The Government of India Act of 1935, a landmark piece of legislation, brought about significant democratic reforms in India. It granted a large measure of autonomy to provinces, ended the 'dyarchy' system at the provincial level, and introduced direct elections. Mahatma Gandhi had been talking and writing about the implementation of democracy since the 1920s. His model of democracy and development was based on an upward movement of authority from the base to the apex, unlike the British model. He imagined a democracy where the village was the core unit. For this to happen, the people had to be educated and the village self-reliant. The concept of 'gramoddhar', or village upliftment and development, was thus central to Gandhiji's philosophy of decentralised democracy. However, this development was not limited to material wealth. He wanted the villagers to be spiritually and intellectually equipped to be able to think and make decisions about themselves, their villages, and their country. As a result, India in the early 1930s witnessed a heightened discussion centred on the upliftment and development of villages that gained momentum after the reforms of 1935. That the villagers were uneducated and hence not eligible to participate in the democratic process was a favourite argument of a certain section of the society. Gandhiji and his followers not only staunchly opposed this, but also made efforts to bring about a change. Reverend AG Hog, principal of Christian College, addressed students at the convocation of the Madras University on August 10, 1935. He said, 'More than ever before India needs to find in her citizens qualities of the kind which is the function of the universities to foster and develop. She needs citizens, men and women, who learn to think for themselves and to act as they think and whose judgements have the well-informed and sympathetic wisdom that comes from wide and wisely chosen reading. She needs those who seek a charitable and sympathetic understanding of views with which they disagree. She needs those who speak nothing but the truth. Where, if not to her universities, shall she look for such citizens?' The Marathi newspaper 'Dnyanaprakash' in its editorial on August 14, 1935, quoted this speech to stress upon the need for 'gramoddhar'. It appealed to the educated class to work in villages and urged the universities to modify the curriculum to make education more inclusive. It also featured an article next to the editorial about the work done by Mr DS Modak in the village of Mundhwa. Modak, the personal assistant to the Collector of Poona, believed in 'gramoddhar' and was one of the few who walked the talk. In the 1930s, he did some exemplary work at Pimple, Ranjangaon, and Mundhwa, the villages around Pune. He worked hard to make these villages models for 'gramoddhar'. Mundhwa was five miles from Pune and known all over Maharashtra for its paper mill, which was visible from the Hadapsar Railway Station. But the village was far from clean. Sewers from Pune flowed into Mundhwa. There were puddles of dirty water everywhere. The roads were always full of mud during the monsoon and dust flew everywhere during the summer. Modak decided to change this. But he wanted the change to come from the villagers themselves. He knew that the villagers could not be ordered around. The importance of self-reliance had to be explained to them without being condescending. He had to treat them with respect and dignity. He had to earn their trust and he could not do so by living in Pune. He started spending a lot of time in Mundhwa. He visited the village every Sunday and sometimes after work. He ate with the farmers and went to their farms with them. He strived hard to make them see him as one of their own. In 1934, the residents of Mundhwa were convinced of the need to improve the condition of their village. The villagers decided to build a drainage system themselves in the village without relying on the government. Groups were formed who took turns to volunteer with the construction activity. A few months later, Mundhwa boasted of clean roads and a fairly sophisticated drainage system. Modak invited the 'Gramsudhar Samiti' (village improvement committee) constituted by the Congress party to visit the village. The Samiti was impressed and requested Modak to continue with his work. Modak often discussed the economic upliftment of their families with the farmers. He realised that the money earned from farming was not sufficient to guarantee a decent standard of living and that additional activities were necessary to supplement the income. He introduced beekeeping and jam-making to the people of Mundhwa. Mr Balaram, who worked with the agricultural department, visited Mundhwa every Sunday to teach the vocation of beekeeping. Mr Narhar Gangadhar Apte spent a month in Mundhwa to teach jam-making. There were many orchards, gardens, and sugarcane farms in Mundhwa. The guavas from the village were quite popular in the Bombay Presidency. The proximity of these gardens was stimulating for the bees to build their hives. Fruits like guava were cheaper in season and resulted in losses for the gardeners. But the business of guava jam made sure that they did not incur any more losses. When the market did not fetch a decent price for guavas, instead of selling the fruit at a low price, the farmers made jam that could be sold throughout the year in the markets of Poona Cantonment and Bombay. The additional income from selling of jams resulted in an increase in the enrolment at the local school. A night school was soon started for adults. Children of farmers and herdsmen who worked during the day attended this school. Modak also introduced soap-making as a business in Mundhwa. He had told the Samiti that the upliftment of villages was not possible unless the income and purchasing power of the villagers did not improve. According to him, better roads, buildings, and drainage systems did not mean much unless the villagers had sustainable sources of income that enabled them to sail through emergencies like famines and floods. The income also enabled them to seek better education. In this regard, he put forth a proposal for land consolidation during a meeting with the Samiti. This consolidation of holdings was supposed to benefit the farmers in several ways -brokerage would be curbed, farm income would increase, and the living conditions of the farmers would improve. Many residents of Mundhwa wholeheartedly embraced the scheme and tried to persuade every landholder to accept consolidation. I do not know how long Modak continued to work at Mundhwa. In his address, Rev Hog said - 'Remembering that India consists mainly of villages, I can conceive of nothing more noble, and for a true son or daughter of a university nothing more appropriate, than a life spent in combating the ignorance and other social ills that hold villages of India in thrall.' 'Maharashtra', a Marathi daily published from Nagpur, complained on January 18, 1936, that public lectures related to village upliftment were usually crowded, but there were very few people in cities like Nagpur, Pune, and Bombay who participated in this work. It wrote that if one tried to see how much work was done in villages, they would be disappointed. Modak and the villagers of Mundhwa were honourable exceptions. They took up 'gramoddhar' when India was about to enter upon a constitutional experiment, the precise issues of which no one could foresee. Gandhiji's genius lies in combining democratic principles with the upliftment of villages. Perhaps it is not too late to revisit his ideas. Chinmay Damle is a research scientist and food enthusiast. He writes here on Pune's food culture. He can be contacted at
