Latest news with #DonaldTusk
Times
4 hours ago
- General
- Times
Is Poland about to elect a hooligan ‘pimp' as president?
The Baltic port of Gdansk has been a crucible of some of the most significant events in modern European history. The opening salvos of the Second World War were fired from its harbour. And 50 years later, the Solidarity trade union movement forged in its shipyards toppled Poland's communist dictatorship, propelling a mustachioed electrician called Lech Walesa to the presidency and then to the Nobel peace prize. Now another son of Gdansk, who trained as a boxer on the same vast shipbuilding complex from which Walesa rallied the nation, is threatening to upset the country — and the continent's — political order. • He's already lost — but could still decide who wins Poland's election Karol Nawrocki, 42, a right-wing historian with a background in football hooliganism who has never previously held elected office, stands a solid chance of winning the Polish presidency on Sunday. Should he triumph, he has given every indication that he will take a wrecking ball to the centrist agenda of prime minister Donald Tusk, using the head of state's powers to obstruct him wherever possible. Poland's neighbours are increasingly alarmed at the prospect. 'A Nawrocki presidency would be a nightmare,' said one European diplomat. It is a sentiment shared by Walesa, 81, who posted on X: 'My last request … and warning — anyone but Nawrocki!' Until six months ago, Nawrocki was largely unknown to anyone outside his particular academic niche. For all but the final weeks of the campaign he languished in the polls, far behind Rafal Trzaskowski, 53, the mayor of Warsaw and Tusk's preferred candidate. Over the past ten days he has also been bombarded by allegations about his past that might have destroyed a mainstream politician: participation in mass street brawls, contacts in the criminal underworld and claims that he procured prostitutes for guests at a luxury hotel — which he strenuously denies. Yet Nawrocki has the backing of the Law and Justice (PiS) party, one of the most ruthless and effective populist electoral machines in Europe, and its mastermind Jarosław Kaczynski. In 2017, only four years after he completed his doctorate in history, Nawrocki was plucked from obscurity by Kaczynski to run Gdansk's imposing Museum of the Second World War. One of Poland's flagship historical institutions, he turned it into a showcase for Kaczynski's black-and-white vision of an innocent country that suffered more than any other from the conflict. • Poland's pivotal election could deliver abortion pledge at last 'He was unknown in academic circles,' said Pawel Machcewicz, a former senior adviser to Tusk who was the museum's founding director until he was ejected to make way for Nawrocki. 'His approach 100 per cent reflects the politics of history of the Law and Justice party. One can call it nationalistic: emphasising the exceptional heroism and martyrdom of Poles in the 20th century, rejecting any more critical approaches to our history.' In 2021 Nawrocki was promoted to lead the Institute of National Remembrance (IPN), a public body tasked with investigating crimes against the Polish nation and vetting newly appointed public officials for ties to communist-era state security bodies. Figures in PiS say he was then chosen to run for the presidency because he combined the loyalty and reliability of a party footsoldier — despite never having been a card-carrying member — with a clean skin in political terms, untainted by the party's controversial years in government from 2015 to 2023. • Inside the fight to shut down Poland's 'propaganda machine' The idea was that this would allow him to unite Poland's fractious right, luring back voters who have drifted away towards more extremist candidates such as Sławomir Mentzen, a radical libertarian, and Grzegorz Braun, an unabashed antisemite. 'A non-party candidate offers the opportunity to gain broader support in the elections,' said Radoslaw Fogiel, an MP and former PiS spin doctor who serves on the party's national executive. 'Karol Nawrocki's greatest strengths as a political figure lie in his staunchly patriotic and sovereigntist stance.' Under the intense media scrutiny of recent weeks, however, Nawrocki's skin has turned out not to be quite so clean as it once appeared. Alongside a loyalty to Chelsea football club so profound he once had its logo tattooed on his chest, Nawrocki was also for many years a fanatical supporter of his local football team, Lechia Gdansk, and its firm of thuggish hardcore fans who call themselves the 'hooligans of the Free City'. Over the past fortnight he has admitted that in 2009 he took part in 70-a-side punch-ups with fans of rival clubs, alongside scores of convicted criminals armed with clubs and brass knuckles. Nawrocki has tried to shrug these melees off as 'noble' battles. Others, however, regard them as a symptom of something darker. 'Taking part in an arranged fight is a crime — it constitutes participation in a brawl,' said Szymon Jadczak, an investigative writer for the Wirtualna Polska news website who specialises in football hooliganism. He has identified 35 participants in Nawrocki's 2009 forest brawl with a detailed list of more than 130 court convictions between them. Nawrocki's contacts with football hooligans and criminals also lasted well beyond 2009. Last year he was photographed with Patryk Masiak, a fellow Lechia supporter and MMA fighter who served time in prison for abducting a woman and is facing additional court proceedings for participation in an organised crime group and pimping. 'These are ongoing accusations, and Mr Nawrocki does not deny his acquaintance [with Masiak],' said Jadczak. The candidate has characterised his relationship with Masiak as 'former sparring partners'. A more lurid raft of allegations surfaced this week when Onet, another news website, published an investigation that accused Nawrocki of having moonlighted as a pimp during a stint working as a security guard at the Grand Hotel in Sopot, a coastal resort near Gdansk. Nawrocki denied the report and said he would sue Onet — although rather than using a 24-hour judicial process designed for rapid rebuttal in elections he has opted for a standard libel case, which may take years to come to a conclusion. Separately, it emerged that Nawrocki had acquired a flat from a disabled elderly man in exchange for a promise to care for him for life, but reneged on his pledge. The original owner was found living in a state care home without any assistance from Nawrocki, who has since offered to donate the apartment to charity. PiS functionaries and the outgoing President Duda, an ally of the party, have dismissed these negative headlines as either baseless political smears or forgivable 'mistakes of youth'. Timothy Garton Ash, professor of European studies at Oxford University and an expert on Poland, said: 'One would need to check the detail on every story: extorting a flat from an elderly alcoholic, pimping for prostitutes, stories about financial improprieties at the Institute of National Remembrance. 'Some give the impression of someone who has neither the character nor the professional qualifications to be president of a very important European country at a very important juncture in European history.' Yet Nawrocki is not without international support. President Trump, who has a soft spot for Duda and the PiS party, invited him into the Oval Office for a photo opportunity, and last week Kristi Noem, the US homeland security secretary, implied that only a Nawrocki presidency could ensure that American troops remained in Poland. 'Donald Trump is a strong leader for us, but you have an opportunity to have just as strong of a leader in Karol if you make him the leader of this country,' she said on a visit to Rzeszow. 'If you elect a leader who will work with President Trump, the Polish people will have a strong ally … You will continue to have a US military presence here.' The final polls suggest that Nawrocki and Trzaskowski are separated by a fraction of a percentage point in the electoral race. Turnout may prove decisive. The Polish media environment has become so poisonous that the allegations against Nawrocki may even be helping him. There are signs that fringe right-wing voters are rallying to his cause because they regard him as a political martyr. Pawel Rybicki, an adviser to the Nawrocki campaign, said the candidate had been subjected to the 'dirtiest game in the history of Polish politics since [the start of democracy in] 1989. 'Most of the media, including state media, are openly on Trzaskowski's side. Poles do not like intrusive propaganda, which is why the current actions of the media and authorities against Nawrocki are rather contributing to an increase in support for him. 'Poles have simply assumed that the government is panicking in fear of Nawrocki's victory.'
Yahoo
16 hours ago
- Business
- Yahoo
A Tense Poland Votes as the World Watches
Poland will hold a presidential runoff election on Sunday, with polls indicating a neck-and-neck race between a liberal pro-European Union mayor and a Trump-backed conservative from the Law and Justice (PiS) party. Leaders throughout Europe will be watching closely because of the elections implications for the future of NATO, Ukraine, and the European Union. Most political power in Poland lies in parliament, where Prime Minister Donald Tusks centrist coalition holds a slim governing majority with waning popularity. But the president has the power to veto, and outgoing conservative incumbent Andrzej Duda, whose second term expires this summer, has used that power often. Tired of seeing his reforms stall at the Presidential Palace, Prime Minister Tusk has endorsed Warsaws progressive mayor, Rafa''.ord('').';'''.ord('').';' Trzaskowski, citing the need to restore the rule of law and weed out corruption in the justice system. But Donald Trump favors Karol Nawrocki of the Law and Justice party. Trump and Nawrocki met in the Oval Office last month as a sign of mutual support, and last week at the Conservative Political Action Conference (held strategically in Poland), Trumps Homeland Security Secretary, Kristi Noem, said Nawrocki "needs to be the next president of Poland." Nawrocki, who likes to compare himself to Trump, was underestimated in initial polls, which had him trailing Trzaskowski by 4-6 points before the first round of voting. Trzaskowski led the pool of 13 first-round candidates with 31.3% of the vote, but Nawrocki trailed closely with 29.5% of the vote, a margin slim enough to rattle Trzaskowskis campaign. Set to face off in Sundays two-man runoff, both candidates are scrambling to attract voters who supported other candidates in round one. The third-place finisher, Slawomir Mentzen, earned 14.8% of the vote. Branding himself the "common sense" candidate, Mentzen once said, "We dont want Jews, homosexuals, abortion, taxes and the EU." He has amassed a large TikTok following, appealing mostly to discontented young male voters. Dangling his endorsement, Mentzen asked both candidates to sign a declaration that includes a pledge to resist the EU and oppose Ukraines accession to NATO. Breaking from his own partys stance on Ukraine, Nawrocki signed the declaration. Trzaskowski has not. Nawrockis campaign has recently been mired by reports that he secured prostitutes at a luxury hotel on the Baltic Sea. In response, Nawrocki said on his campaigns X account Wednesday, "Media slander did not destroy President Trump. It will not destroy Karol Nawrocki, either." Nawrocki clearly has the edge in securing Mentzens voters. But Trzaskowski could receive a boost from Polands more casual voters who failed to cast a ballot in round one but may be inclined to vote in the higher-stakes round two. Opinion polls have Trzaskowski winning by less than a percentage point - hardly a lead at all. Nawrocki, like his ally in the White House, has proven to overperform in the past. But with the race this tight, neither candidate has looked particularly confident in the week leading up to the election. Tensions are rising across the country. Polands crossroads is a microcosm of the continents broader crossroads as Europeans decide whether to support continued unification (with all its benefits and costs) or a retreat toward nationalism. Though domestic policies like abortion, gay rights, and energy policy swirl in the background, the question at the heart of this election is whether Poland will choose to buy in or opt out of Europes unifying institutions. With Ukraine, officials at the EU, and the rest of the world watching, we wont know the answer until Sunday when Poles go to the polls. Addison Graham is global affairs correspondent for RealClearPolitics.
Yahoo
17 hours ago
- Business
- Yahoo
The future of Europe will be decided in this election
Poland's presidential elections are slated to have a nail-biting conclusion. Warsaw Mayor Rafal Trzakowski narrowly triumphed in the first round on May 18 but his once significant polling lead in the second runoff vanished in the final days. Independent candidate Karol Nawrocki is nipping at his heels and has the momentum heading into election day on June 1. The clash between Trzakowski and Nawrocki is much more than a standard fare liberal-conservative rivalry. It is a contest that has seismic implications for Polish society and the balance of political forces in Europe. A Trzakowski victory would reinforce pro-European solidarity and weaken the Nawrocki-aligned Law and Justice Party (PiS)'s crusade against the EU's normative agenda. A Nawrocki victory would be a triumph for Polish nationalism and provide President Donald Trump's MAGA movement with a stalwart ally on Nato's eastern flank. As the election campaign draws to a close, social issues have been a critical wedge between the two candidates. Trzakowski's campaign has channelled liberal frustrations with the PiS's less-than-inclusive stance on LGBTQ+ rights and support for a near-complete abortion ban. These stances align firmly with Prime Minister Donald Tusk's agenda and provide him with an ally to implement progressive legislation. Nawrocki has mocked Trzakowski's liberal leanings by placing the LGBTQ+ rainbow flag on his lectern and extolled his commitment to Christian values. While it is unclear how his conservative ideological leanings will convert into policy, Nawrocki is almost certain to continue President Andrzej Duda's obstructionism of Tusk's progressive vision. The stakes for Poland's position within the Trans-Atlantic network are equally stark. Since Trump's return to the White House, Tusk has towed a delicate line between EU and US perspectives on continental security. Tusk has emphasised European self-sufficiency in the defence sector and supported Poland's pursuit of an autonomous nuclear deterrent. On March 31, Tusk signed a $2 billion agreement with the US for training and logistical support for its Patriot missile defence program. Poland's two presidential frontrunners favour a lean-to-one-side approach to the EU-US chasm. Trzakowski will seek to end the PiS-era normative disputes with the EU over the rule of law, migration and LGBTQ+ rights. In addition to securing EU funding, Trzakowski will also champion Ukraine's entry into Nato. This stance clashes with Trump's aversion to Ukrainian Nato membership and Nawrocki's insistence that Ukraine can only join the alliance if it accepts guilt for the World War II-era genocide against Poles in Volhynia. Nawrocki has built on the Trump administration's overt sympathy for right-wing populist candidates and forged robust alliances on the American right. On May 2, Nawrocki met with Trump and Secretary of State Marco Rubio at The White House. At the May 27 CPAC Poland conference, Secretary of Homeland Security Kristi Noem declared 'Donald Trump is a strong leader for us but has an opportunity to have just as strong of a leader in Karol if you make him leader of this country.' Due to their diametrically opposed visions and the emotionally charged nature of the campaign, the Polish elections have witnessed the same kind of warnings about anti-democratic behaviour as we recently saw in Romania. According to Poland's state anti-disinformation watchdog NASK, a foreign-funded NGO has used Meta to promote pro-Trzakowski and anti-Nawrocki messages. Nawrocki has accused Trzakowski of soliciting funding from Germany and billionaire George Soros, and Trzakowski has threatened litigation in response to these allegations. Poland's national cybersecurity authorities have retorted with warnings about Russian interference in the Polish elections. Russian information warriors falsified Ukrainian House correspondences about organising a pro-Trzakowksi election rally and have linked Trzakowski to the much-despised Nazi-aligned Ukrainian nationalist Stepan Bandera. Just like how pro-Kremlin TikTok influencers enabled Calin Georgescu's implausible rise in Romania, Russian-aligned cyberwarriors are providing unwitting support for Nawrocki's insurgent campaign. The heated debates about the state of Polish democracy feed into disagreements about Poland's foreign policy orientation. The laser focus of pro-EU organisations on Russian disinformation and the European Commission's silence about Trzakowski's foreign-backed NGO ally is striking. US House Foreign Relations Committee chair Brian Mast's castigation of EU favouritism for Trzakowski and willingness to gloss over the Russian disinformation threat is equally noteworthy. As millions of Poles arrive at their polling stations on June 1, there is much more than a presidential pick on the ballot. Depending on the outcome, Tusk's liberal pro-EU agenda could be empowered or derailed across the continent. Broaden your horizons with award-winning British journalism. Try The Telegraph free for 1 month with unlimited access to our award-winning website, exclusive app, money-saving offers and more.
Telegraph
18 hours ago
- General
- Telegraph
The future of Europe will be decided in this election
Poland's presidential elections are slated to have a nail-biting conclusion. Warsaw Mayor Rafal Trzakowski narrowly triumphed in the first round on May 18 but his once significant polling lead in the second runoff vanished in the final days. Independent candidate Karol Nawrocki is nipping at his heels and has the momentum heading into election day on June 1. The clash between Trzakowski and Nawrocki is much more than a standard fare liberal-conservative rivalry. It is a contest that has seismic implications for Polish society and the balance of political forces in Europe. A Trzakowski victory would reinforce pro-European solidarity and weaken the Nawrocki-aligned Law and Justice Party (PiS)'s crusade against the EU's normative agenda. A Nawrocki victory would be a triumph for Polish nationalism and provide President Donald Trump's MAGA movement with a stalwart ally on Nato's eastern flank. As the election campaign draws to a close, social issues have been a critical wedge between the two candidates. Trzakowski's campaign has channelled liberal frustrations with the PiS's less-than-inclusive stance on LGBTQ+ rights and support for a near-complete abortion ban. These stances align firmly with Prime Minister Donald Tusk's agenda and provide him with an ally to implement progressive legislation. Nawrocki has mocked Trzakowski's liberal leanings by placing the LGBTQ+ rainbow flag on his lectern and extolled his commitment to Christian values. While it is unclear how his conservative ideological leanings will convert into policy, Nawrocki is almost certain to continue President Andrzej Duda's obstructionism of Tusk's progressive vision. The stakes for Poland's position within the Trans-Atlantic network are equally stark. Since Trump's return to the White House, Tusk has towed a delicate line between EU and US perspectives on continental security. Tusk has emphasised European self-sufficiency in the defence sector and supported Poland's pursuit of an autonomous nuclear deterrent. On March 31, Tusk signed a $2 billion agreement with the US for training and logistical support for its Patriot missile defence program. Poland's two presidential frontrunners favour a lean-to-one-side approach to the EU-US chasm. Trzakowski will seek to end the PiS-era normative disputes with the EU over the rule of law, migration and LGBTQ+ rights. In addition to securing EU funding, Trzakowski will also champion Ukraine's entry into Nato. This stance clashes with Trump's aversion to Ukrainian Nato membership and Nawrocki's insistence that Ukraine can only join the alliance if it accepts guilt for the World War II-era genocide against Poles in Volhynia. Nawrocki has built on the Trump administration's overt sympathy for right-wing populist candidates and forged robust alliances on the American right. On May 2, Nawrocki met with Trump and Secretary of State Marco Rubio at The White House. At the May 27 CPAC Poland conference, Secretary of Homeland Security Kristi Noem declared 'Donald Trump is a strong leader for us but has an opportunity to have just as strong of a leader in Karol if you make him leader of this country.' Due to their diametrically opposed visions and the emotionally charged nature of the campaign, the Polish elections have witnessed the same kind of warnings about anti-democratic behaviour as we recently saw in Romania. According to Poland's state anti-disinformation watchdog NASK, a foreign-funded NGO has used Meta to promote pro-Trzakowski and anti-Nawrocki messages. Nawrocki has accused Trzakowski of soliciting funding from Germany and billionaire George Soros, and Trzakowski has threatened litigation in response to these allegations. Poland's national cybersecurity authorities have retorted with warnings about Russian interference in the Polish elections. Russian information warriors falsified Ukrainian House correspondences about organising a pro-Trzakowksi election rally and have linked Trzakowski to the much-despised Nazi-aligned Ukrainian nationalist Stepan Bandera. Just like how pro-Kremlin TikTok influencers enabled Calin Georgescu's implausible rise in Romania, Russian-aligned cyberwarriors are providing unwitting support for Nawrocki's insurgent campaign. The heated debates about the state of Polish democracy feed into disagreements about Poland's foreign policy orientation. The laser focus of pro-EU organisations on Russian disinformation and the European Commission's silence about Trzakowski's foreign-backed NGO ally is striking. US House Foreign Relations Committee chair Brian Mast's castigation of EU favouritism for Trzakowski and willingness to gloss over the Russian disinformation threat is equally noteworthy. As millions of Poles arrive at their polling stations on June 1, there is much more than a presidential pick on the ballot. Depending on the outcome, Tusk's liberal pro-EU agenda could be empowered or derailed across the continent.
Yahoo
20 hours ago
- Business
- Yahoo
A bitter election won't derail Poland's economic miracle
It will be a bitter contest, with insults hurled in both directions, dire warnings about the end of civilisation if the other guy wins, and a close result that the loser won't accept as legitimate. Poland will elect a new president on Sunday, in a run-off between the liberal Warsaw mayor Rafał Trzaskowski and his Right-wing opponent, Karol Nawrocki, supported by the populist-nationalist Law and Justice opposition party. The result is too close to call. But one point is certain. Either way, it won't derail the Polish economic miracle. In reality, with emigrants returning from countries such as the UK, and with its GDP per capita overtaking many more developed nations, the Polish economy will survive its divisive politics – and keep on growing. The contest has been as bitter as any in the developed world. Over the last few weeks, Trzaskowski and Nawrocki have traded insults that make British politics look mild by comparison. Nawrocki has brushed aside allegations that he took advantage of an ill senior citizen to acquire his council flat at a huge discount; and that he helped arrange prostitutes for guests at the luxury Grand Hotel in the seaside resort of Sopot when he worked there as a security guard. Meanwhile his opponent has been accused of breaching campaign spending rules. The contest pits the liberal pro-EU centrists of Polish prime minister Donald Tusk against the Trumpian nationalists of Law and Justice. To listen to some of the rhetoric you would think the future of Western civilisation was at stake. They hate each other with a passion. The blunt truth, however, is this. To Poland's miracle economy it won't make much difference either way. Over the last decade, the country has emerged as one of Europe's most successful economies. It sailed through the financial crash and then the pandemic without ever slipping into even a mild recession, and has been chalking up 3pc to 4pc annual growth rates for the last 10 years. This year it is forecast to expand by another 3.3pc, easily surpassing the moribund economies of Germany, France and of course the UK. That consistently stunning performance is starting to be reflected both in rapidly rising living standards and a booming stock market. The benchmark Warsaw index is up by 25pc this year already, and may well rise even higher over the rest of the year. Meanwhile, Poland is forecast to overtake the UK and even Japan in GDP per capita by the end of the decade. It may well strengthen even further over the next few years. There are three reasons for that. First the huge Polish diaspora, with more than a million of its citizens in the UK, is starting to drift back home. They are starting to work out that the country they left behind is doing better than the one they moved to. As they return, they will bring skills, capital and contacts with them. Likewise, Polish companies may have started as sub-contractors of Western businesses but they are starting to become substantial operations in their own right, with many of them now expanding abroad (such as Pepco, the owner of Poundland in the UK). Finally, as Poland gets a lot wealthier it has developed a booming domestic market that generates plenty of demand. The days when it was a cheap manufacturing hub for German companies are fading into the past. On current trends, Polish companies will soon be outsourcing work to cheaper German or British factories instead of the other way around. Poland's success is often claimed as a victory for the EU. In reality, although the single market helped with the first wave of inward investment, Brussels did not have much to do with it (indeed, under the last government funds were withheld and it didn't make any significant difference to the rate of growth). It is based on a solid set of fundamental principles. Poland has relatively low taxes, with a corporate tax rate of 19pc, and a 9pc rate for smaller companies, and a top personal rate of income tax of 32pc, which is low compared to the rest of the Continent. It has little debt by European standards, with the debt-to-GDP ratio standing at just 55pc. It has wisely kept its own currency, and although it is meant to join the euro one day, conveniently it seems to never quite get around it (even the fiercely pro-EU Tusk isn't interested). And it has competitive markets, a smallish state, and a skilled workforce. There is nothing very complicated about it. These are the textbook ingredients for economic growth. It is just that the rest of Europe has forgotten them. The Left and Right trade in blows over cultural identity, abortion, immigration and integration into the rest of the EU. But on the fundamentals of the economy there is not much to choose between them. Both parties want to stay inside the EU but outside the single currency, by far the best mix for a fast-growing emerging economy. They both want to limit mass unskilled immigration (even Tusk is firm on that issue, and refuses to accept Poland's 'share' of asylum seekers). They both want to keep taxes and government spending under control, even if the two sides are as keen on bribing their supporters as politicians everywhere. And they both believe in standing up to Russian aggression; in Poland everyone knows what that can mean. The Poles argue with each furiously. We will see who wins the presidency later this year. Whoever it is will no doubt claim it is a turning point for the country. For its national identity, perhaps it will be. But it won't make any difference to the Polish economic miracle. It will keep on growing at a rapid rate – and on current trends in another decade it will be one of the wealthiest countries on the Continent. Broaden your horizons with award-winning British journalism. Try The Telegraph free for 1 month with unlimited access to our award-winning website, exclusive app, money-saving offers and more.
