Latest news with #Driencourt
El Chorouk
06-05-2025
- Politics
- El Chorouk
Driencourt: 'The relationship with Algeria is based on ambiguity and undeclared things'
The former French Ambassador to Algeria, Xavier Driencourt, admitted that the Algerian state with which France signed the Evian Agreements in 1962 is no longer the same in 2025, a description that reflects the level of parity reached in relations with the Algerian state after nearly six decades of independence. In his new book, titled 'France Algeria, Double Blindness,' Driencourt wrote, puzzled: 'We cannot understand anything about the period that is beginning if we do not remember that France's partner in Algeria since 1962 was not the one France chose in Evian: it was a one-party system, headed by the National Liberation Front…' In his new book, the author of 'The Algerian Enigma' tried to distance his country from interfering in the internal affairs of its former colony, in a desperate attempt to disclaim a practice that cannot be denied no matter how much he and others like him try: 'It is clear that France did not wish to interfere in the internal political choices of independent Algeria: it did not wish to do so, because it was very happy to put an end to the Algerian conflict, and it could not do so, because power had now passed to the new Algerian authorities.' He supported his statement with an approach that General Charles de Gaulle had established and committed himself to, which was the necessity of 'finishing as quickly as possible in order to finally move on to something else.' However, he quickly doubted what he was writing when he admitted that 'the relationship that has developed since 1962 between Paris and Algiers was a relationship based on ambiguity and fueled by undeclared things.' Le Figaro newspaper chose excerpts from the book based on a specific angle in its view of the nature of relations between France and its former colony, a relationship that arose from the suffering of the French from the loss of a dream that was a lived reality for them before it evaporated at some point in 1962, which explains the focus on painful aspects and the attempt to demonize Algeria and its symbols. These excerpts contained some descriptions that were outside the norms and decency, such as those that affected some Algerian diplomats who were not pleased with the suspicious role played by the author of the book, who worked in Algeria in two phases (2008 and 2012, then 2017 and 2020). The insult was disgusting towards the prominent and honorable diplomat, Amar Bendjama, who currently holds the position of Algeria's Permanent Representative to the United Nations, and who previously served at the Algerian Embassy in Paris between 2013 and 2016. As is his custom in attacking Algerian interests, the retired diplomat did not hesitate to target the 1968 agreement, which he believes provides privileges to Algerians over other Maghreb and African nationals, despite its revision three times, which has stripped it of its specificity. He began looking for ways to revise or unilaterally cancel it in light of the Algerian side's refusal to discuss it. To incite his country's authorities against the agreement, Driencourt spoke about Article 56 of the Vienna Convention on the Law of Treaties, which allows for unilateral withdrawal, even if it requires resorting to Article 12 of the agreement, which, as he said, stipulates the establishment of a joint committee to study any difficulties that may arise over time, especially since the justification is no longer valid with the displacement of about one million 'pieds-noirs' towards France immediately after Algeria's independence. Driencourt did not digest the Algerian presence in France as he touched upon what he described as: 'Algerian family migration represents more than 60 percent of residence permits, compared to 40 for Tunisian and Moroccan citizens. This makes Algerians represent the largest segment of immigrants who come for family reasons and not for professional reasons,' according to him, in addition to what he called the privileges provided to them by the 1968 agreement, which are data that have increased those who are hostile to Algeria and its interests.
El Chorouk
25-02-2025
- Politics
- El Chorouk
Toxic gifts to Macron from his former ambassador in Algeria
When far-right media outlets struggle to find someone to intensify the crisis with Algeria, they turn to the former French ambassador in Algeria, Xavier Driencourt. This happened on the morning of Tuesday, February 25, where Driencourt was a guest on 'Radio Europe 1'. Sinister Driencourt expressed his shock at the French authorities' inability to handle the crisis with Algeria, going so far as to say that Emmanuel Macron's administration 'fears' the Algerian authorities, which makes it unable to face the escalation that Algeria is allegedly practicing against France by refusing to accept deported migrants and not releasing the Franco-Algerian writer Boualem Sansal. With a far-right discourse charged with mobilization against Algeria and its president alike, Driencourt said: 'We fear Algeria. I don't know why. We practice self-censorship when it comes to Algeria. We are afraid of the Algerian regime, and we undoubtedly fear the Algerians in France. We are paralyzed when it comes to Algeria. Perhaps there are memories of war and colonialism.' He added: 'We believe that Algeria is in a position of strength, despite what it is experiencing in terms of isolation,' he claimed, referring here to the sovereign decision to sever relations with the Moroccan regime and the crises with France and Mali, and previously with Spain. However, Driencourt avoids discussing the isolation that his country lives in, especially in the Sahel region and across Africa, where it has become pursued and undesirable. This admission, which conceals much cunning, came after he and other far-right figures failed to convince the French president to take more aggressive measures against Algeria, following previous unsuccessful attempts to deport several influencers and those who had been issued expulsion orders from French territory. Driencourt speaks of 'great contradictions at the level of the French government regarding its handling of the political and diplomatic crisis with Algeria, and with the successive events that have fueled the situation, such as the imprisonment of Franco-Algerian writer Boualem Sansal in Algeria, and the arrest of Algerian influencers in France, and the incident that occurred in the city of Mulhouse in northeastern France. Meanwhile, the government has been incapable of taking tangible measures against Algeria for about three to six months.' Among the French contradictions that the retired diplomat acknowledged in dealing with the crisis was the visit of Rachida Dati, the French Minister of Culture, to Western Sahara, which he described as a 'great provocation' to the Algerian side, emphasizing: 'We are facing a contradictory policy. Will there be a government meeting tomorrow (Wednesday) regarding immigration? We do not know if there will be measures announced. But we must get out of this impasse.' Contrary to what the former ambassador in Algeria promotes, the French government, largely influenced by far-right policies, has not hesitated to target Algeria and undermine its interests there. It has begun targeting Algerian influencers who have viewpoints contrary to what the politicians in Paris, who are haunted by the fear of losing the dream of 'French Algeria,' wish, as well as playing the immigration card and trying to target Air Algeria for refusing to transport deportees outside the law and diplomacy. However, all these attempts have failed because there are French officials within the government who reject them, including Macron, who has remained silent for nearly two months. As usual, he did not hold back in offering toxic advice to his government, foremost among them punishing Air Algeria for refusing to transport deportees outside the law to Algeria, which was a demand made by the Minister of the Interior, Bruno Retailleau. However, Macron did not comply with this demand for fear of a harsh Algerian response that would target Air France and the private company 'Fransavia,' which control a large share of the air transport market to Algeria.
