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San Francisco Chronicle
2 days ago
- San Francisco Chronicle
How can California stop ICE overreach? The answer might lie in a 1972 case from Humboldt County
Might the answer to Los Angeles' present emergency — how to stop masked federal agents from seizing its people — lie in a half-century-old story from Humboldt County? On April 4, 1972, a young hippie couple — Dirk Dickenson and Judy Arnold — were in their remote cabin near unincorporated Garberville when federal drug agents and county sheriff's personnel, assisted by a U.S. Army helicopter, launched a raid. The sheriff promised reporters, who came along, that this would be the 'biggest bust' in California history. 'Looks like an assault on an enemy prison camp in Vietnam,' one reporter wrote in his notebook. Lloyd Clifton, an agent with the new federal Bureau of Narcotics and Dangerous Drugs (now the Drug Enforcement Agency), broke down the cabin door without knocking or announcing himself as law enforcement. He and other agents wore jeans and tie-dyed shirts instead of uniforms and kept their hair long. Dickenson and Arnold thought they were being robbed. Dickenson, unarmed, ran out the back door. Clifton gave chase and shot him in the back. Dickenson died on the way to a Eureka hospital. What happened next caused a scandal. The agents couldn't find the sought-after PCP lab or any evidence of a drug enterprise on the property or inside a cabin without electricity or running water. The U.S. Department of Justice defended the federal agent, quickly declaring Dickenson's execution a 'justifiable homicide.' But Humboldt County District Attorney William Ferroggiaro, noting that federal agents must obey state and local laws, investigated and took his case to a grand jury, which charged Clifton with second-degree murder and voluntary manslaughter. Clifton's indictment spared a court fight, which ended up establishing a legal path for holding federal agents accountable for abuses. The existence of such a path may surprise today's Californians. That's because our police insist that they are powerless to challenge unlawful actions or abuses by federal agents. Los Angeles Police Department Chief Jim McDonnell advised officers that, when called to a scene where citizens allege federal abuses, all they can do is verify the identities of federal agents. In this position, McDonnell and police are not just wrong — they are violating their oaths to enforce state and local laws. The Clifton case makes this plain. In 1973, Clifton first asked state courts to drop the prosecution, but multiple judges refused. With the trial about to start, Clifton appealed to U.S. District Courts, arguing that as a federal agent, he was beyond the reach of state law. The federal courts did not accept Clifton's argument. But in 1977, Clifton succeeded in convincing the U.S. Court of Appeals in San Francisco to free him, on the theory that he 'reasonably and honestly' believed Dickenson was a dangerous drug dealer (even though Dickenson wasn't). In his Clifton v. Cox ruling, U.S. Judge Stanley Conti wrote that federal law enforcement officials could be prosecuted for state and local crimes when 'the official employs means which he cannot honestly consider reasonable in discharging his duties or otherwise acts out of malice or with some criminal intent.' Establishing malice and criminal intent is a high bar, but Californians eager to pursue Immigration and Customs Enforcement personnel are revisiting the Clifton standard. In a June YouGov poll, commissioned by the Independent California Institute, 72% of respondents said police should arrest federal immigration officials who 'act maliciously or knowingly exceed their authority under federal law.' Recent federal abuses, captured on video, would seem to meet the Clifton test for prosecution. A federal agent's repeated punching of a Santa Ana landscaper. A retaliatory attack by federal agents, using explosives, on the Huntington Park home of U.S. citizens. The Clifton case, by making clear that federal agents are not above California laws, should open the door for local police to investigate every one of these lawless ICE raids. Given the scale of the federal assault, I'd suggest that police departments create a joint task force, perhaps in collaboration with a new state authority. Some may object that 2025 Los Angeles and 1970s Humboldt are too different. But I was struck, while rereading Clifton case records and a 1973 Rolling Stone story by Joe Estzerhas, by the parallels of the two eras. In the 1970s drug raids, as with today's immigration raids, federal agents seized people based on little evidence, failed to identify themselves, received military assistance (that helicopter) and dressed like criminals rather than law enforcement. The Nixon administration, like the Trump administration, justified its lawlessness by claiming that federal agents were chasing 'radicals.' After the U.S. Court of Appeals canceled his indictment, Clifton continued his federal career. He died in 2013. Dickenson was buried in Lincoln, a Sacramento suburb in Placer County, near where he grew up. But his precedent-setting case remains very much alive.
The Hill
3 days ago
- Politics
- The Hill
Trump calls on Thune to cancel Senate's August recess to confirm his nominees
Senators hoping for an August respite after several weeks of late-night votes may not be in luck, with President Trump asking Majority Leader Sen. John Thune (R-S.D.) Saturday to cancel the chamber's traditional late-summer recess. Trump, in a Truth Social post on Saturday, asked the Senate to cancel its traditional August vacation to confirm his executive and judicial appointments. 'Hopefully the very talented John Thune, fresh off our many victories over the past two weeks and, indeed, 6 months, will cancel August recess (and long weekends!), in order to get my incredible nominees confirmed,' Trump wrote. 'We need them badly!!!' Senators are currently scheduled to confirm six Trump appointments on Monday and advance his pick to lead the Drug Enforcement Agency. Right now, members are set to take the month of August off. The threat to cancel the recess could push senators to avoid stonewalling appointments. Trump's most high-stakes nominees include Emil Bove, a lawyer for the Justice Department, to be a judge on a federal appeals court. Jeanine Pirro, a former Fox News host, is also up to be the top federal prosecutor in D.C. Bove has garnered particular opposition from Democrats over a whistleblower complaint alleging that he said the Trump administration should consider telling courts 'f— you' if they issued orders blocking migrant deportations. Bove has denied that he told lawyers in the Justice Department to violate a court order. Trump's more recent nominations include two picks for the National Labor Relations Board, which enforces union regulations. The board has not been able to function since January, when Trump fired the remaining Democratic member, leaving it without a quorum.
The Hill
09-07-2025
- Politics
- The Hill
How trust can boost the US-Mexico fight against narco finance
The U.S. Treasury Department's announcement that it is targeting three Mexican financial institutions for their alleged roles in laundering proceeds tied to synthetic opioid trafficking marks a turning point, not only in the U.S. financial offensive against fentanyl, but also in the future of U.S.-Mexico security cooperation. These sanctions, issued under the expanded authority of the FEND Off Fentanyl Act, are the first of their kind and they may herald a more focused approach to choking off the money that makes organized crime so profitable and powerful. But behind the headlines is a deeper truth: If we are serious about dismantling the financial networks of the cartels, we need more trust and more coordination between government agencies in both countries. Money laundering is not just a financial crime — it is the lifeblood of drug trafficking organizations. From fentanyl precursors purchased from China to illicit cash sent back through trade-based laundering schemes, the ability of criminal organizations to move, hide, and invest their profits is what allows them to survive. That is why the bilateral anti-money laundering relationship between the U.S. and Mexico has been, and must continue to be, a cornerstone of the fight against organized crime. Over the last 20 years, the two governments have built institutional linkages through the High-Level Security Dialogue and the North American Drug Dialogue, shared intelligence through joint task forces and cooperated on regulatory and supervisory alignment. Yet, revelations like this remind us that those channels have thus far been woefully insufficient to counter the power and ingenuity of the drug trafficking organizations. The trust deficit that often clouds U.S.-Mexico cooperation — rooted in concerns over corruption, impunity and sovereignty — must be addressed head-on. Since the tragic 1985 abduction and murder of Drug Enforcement Agency agent Enrique 'Kiki' Camarena, trust between U.S. and Mexican security agencies has been marred by suspicion and periodic breakdowns in cooperation. The aftermath of the Camarena affair exposed the deep entanglement of Mexican law enforcement with drug trafficking organizations, prompting a significant retrenchment in bilateral collaboration. In the decades since, while cooperation has resumed in fits and starts — such as during the Mérida Initiative period — longstanding fears over corruption, leaks and sovereignty have frequently undermined joint efforts. Put succinctly, U.S. agencies often question the integrity and competence of their counterparts in the Mexican government, while Mexican officials remain deeply wary of the motives behind U.S. security operations. Recent years have seen further deterioration, particularly following the 2020 arrest of former Mexican defense minister Salvador Cienfuegos in the U.S., which triggered a diplomatic backlash and led Mexico to pass legislation restricting foreign law enforcement operations on its soil. This cycle of mistrust has hindered intelligence-sharing, constrained operational coordination and ultimately allowed drug trafficking organizations to exploit jurisdictional and institutional divides. If both countries are to mount a successful and sustained fight against organized crime, rebuilding that trust must become a shared strategic priority. It is true that Mexico has made significant strides in recent years, particularly with the 2020 reforms to its financial intelligence framework and enhanced powers for the Unidad de Inteligencia Financiera, but those reforms have not been fully implemented and there are still significant problems with compliance. Meanwhile, the U.S. has deployed an increasingly sophisticated array of financial tools, including the Global Magnitsky Act and Section 311 of the Patriot Act, to disrupt criminal finance globally. What's missing is a seamless partnership; one where intelligence is shared in real time, regulatory frameworks are interoperable and suspicious activity is pursued across borders with joint accountability. Examples from around the world show what's possible when financial cooperation is prioritized. The U.S.-United Arab Emirates Joint Task Force on Illicit Finance has led to seizures of millions of dollars linked to terrorist networks. Europol's collaboration with the Financial Intelligence Units of European Union member states has generated successful operations against transnational crime, from cyberfraud to human trafficking. Even in Latin America, the Tri-Border Area cooperation initiative among Argentina, Brazil and Paraguay has shown that coordinated anti-money-laundering efforts, when paired with law enforcement cooperation, can disrupt illicit flows in even the most complex regions. Mexico and the U.S. are connected not only by their economic integration, but by shared security challenges and a common interest in dismantling the financial networks that sustain organized crime. But disrupting cartel finance requires more than just sanctions — it demands trust. To build that trust, we must go beyond high-level declarations and invest in the institutional relationships that matter. That means enhancing vetting procedures to ensure the integrity of counterparts on both sides, expanding secondments and joint training programs between agencies and creating regular, structured interactions among investigators, prosecutors and regulators. Emerging technologies like artificial intelligence can also support this effort, offering new tools to detect suspicious financial patterns, track illicit flows across borders and flag anomalies in real time. Crucially though, we must also engage civil society — especially bar associations, law schools and the offices of state and federal attorneys general in both countries — to build a broader base of professional trust and legal cooperation. Only by deepening these networks and normalizing collaboration at every level can we create the resilient, binational ecosystem needed to fight financial crime and drug trafficking and protect lives on both sides of the U.S.-Mexico border. Duncan Wood is CEO of Hurst International Consulting and former director of the Wilson Center's Mexico Institute.
Zawya
25-06-2025
- Politics
- Zawya
President Boakai Declares Thursday, June 26, As 'International Drugs Day'
The President of the Republic of Liberia, His Excellency Joseph Nyuma Boakai, Sr., has by Proclamation declared Thursday, June 26, 2025, as 'International Drugs Day' and is to be observed throughout the country as a Working Holiday. The Proclamation calls on all citizens; government ministries and agencies as well as international organizations concerned to join the Drug Enforcement Agency (DEA) in executing appropriate programs befitting the occasion. According to a Foreign Ministry release, this year's International Day Against Drug Abuse and its illicit trafficking will be observed under the global theme: 'The Evidence is clear, invest in Prevention. Slogan. Break the Circle. Stop Organized Crime'. Drug abuse and its illicit trafficking have posed major problems to the human race and millions of people worldwide continue to be affected directly and indirectly. The Proclamation is in consonance with an Act of National Legislature which was adopted in 1999, creating the Drug Enforcement Agency (DEA) with the authority to combat the importation, illicit trafficking and use of dangerous drugs. The observance of the day is intended to create awareness of the devastating effects of illicit drugs on individuals and families and to mobilize communities and other stakeholders against the use of such substances. On December 7, 1987, the General Assembly of the United Nations adopted Resolution 42/112, which set aside the 26th day of June of each year as International Day Against Illicit Trafficking of Drugs and other Substances of Abuse to be celebrated worldwide. Distributed by APO Group on behalf of Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Liberia.
San Francisco Chronicle
11-06-2025
- San Francisco Chronicle
NorCal man who sold pills to teen gets prison after fatal overdose
A Monterey County man was sentenced to eight years in prison for selling fentanyl-laced pills to a 15-year-old, leading to the minor's fatal overdose. Edward Tellez Solis, 27, pleaded guilty to possession with intent to distribute fentanyl, distribution of fentanyl and possession of a firearm in furtherance of a drug trafficking crime, the U.S. Attorney's Office in the Northern District of California announced Monday. Tellez Solis, of Marina (Monterey County), used social media to advertise and sell drugs, including counterfeit oxycodone pills, known as M30 pills, that were laced with fentanyl, the attorney's office said. Prosecutors said Tellez Solis also sold cocaine, ecstasy, hydrocodone, marijuana and Xanax. Law enforcement said Tellez Solis used Snapchat and Telegram to reach customers. 'Edward Tellez Solis used social media as a superhighway to sell lethal drugs and line his pockets with the proceeds,' Drug Enforcement Agency Special Agent in Charge Bob P. Beris said in a statement. On March 3, 2022, Tellez Solis offered to sell a 15-year-old more than a dozen M30 pills, prosecutors said, delivering at least nine of the pills to the teenager the next day. Prosecutors said Tellez Solis knew that the pills 'contained fentanyl or some other federally controlled substance.' The 15-year-old had an overdose and died after getting the M30 pills, the U.S. attorney's office said. Police searched Tellez Solis' car and found a 'stash of controlled substances,' as well as a loaded gun, three loaded magazines and 89 rounds of ammunition, prosecutors said. Law enforcement also found more than $17,000 in cash in Tellez Solis' car and nearly $100,000 in cash in his home, the attorney's office said. 'Today's sentencing marks a crucial step in bringing justice to the victim and a family devastated by the scourge of fentanyl,' Beris said. 'We will be relentless in our pursuit of unscrupulous drug dealers who distribute poison in our community.' On top of his prison time, Tellez Solis was also sentenced to three years of supervised release and ordered to pay nearly $30,000 to the family of the 15-year-old who fatally overdosed. 'While this sentence brings a measure of justice to the community for this crime, it can never undo the pain and devastation the defendant's reprehensible actions caused the victim's family,' United States Attorney Craig H. Missakian said in a statement.
