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NDTV
3 days ago
- Politics
- NDTV
All You Need To Know About Revolt Of 1857: How Indians Challenged The British
When the British East India Company refused to recognise Rani Lakshmi Bai's adopted son's claim to the throne, the queen of Jhansi took up arms. In 1853, following the death of her husband, Lakshmi Bai adopted a young relative as her heir. The British, enforcing the Doctrine of Lapse, refused to acknowledge the adoption and annexed Jhansi. At a time when it was unusual for women to lead in battle, Rani Lakshmi Bai rode into combat on horseback with her eight-year-old son strapped to her back. She fought alongside Tatya Tope and Nana Saheb, participating in the 1857 uprising that became known as the Sepoy Mutiny or the First War of Independence. East India Company The East India Company began as a British trading company but gradually transformed into a political and military power, controlling vast regions of India. Its rule ended in 1858, when the British Crown took direct control following the revolt. The Causes Of The Revolt One of the major political triggers of the revolt came from Lord Dalhousie's enforcement of the Doctrine of Lapse. Under this policy, the British refused to recognise adopted heirs when an Indian ruler died without a natural successor and annexed the state into British territory. Jhansi, Satara, Nagpur, and Awadh suffered directly from this rule. The annexation of Awadh hit particularly hard, leaving thousands of nobles, officials, retainers, and soldiers without livelihoods and turning a once-loyal region into a hotbed of discontent. Traditional Indian society felt alarmed by the rapid spread of Western education and reform measures. Abolishing sati, legalising widow remarriage, and raising fears of forced Christian conversions threatened established customs. The British introduced innovations like railways and the telegraph, which, while practical for them, Indians perceived as tools of cultural intrusion. Heavy land taxes and exploitative revenue collection angered peasants and zamindars. The influx of cheap British-manufactured goods undermined Indian handicrafts, especially textiles. Indian sepoys, who formed the bulk of the East India Company's army, suffered inferior treatment compared with European soldiers. The British paid them less, stationed them far from home, and forced them to serve overseas under the General Service Enlistment Act of 1856. When the British introduced greased cartridges, rumoured to contain cow and pig fat, they immediately triggered rebellion, offending both Hindu and Muslim religious sentiments. Key Leaders Of The Revolt Rani Lakshmi Bai (Jhansi): Defended her kingdom with unmatched bravery, strapped her young son to her back in battle, and later joined Tatya Tope to capture Gwalior. Tatya Tope (Kanpur and Gwalior): Expert in guerrilla tactics, coordinated regional resistance. Nana Saheb (Kanpur): Led Kanpur uprising after being denied his pension; escaped British retaliation. Begum Hazrat Mahal (Lucknow): Declared her son the Nawab of Awadh and led the revolt in Lucknow. Kunwar Singh (Bihar): Led uprisings across Bihar and central India, inspiring local resistance. Bakht Khan (Delhi): Formed a Court of soldiers in Delhi and assumed real power during the revolt. Major centres of the rebellion included Meerut, Delhi, Kanpur, Lucknow, Jhansi, Gwalior, Bareilly, and Arrah. The 1857 Revolt The revolt began in Meerut on May 10, 1857, when sepoys refused to use the greased cartridges and marched to Delhi. There, they declared Bahadur Shah II to be the emperor. Subsequent uprisings spread across northern and central India, with local leaders taking command in their regions. Despite early successes, coordination among rebels was limited, and key regions like Punjab and the south remained loyal to the British. Aftermath The British responded with superior military force and brutal reprisals, eventually suppressing the revolt by mid-1858. Lord Canning officially declared peace on July 8, 1858. The aftermath saw major political and military changes: End of East India Company Rule: India came under direct governance of the British Crown. Military Reorganisation: Indian regiments were restructured to prevent unity among soldiers. Policy Changes For Princely States: Annexation ended, allowing rulers to adopt heirs. Divide And Rule: British policies deepened divisions between communities, influencing Indian politics for decades. The 1857 revolt, though unsuccessful in overthrowing British rule, lit a flame of resistance that later grew into the Indian independence movement.
India Today
18-06-2025
- General
- India Today
June 18, the day Laxmi Bai, queen of Jhansi died and an icon of rebellion was born
In the history of colonial India, one woman's courage became legend. As the British tightened their grip through the Doctrine of Lapse and the flames of the 1857 Mutiny erupted, Rani Lakshmi Bai emerged as a formidable leader, rallying her people against overwhelming odds. With Major General Hugh Rose's forces closing in, her daring escape from Jhansi's besieged fort set the stage for a final, fateful stand in Gwalior. This is the story of a warrior queen who declared, 'Meri Jhansi Nahi Doongi (I will not surrender my Jhansi).'advertisementMajor General Hugh Rose stared at Jhansi's towering walls, his Central India Field Force poised for a decisive attack. The air crackled with tension, dust swirling under the boots of 4,300 men - sepoys, cavalry, and artillery - arrayed against Rani Lakshmi Bai's defiant stronghold. Rose, born in Berlin to British parents and weathered by battles from Russia to Poona, surveyed the fort's cannons. From a distance, he glimpsed the silhouetted figure of the warrior queen behind the Lakshmi Bai wore her trademark Jodhpurs with a bodice. Two pistols rested in holsters from her hips. A diamond on the hilt of a dagger, dipped in poison, sparkled under the sun. On her head was a cap, covered with a silk scarf, giving it the shape and swirl of a Watching the queen from a distance, only one phrase echoed in Rose's mind: 'Meri Jhansi Nahi Doongi.' The challenge hurled at the British steeled his resolve. Facing him was the lioness of Jhansi, and the daughter of Kashi, later immortalised by Subhadra Kumari Chauhan's stirring poetry. The lioness was ready to fight, like a (Banaras), The BirthplaceThe year of her birth is unknown. Some say she was born in 1828. Others think it was later. But the legend of Manikarnika – Manu - began with a cry piercing the sacred air by the Ganges in the holy city of Kashi (Banaras).Legend has it that the city was made of gold. But the evil deeds of its residents robbed Banaras of its glitter, turning it into an ordinary town. On the side facing the historic Kashi Vishwanath Temple and Aurangzeb's mosque on the Ganga ghat lived Moropant Tambe (originally Wai), a Karhade Brahmin courtier, and Bhagirathi, his beautiful wife. In their house was born a girl who would be hailed years later as a freedom named after the Ganga, was raised in the household of Baji Rao II in Bithoor, the Peshwas of the Maratha confederacy. Barely five, she sparred with sticks in Bithoor's dusty courts, outpacing boys twice her age. Among her sparring partners were future heroes - the Peshwa's sons Nana Saheb and Rao Saheb, and nephew Tatya a ride atop an elephant, she famously declared that one day she'd have dozens. Peshwa Baji Rao II, her mentor, saw a warrior's spirit. 'This girl,' he said, 'will carve her name in history.' Her fate was sealed. Destiny and Jhansi - The ShadowOrchha, a town on the Betwa River, is considered the kingdom of Lord Rama. One of his descendants built the fort of Jhansi in the early 17th century on a steep rock just 18 km away. According to legend, when the ruler of Orchha asked if the new fort was visible from his fort, he was told it appeared 'jhain-sa', like a shadow. Thus was born Jhansi, the gateway to Bundelkhand in modern Uttar was not foretold. During the British Raj, its ruler Ramchandra Rao demonstrated his loyalty to the British by offering to adopt the Union Jack as Jhansi's official flag. It was allowed. This exhibition of loyalty earned the family the right to rule Jhansi through their legal heirs in perpetuity. (The Ranee of Jhansi: DV Tamhankar)advertisementTrouble erupted when Gangadhar Rao ascended the throne amidst a succession battle. After his first wife passed away childless, Rao married Manikarnika. Their son, born in 1852, passed away within three months of birth. Soon, Gangadhar Rao also died because of dysentery, after adopting a relative, whom he named as the the adoption ran into a law passed by the Doctrine of LapseIn the chaos of 1853, the Doctrine of Lapse, Lord Dalhousie's ruthless policy, struck Jhansi like a thunderbolt. This British stratagem allowed the East India Company to annex princely states without direct heirs, dismissing adopted successors. When Raja Gangadhar Rao died, the British refused to recognise the adopted son as Jhansi's ruler, and annexed Jhansi in 1854. Manikarnika, revered as Lakshmi Bai after the Indian goddess of wealth, was reduced to a pleas to be recognised as Regent and her adopted son as king were rejected, despite favourable reports from the British political agent. Lakshmi Bai was confined to a life of obscurity on the fringes of Jhansi. But the circle of life was Mutiny - Queen's GambitBy 1857, discontent simmered across India, fueled by British insensitivity towards peasants and artisans. There were fears of forced conversions, most notably through the alleged mixing of bones in wheat flour for soldiers, and the rumoured use of cow and pig fat in rifle cartridges, an affront to Hindu and Muslim May, the Indian Mutiny erupted in Meerut, spreading like wildfire to garrisons across the north, including Jhansi. On June 7, 1857, Jhansi's sepoys rose in revolt, seizing the Star Fort, a British outpost within the city. Many British residents sought refuge there, hoping for June 8, the mutineers, led by risaldar Kala Khan, besieged the fort. After negotiations, the British surrendered, expecting safe passage, but were massacred near Jakhan Bagh, just outside the city Bai's involvement in the Jhansi massacre of 1857 remains contested. British accounts, such as those of her lawyer John Lang, suggest she lacked control over the mutineers, who acted independently. Her letters to British officials, dated June 1857, claim she protected some Europeans and sought to maintain order, yet her role was scrutinised (National Archives of India). Conversely, other British reports accused her of complicity, arguing she failed to intervene. Evidence suggests she was overwhelmed by the chaos, caught between her people's fury and her limited power. The massacre, nonetheless, established Jhansi as a rebel stronghold and marked Lakshmi Bai as a British Ruler ReturnsWith the British expelled, the mutineers declared Lakshmi Bai the ruler of Jhansi in June 1857. Some accounts suggest the mutineers offered her leadership in exchange for a payment of 1,00,000 rupees, threatening to appoint Sadasheo Rao, a relative of the deceased Maharaja, if she assumed power, not as a passive figurehead but as a determined leader. By late 1857, she had solidified her rule, organising a force of roughly 10,000 troops. These included sepoys, volunteers, and a women's brigade, called the Amazons of Jhansi. Historical accounts suggest every woman in Jhansi was trained to ride and shoot. With her army ready, the Rani of Jhansi was waiting for the British 1858, The Noose TightensMarching from Bombay through Indore, Hugh Rose's Central India Field Force reached Jhansi in March 1858, intent on crushing the rebellion's heart. By now, the rebellion had been crushed everywhere, only isolated pockets of challenge, like Jhansi, British army, equipped with heavy artillery and disciplined troops, was led by a great leader. Its batteries were loaded with heavy firepower. Facing them was a rag-tag coalition led by the young March 24, Rose commenced a relentless bombardment, targeting Jhansi's walls with cannon fire. The fort, built on a steep rock, was a natural stronghold, but its defenses strategy was methodical: weaken the walls, then storm the city. By early April, after days of bombardment, breaches appeared in Jhansi's that Jhansi was about to fall, British troops launched a full-scale assault, scaling the walls under heavy Fall and The EscapeLakshmi Bai, realising the fort could not hold, made a daring decision. On the night of April 4-5, as the British tightened their grip, she escaped with a small retinue, including her adopted claims she leapt from the fort's walls on horseback, though accounts vary. British records confirm her escape, noting her route toward Kalpi, where she joined rebel leaders like Tatya fell to Rose's forces. But Lakshmi Bai's escape marked not defeat but defiance. The rebels fought at Kalpi, where they were defeated. At this point, Tatya Tope suggested a daring a part of the Maratha confederacy, was still supporting the British. Unlike other kingdoms of the region, it had not joined the 1857 rebellion, its soldiers, though restive, had not supported the revolt by sepoys of other states. Tope outlined a plan for attacking Gwalior, and turning its formidable fort into a bastion of the June 1, 1858, Tope, alongside Rani Lakshmi Bai and Rao Sahib, pounced on Gwalior. The pro-British Maharaja of Gwalior fled as the rebels seized the fort, declaring Hindavi Swaraj under Nana Saheb Peshwa. They persuaded the Gwalior contingent to join their cause. Celebrations broke out throughout north India, people assumed the end of British Raj was imminent with the impregnable Gwalior fort now under the control of Nana Saheb, Tope and Lakshmi Rose's army was still pursuing them. The defining battle of the rebellion was 17, 1858, GwaliorGeneral Hugh Rose's army started blasting the Gwalior fort. Despite initial resistance, the rebels were outgunned and outnumbered. The British artillery and cavalry overwhelmed their defenses. On June 18, Lakshmi Bai, dressed as a male soldier, made a daring attempt to break through British lines but was fatally wounded in combat near British were unaware of her death for two days. One report said she was shot and killed near Phool Bagh batteries. Another British account suggests she was with Rao Sahib and Tatya Tope, observing advances, and was struck by bullets and a sabre, surviving briefly before being carried toward Phool Bagh, where she was biggest compliment came from General Rose. He acknowledged her as the bravest and best military leader of the rebels. Unlike most of the rebels, she vowed to fight till the end, and perished on the death marked a devastating blow to the rebellion. The British recaptured Gwalior soon after, consolidating their control. Tatya Tope continued guerrilla attacks on the British before being captured and hanged. The Peshwa turned into a sanyasin, but was caught and Bai's martyrdom became an Indian legend, which is still sung with pride. Because of her, Lakshmi Bai is not just a name, it is a synonym for courage and defiance - Meri Jhansi Nahi Reel
Scroll.in
08-06-2025
- Politics
- Scroll.in
‘A Queer Reading of Nawabi Architecture and the Colonial Archive': Guide to Lucknow's queer history
'… Wargue that the cultural vibrancy of Lucknow was due to its debauched nature. Nawabi architecture materialised – in pleasure palaces, harems, and other spatial types – as a gradual adaptation of existing formal archetypes to accommodate theatricised ways of dwelling; deviant practices of power politics; gender-bending forms of dance, theatre, poetry; and performed non-normative sexuality. The EIC targeted the nawabs' race, gender, sexuality, physical appearance, cultural pursuits, and architectural expression – to refute the nawabs' efficacy as political rulers – gendering the superiority and credibility of a political leader.' When Nawab Asaf-ud-Dawla shifted the capital of Avadh from Faizabad to Lucknow in 1775, he had no idea that he and the last of his successors would turn out to be two of those rulers whom the British loved to hate. Historians still debate why Asaf shifted his capital: some say it was to get away from his mother, Bahu Begum, others that it was to establish a more prosperous city. Whatever the reason, the result was that Lucknow gained a unique culture, some of which survives in its architecture, by way of an independent style that Asaf established during the 22 years of his reign. That style would come to an end in 1856 – the year before the Uprising of 1857 – when the East India Company (EIC) took over the kingdom, and the focal point here is that takeover, for it was done under the cleverly named Doctrine of Lapse, under which the British could decide to take over kingdoms that were either misgoverned, or had no legitimate heir to the throne. And since the Nawab of the time, Wajid Ali Shah, had a son, the British had to establish some measure of misgovernance to justify using this doctrine. With the end of Wajid Ali's rule also ended one of the most colourful periods of India's colonial history. A Queer Reading of Nawabi Architecture and the Colonial Archive looks at the architecture of Lucknow during this period, particularly under the reigns of Asif and Wajid rather than the six nawabs who ruled in between them. The queer influence Post-Independence Indian historians have put forth substantial evidence against British claims of misgovernance by the nawabs. To quote Dr GD Bhatnagar in his book, Awadh Under Wajid Ali Shah, 'Wajid Ali Shah's character was complex. Though he was a man of pleasure, he was neither an unscrupulous knave nor a brainless libertine. He was a lovable and generous gentleman. He was a voluptuary, still he never touched wine, and though sunk in pleasure, he never missed his five daily prayers. It was the literary and artistic attainments of Wajid Ali Shah which distinguished him from his contemporaries.' What these historians have omitted is the queer influence on the culture and architecture of Lucknow. Asaf was an accomplished Urdu poet, and in some of his work, he reveals his longing for men, a longing that the straight-laced British of his time found abhorrent. But that poetry also established the difference between the way most rulers conducted their politics and the way a queer ruler might do it. And so, while this book might be about a queer look at architecture, it also contains a look at the power play amongst four different players towards the end of the rule of the Nawabs: on the British side are the East India Company (EIC) and the Crown, and, on the Indian, the Nawabs of Lucknow and the fading Mughal dynasty. A queer city To start with, the book is divided broadly into two sections, the first about methods and the second about the architecture of the buildings covered. Methods matter, because parts of the city were wiped out in the Uprising. So were some of the writings of the Nawab's historians, and perhaps of the Nawabs themselves. The authors have followed up with many archives: the remaining Lucknow archives, the written works of these two Nawabs, archives of the East India Company and the Crown, and, of course, archives of the Government of India. One of the more appealing illustrations here is a single chart that offers a timeline that shows Nawabs, British Residents, British Governors General, and various plans and sketches of the city, all in one, offering the reader a bird's eye view of the history of the city. The British archives show their contempt for the Nawabs and the queerness of their culture. The British were contemptuous of queers until well into the second half of the 20th century: witness their imprisonment of, say, Oscar Wilde in the 1890s, or their encouraging Alan Turing's suicide in the 1960s. Thus, some of history reflects their resistance to the British: to quote the authors, 'Despite this [contempt], the two nawabs continued to hold their political position through acts of transgression, resistance, and even sometimes by playing ignorant. Both the nawabs furthered an urban cultural environment that rejected macho military standards of politics and embraced arts as central to shaping the city.' The second section covers the actual shape of the city. Covered here in some detail are the major works of Asaf and Wajid: Asif's architectural legacy includes the Machhi Bhavan, the Daulat Khana, and the Bada Imambada, while Wajid's works include the Qaiserbagh, perhaps the most substantial of the precincts covered. The descriptions are illustrated in detail, and the reconstruction of destroyed parts of these buildings is meticulous and layered, which would appeal to the architect. But what appeals to the layman and the historian in the occasional sidelight that livens up the narrative: to quote, again, 'The British army was disoriented by the labyrinthine interiors of the zenana but found its flat roof quite navigable because of its continuity'. And so, for anyone with more than a passing interest in architecture, history, or Lucknow, this book is a small treasure house and a guide to the chequered history of one of the most important cities of the British Raj. Shashi Warrier is a novelist. His latest novel My Name is Jasmine was published by Simon and Schuster India in 2025.
