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India's green infra surge could spark export wave, says Macquarie's Dooley
India's green infra surge could spark export wave, says Macquarie's Dooley

Mint

time6 days ago

  • Business
  • Mint

India's green infra surge could spark export wave, says Macquarie's Dooley

India's rapidly expanding green energy infrastructure—particularly in renewable power, battery storage, and electric mobility—has the potential to be exported as globalcompanies look for alternatives, according to Mark Dooley, global head of Macquarie Asset Management Green Investments, Macquarie Group. Indian firms could, thus, be supplying next-generation green technologies to international markets grappling with inflation and supply chain pressures, he said. 'One thing that was already clear to me is the potential of the industrial capability here to be outbound," Dooley said in an interview with the Mint. 'There is a huge investment agenda happening domestically. And you've got the industrial capacity to deliver that. That same capacity can become exportable." Macquarie would like to own buses on long-dated leases, wind farms, solar farms, utility-scale storage, charging assets, Dooley said. However, these assets are typically early-stage in India compared to more mature global markets, though the potential for growth is tremendous, he said. 'In the next two to three years, we'll see wild growth," Dooley said. 'And the industrial players we're speaking to are not just excited about the Indian market—they're thinking about exports too." 'You deploy at scale here—electric vehicles, charging units, battery storage—then you've got thousands of charging units, with real-world performance data," Dooley said. 'You can say: 'Look! This works. And we can do it at this price.' Why wouldn't Australia want it? Or Southeast Asia? Or Europe?," he added. India's aims to achieve 500 gigawatt of non-fossil-based energy capacity by 2030, covering renewables like solar, wind, biomass, and small hydro power, alongside nuclear and large hydro power. The country currently has a total non-fossil capacity of 242.8GW, half of the total installed power capacity of 484.8GW, the Union ministry of new and renewable energy said on 14 July. A green transition According to Dooley, there's a global hunger for well-priced, scalable supply of green energy. 'Inflation has made deployment more expensive. But if Indian industry can bring scale and efficiency to bear, it could reinvigorate the global supply chain—especially for emerging asset classes," he said. Over the past 15 years, Macquarie has invested about $4.2 billion of equity in India. Of this, around $1.1 billion is in green investments such as in Vibrant Energy and Blue Leaf, said Abhishek Poddar, India country head at Macquarie Group. 'Separately, we have stated that we intend to double down on our EV financing platform, Vertelo, where we intend to deploy over $1.5 billion over 10 years," Poddar added. Several other global infrastructure funds have also ramped up their green energy exposure in India. Brookfield Asset Management, KKR, Actis, and Global Infrastructure Partners have deployed capital in renewable power projects, including solar parks, wind farms, and emerging battery storage ventures. Last year, Brookfield, for instance, invested over $200 million in Tamil Nadu-based renewable energy company Leap Green Energy, with an option to infuse $350 million more in the future. Meanwhile, globally, Macquarie has been focussed on energy transition, moving from established assets in wind and solar into next generation technologies such as big-scale battery storage, sustainable aviation fuel, mobility solutions, carbon capture, biomethane, hydrogen and other segments. 'Vertelo is supported by that strategy," Dooley said.

Irish mum was so drunk on Aer Lingus flight she didn't even know where she was
Irish mum was so drunk on Aer Lingus flight she didn't even know where she was

Irish Daily Mirror

time6 days ago

  • Irish Daily Mirror

Irish mum was so drunk on Aer Lingus flight she didn't even know where she was

The behaviour of a drunk Irish mum who swigged from a bottle of duty free spirits was of 'real concern' to airline staff, a court heard. Police were alerted before the Manchester-bound flight from Dublin due to Nicola Dooley's conduct. Manchester's Minshull Street Crown Court heard a bottle of spirits she had bought was found to be three-quarters empty. Dooley had been put at the back of the plane. The 38-year-old was so drunk she didn't know where she was when she was spoken to by police. She was hauled before a judge and handed a suspended prison sentence, Manchester Evening News reports. Prosecuting, Zahra Khan said officers at Manchester Airport were informed of reports of an 'aggressive' passenger on an Aer Lingus flight, which was due to arrive on December 22 last year from Dublin. Dooley had been moved to the rear of the plane due to her behaviour. She used 'abusive language' towards other passengers, the court heard. When she arrived at Manchester, it became 'obvious' to police Dooley was drunk. She couldn't find her ID documents and said she 'didn't know she was in Manchester', and said she had 'missed her flight'. They discovered she had a duty free bag containing three, one litre bottles of spirits. One had been opened and was three-quarters empty. Dooley pleaded guilty to being drunk on an aircraft. Nicola Dooley (Image: Manchester Evening News) Defending, Megan Edwards said Dooley had experienced 'extreme shame, embarrassment and remorse'. She said the defendant has no previous convictions. Ms Edwards said no members of staff or passengers were willing to make a witness statement. Sending Dooley to prison would have a 'significant harmful impact' on her children, the barrister said. She told the court Dooley had been travelling to and from her native Ireland frequently at the time, to facilitate contact between her children and her partner who still lives in the country. Dooley had moved to the UK months prior, Ms Edwards said. Sentencing, Judge Tina Landale told Dooley: 'Your behaviour was clearly of real concern because the staff on board requested the police to attend on landing to arrest you. 'It was reported that there was an aggressive passenger onboard who was heavily intoxicated. But it is relevant that not a single passenger or a single crew member has chosen to make a witness statement. 'Your behaviour demonstrates that you were extremely drunk. You couldn't find your ID documents and you didn't even know where you were.' Dooley, of Granville Terrace, Huddersfield, was sentenced to three months, suspended for 12 months. She was ordered to carry out 15 rehabilitation activity requirement days. Get all the big crime and court stories direct to your phone on our new WhatsApp service. Sign up here.

The Vietnam war made American culture bolder and more varied
The Vietnam war made American culture bolder and more varied

Mint

time10-07-2025

  • Politics
  • Mint

The Vietnam war made American culture bolder and more varied

The images of the fall of Saigon, on April 30th 1975, are indelible. A helicopter takes off from the roof of an apartment building, leaving behind a long line of would-be evacuees. Victorious North Vietnamese soldiers roll into the city in tanks, on their way to sack the United States embassy and raise their flag over the presidential palace. Vietnamese civilians rush onto packed boats in terror. America's involvement in Vietnam began with realpolitik and ended in shame. It started covertly in 1954, soon after the Viet Minh, a nationalist, communist guerrilla group, terminated French colonial rule and Vietnam was cleaved in two. It grew into a war that killed almost 60,000 American soldiers and over 3m Vietnamese civilians and soldiers. America's performance in the two world wars allowed the country to think of itself as benevolent and invincible. Vietnam put that myth to rest. The war haunted American politics for decades, but 50 years on, and with veterans' average age now 72, its salience is fading. H.W. Brands, a historian at the University of Texas, says, 'To my students, the Vietnam war might as well be the civil war." But his students still live in a culture dramatically changed by that war. It permanently altered American film, music, television and—most importantly—Americans' relationship to their government. Read what The Economist thought about the fall of Saigon in 1975 In 1954 America was at peak self-confidence. The second world war wreaked devastation, but America had emerged as a geopolitical and industrial power. The ructions of the 1960s were still a decade ahead; the Depression's privations were 15 years in the past. Polls taken in 1958 showed that 73% of Americans trusted their government to do the right thing. So when President Dwight Eisenhower sent Edward Lansdale, an air-force officer, to help the government of South Vietnam in its struggle against the communist north, it raised little public outcry. Few Americans could even find Vietnam on a map. Many were introduced to it by a popular book called 'Deliver Us From Evil" (1956). The author, Tom Dooley, an American naval medic who worked in Vietnam, described a grisly roster of horrors visited on innocent Vietnamese Christians. He cast American capitalism and compassion as the only things that could save millions of Vietnamese from communist brutality. (After Dooley's early death from cancer in 1961, it emerged that he had worked with the CIA and fabricated his stories of communist atrocities.) Dooley's sensationalised narrative suited Americans' self-image as benign, conquering heroes. Popular Westerns such as 'Shane" (1953) and 'The Magnificent Seven" (1960) depicted Americans as civilising folk who stood up for the downtrodden. Epic films such as 'Spartacus" (1960) depicted combat as noble and righteous, with clear battle lines and starkly defined good guys and baddies. Meanwhile, America's involvement in Vietnam was deepening. In 1960 America had 700 military 'advisers" helping the pro-Western government of South Vietnam; by the end of 1964, that number had grown to 23,000. It was still too little. And so America began drafting young men to go to Vietnam. The horror, the horror Two things were notable about America's military strategy. First, it was not working. In early 1965 McGeorge Bundy, the national security adviser, told President Lyndon Johnson that America could either negotiate a settlement between North and South Vietnam, or increase military pressure on the north. And second, it was largely kept from the public. Soon after Bundy's memo, Johnson secretly authorised systematic bombings of the north and sent two Marine battalions to guard the bases from which American planes took off. The first glimmers of public discontent emerged in American music. In 1963 Bob Dylan condemned the 'Masters of War" who 'hide in your mansion while the young people's blood/Flows out of their bodies and is buried in the mud". Nina Simone complained in 1967 about a government that would 'raise my taxes, freeze my wages/And send my son to Vietnam". In the 1960s protest songs were rarely mainstream hits, but David Suisman, a music historian at the University of Delaware, notes that this was the start of what came to be known as 'alternative music": styles with strong niche appeal and even stronger political messages. Genres such as folk stood apart from—and often in opposition to—mainstream music, which at the time was dominated by anodyne love songs. Hip-hop and punk were the inheritors of that legacy. The brutal images Americans saw on their televisions every night fuelled such discontent. Unlike the feel-good newsreels broadcast in the second world war, coverage of Vietnam was not sanitised. New technology, in particular lightweight cameras and sound equipment, enabled journalists to go into the field and show people what was happening. This permanently changed the media's wartime role; the public now expects to see combat footage and sceptical reporters. In Afghanistan and Iraq, the army let journalists 'embed" themselves with combat units. It took longer for the war to arrive in cinemas, but when it did, film-makers were unsparing in their depictions. 'The Deer Hunter" (1978) showed the war's effects on three friends from an insular steel town in Pennsylvania. Francis Ford Coppola's magnificent 'Apocalypse Now" (1979) portrayed the corrosive insanity of the war's senseless violence and the lies upon which it rested. And in Stanley Kubrick's 'Full Metal Jacket" (1987), the war was nothing more than a charnel house. Ever since, American films have largely eschewed the tidy morality and view of combat that defined pre-Vietnam war movies. Even the last 'good war"—the second world war—had its shine removed in 'Saving Private Ryan" (1998): the combat scenes were shockingly violent and confusing. 'Jarhead" (2005) and 'Warfare" (2025), about the fighting with Iraq, depict war as dreary and fundamentally pointless. 'American Sniper" (2014) told the true story of a veteran who fought in Iraq and was murdered by another officer with PTSD; it showed how war hangs over soldiers long after they return home. Many of these changes were welcome. Combat is brutal and war is rarely a Manichean struggle between heroes and villains. Films that reflect such complexity are richer than those that ignore it. Protest songs can be trite, but American music is better today than it was in the 1950s for having multiple genres and voices. And a sceptical press serves its watchdog purpose better than a pliant, credulous one. Underlying all of these cultural changes has been a profound social one. In 1971 the Pentagon Papers, high-level government reports on the war, were leaked, revealing the depth of officials' dishonesty about their motives and efficacy in Vietnam. A poll taken that year showed that 71% of Americans believed the war had been a 'mistake". By 1974 barely more than one-third of Americans trusted their government to do the right thing. Aside from a brief post-9/11 spike, America's government has never regained the trust of a majority of its citizens. Today only 22% trust it, and it seems unlikely to win back Americans' confidence soon. Correction (April 28th 2025): In an earlier version of this article, we misidentified the building from which a helicopter carrying evacuees took off. It was an apartment building, not the American Embassy. This has been updated. Sorry. For more on the latest books, films, TV shows, albums and controversies, sign up to Plot Twist, our weekly subscriber-only newsletter

Dooley seeks support as he weighs US Senate bid in Georgia
Dooley seeks support as he weighs US Senate bid in Georgia

Miami Herald

time27-06-2025

  • Politics
  • Miami Herald

Dooley seeks support as he weighs US Senate bid in Georgia

ATLANTA - Former football coach Derek Dooley's potential bid for U.S. Senate is no fleeting trial balloon. Since emerging as a potential GOP rival to Democratic incumbent Jon Ossoff, Dooley has quietly met with Georgia donors aligned with Gov. Brian Kemp and traveled to Washington to sit down with senior Republicans close to President Donald Trump. But his possible candidacy raises a question even his allies can't yet answer: Can a political newcomer with almost no public record on hot-button issues win the support of a former president who prizes loyalty above all? Dooley avoided politics during his decades-long coaching career, which included stints as Tennessee's head coach and nine years as an NFL aide. His only recent campaign donation was a $5,000 check to Kemp, a longtime friend. He's steered clear of MAGA rallies, culture war flashpoints, policy debates and overt political messaging. That ambiguity may serve him well in a campaign climate where name recognition and political flexibility can be assets. Former U.S. Sen. David Perdue is one example of a newcomer who converted an outsider brand into statewide victory in Georgia. But Dooley faces a different climb: positioning himself as a unicorn candidate who can win both Kemp's endorsement and Trump's blessing - two factions that have often pulled Georgia Republicans in opposite directions. And other MAGA-friendly contenders are already in the race. Locking up Kemp's support may be the easier task. Though the governor hasn't said much publicly about Dooley's possible bid, his key allies are encouraging it. And Kemp recently told donors to "keep your powder dry" to give him and Trump time to align behind a candidate. The two Republican powerbrokers met in May to discuss a potential joint endorsement, a move supporters say would help the GOP unify against Ossoff – a formidable incumbent already mobilizing his campaign – and avoid a primary that could devolve into who can out-Trump the other. But winning over Trump could prove far tougher. The president has long favored unflinching loyalty over political pragmatism - sometimes to the GOP's detriment. He backed Perdue's failed 2022 primary challenge against Kemp and lined up behind a string of longshot Georgia candidates, including a doomed Democrat-turned-Republican congressional hopeful so smitten with the president he branded himself the "Black Donald Trump." And other GOP contenders are showing no signs of backing off. U.S. Rep. Buddy Carter and Insurance Commissioner John King are in the race, while U.S. Rep. Mike Collins is inching closer to a possible bid. All three have deeper political roots and their own ties to Trump's orbit. Adding to the uncertainty: Secretary of State Brad Raffensperger could enter, testing just how far a centrist can go in today's Trump-dominated GOP. A coach's playbook A lawyer-turned-coach, Dooley hasn't made a public statement since floating his candidacy earlier this month, when he cast himself as someone who can "cut through the noise and partisanship and get back to real problem-solving." A Trump endorsement might boost his chances - but it may not be a golden ticket to a GOP nomination. Unlike Tommy Tuberville, who rode football fame to the U.S. Senate in Alabama, Dooley's brand in Georgia may be linked more to his late father Vince, the revered Bulldog coach. "Derek Dooley has never been a head coach who built the sort of popular appeal necessary to overcome his unknown political views," said S.E. Buchanan, a Georgia College and State University political scientist. "Realistically, he'd need a strong endorsement from President Trump - and even that's no guarantee in Georgia." The speculation around Dooley's candidacy has been met with a mix of curiosity and skepticism, even from some in Kemp's orbit. Jay Morgan, a lobbyist with close ties to Kemp's administration and a former Georgia GOP executive director, said Dooley's bid could backfire. "Now every other candidate thinks they can prove they're more MAGA than he is. It's a curious development," Morgan said. "I know he's a smart guy. I know he's respected. But Ossoff has to be salivating at the chance to face someone so politically untested." Carter and King, for their part, aren't easing off the gas. Carter, a Savannah-area congressman, recently endorsed the former president for a Nobel Peace Prize, just months after sponsoring legislation supporting Trump's effort to purchase Greenland. King, a military veteran and former small-town police chief first appointed to his post by Kemp, is leaning into his foreign policy background while picking up a spree of endorsements from public safety officials. And Collins could further fracture the Trump-aligned base if he runs. Meanwhile, Republican operatives are already previewing the kinds of attacks Dooley could face. A fake press release and website mocking his campaign – dressed in Tennessee's orange-and-white colors – made the rounds this month and briefly fooled some insiders. The "Dooley's Volunteers" spoof also doubled as a warning: In football-mad Georgia, ties to a rival SEC school – and his losing record in Knoxville – are fair game. Still, not all MAGA figures are dismissing him. Salleigh Grubbs, the newly elected first-vice chair of the Georgia GOP and a staunch Trump supporter, said she's open to hearing more. "I believe it all comes down to policy positions. The Dooley family is beloved in Georgia and the legacy of Vince Dooley clearly speaks for itself," Grubbs said. "For MAGA voters, it's all about America First policies. I'm not sure where Derek Dooley stands on those topics, but I sure look forward to finding out." Copyright (C) 2025, Tribune Content Agency, LLC. Portions copyrighted by the respective providers.

Help sought to identify suspect who beat man at The Forks
Help sought to identify suspect who beat man at The Forks

Winnipeg Free Press

time10-06-2025

  • Winnipeg Free Press

Help sought to identify suspect who beat man at The Forks

Winnipeg police are warning the public about a man who beat a stranger until he was unconscious at The Forks late Friday. The attack, around 11:15 p.m., took place in the outdoor sitting area between the main market building and the Johnston Terminal. Witnesses told police the attacker approached a 30-year-old man and hit him. He knocked him unconscious and stole an item from him. SUPPLIED Police are searching for a man who randomly attacked a stranger at The Forks on June 6. 'Everything points to it being a random assault,' said Winnipeg Police Service spokesman Const. Stephen Spencer. The suspect ran toward the river walk, where he threw the stolen item at a woman who was walking a dog. 'It's certainly a unique incident,' said Spencer. He could not reveal what item was stolen. The suspect was last seen near Bonnycastle Park, at Assiniboine Avenue and Garry Street. The victim was taken to hospital in stable condition and was later released. 'This is a shocking attack no one wants to see,' said Adam Dooley, spokesman for The Forks. 'We're very happy to hear his condition has stabilized and he's been released from hospital.' Dooley said Forks security guards had quickly arrived to give the victim first aid and call police. 'Our security are always doing patrols, so we found the victim of the attack immediately and were able to provide some first aid and comfort,' said Dooley. The site has security guards on duty 24 hours a day, 365 days a year, along with a network of surveillance cameras, said Dooley. He said officials at The Forks are confident in the security team and systems they have in place. 'We work very hard to make The Forks a safe and welcoming place and thankfully, incidences like this are very rare,' said Dooley. 'We're constantly upgrading and adapting to make sure we're doing the very best we possibly can to genuinely keep the site safe (and) make sure everyone feels safe as well.' He said he hopes members of the public can help police apprehend the suspect. Wednesdays Columnist Jen Zoratti looks at what's next in arts, life and pop culture. 'The more we as a community can pull together to stand against this kind of violence, the better it will be for everyone,' said Dooley. The attacker is described as Indigenous, 25 to 35 years old, with a medium to heavy build and tattoos on both arms. Police released an image of the man, who was wearing a black T-shirt, black pants, a black New York Yankees baseball cap and black shoes. Major crimes investigators want to speak with the woman who was walking the dog. They can be reached at 204-986-6219, or witnesses can call Crime Stoppers anonymously at 204-786-8477 (TIPS) or online. Erik PinderaReporter Erik Pindera is a reporter for the Free Press, mostly focusing on crime and justice. The born-and-bred Winnipegger attended Red River College Polytechnic, wrote for the community newspaper in Kenora, Ont. and reported on television and radio in Winnipeg before joining the Free Press in 2020. Read more about Erik. Every piece of reporting Erik produces is reviewed by an editing team before it is posted online or published in print — part of the Free Press's tradition, since 1872, of producing reliable independent journalism. Read more about Free Press's history and mandate, and learn how our newsroom operates. Our newsroom depends on a growing audience of readers to power our journalism. If you are not a paid reader, please consider becoming a subscriber. Our newsroom depends on its audience of readers to power our journalism. Thank you for your support.

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