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Zawya
a day ago
- Business
- Zawya
Harnessing data and digital tools to strengthen social protection
Long viewed as a fallback for hard times, social protection is now being reimagined as a driver of resilience. With rising costs, widening inequality, and fragile economies, governments are searching for ways to make every policy choice count. These challenges brought policymakers from Africa, Asia, and the Pacific to Livingstone, Zambia, from 8 to 10 July, where they focused on targeted refinements and applied approaches to strengthen social protection. The gathering centered on hands-on methods: tools, data, and policy strategies that help governments respond to poverty, economic shocks, and climate threats with greater precision. It formed part of a broader UN effort to promote universal, adaptive, and inclusive social protection systems worldwide. Zambia, the host, is contending with drought-linked hunger and soaring living costs. The Maldives faces logistical hurdles in delivering services across 187 dispersed islands. Tanzania is navigating population pressures, youth unemployment, and informality. Each delegation brought its own realities, but the drive for smarter systems was shared. The Economic Commission for Africa (ECA) and the Economic and Social Commission for Asia and the Pacific (ESCAP) introduced a suite of empirical tools, including ECA's multidimensional poverty dashboard and ESCAP's evidence-based targeting models, to help governments sharpen decisions using locally relevant data. Christian Oldiges, Chief of Social Policy at ECA, described the tool as a bridge between data and delivery. "It shows not just where the poor are, but what kind of poverty they face, and how existing schemes measure up." Selahattin Selsah Pasali, Social Affairs Officer at ESCAP, said member states such as Cambodia and the Maldives value the tools' flexibility and training support, 'which helps localize and institutionalize them.' Many, he noted, are now considering a shit from survey data to administrative records to better design policies and estimate costs. Namibia shared progress digitizing its social grant system. Malawi, a global champion for the Social Protection Accelerator, is rolling out a new policy rooted in a lifecycle approach that addresses risks across age groups. Tanzania is widening its model too. Frank Kilimba from the Office of the Prime Minister said: "We're expanding beyond contribution-based systems to ensure broader coverage, especially for informal and rural populations." Rwanda was among the countries exchanging experiences. Ariane Mugisha, Chief Digital Officer in the Local Government Sector, said the sessions on social registries and data integration offered key insights into building adaptive systems. Her colleague Joel Murenzi, Social Protection Policy Advisor at the Ministry of Local Government, highlighted the importance of learning from others' approaches to expanding coverage and adjusting benefit levels in line with inflation. Behind the mix of countries, organizers said, was an intentional effort to draw from diverse settings. "We brought together small island states like the Maldives and middle-income countries like Namibia with least developed economies such as Malawi and Zambia," said Amson Sibanda, Chief of Service at the UN Department of Economic and Social Affairs (UN DESA). "Their challenges differ, but their commitment to reform creates a space for grounded exchange." That reality, said Mamusa Siyunyi, Social Affairs Officer at ECA, makes targeted support all the more essential. "It's not just the triple crisis of food, fuel and finance," she said. "It's demographic pressure, climate risk, and limited fiscal space. Countries need support that's relevant and usable." Several delegates requested additional training and ongoing technical assistance. Others stressed the need to bridge institutional divides that hinder implementation. "We have the data, but making it useful means working across silos," said Hudha Haleem of the Maldives Bureau of Statistics. "The big takeaway for me was how collaboration between data producers and programme implementers can make systems more responsive and inclusive." Fathimath Nisha Fahmy from the Maldives Pension Office agreed, adding that geographic realities demand precise, adaptive systems. "Using real-time data to target and adapt social protection is critical for countries like ours, spread across many islands." Mr. Sibanda underscored the need to match innovation with institutional readiness. "We always say that policymakers should be able to leverage the science-policy interface to make good decisions and future-proof their strategies," he said. "But for that to happen, public institutions need the capacity to harness these tools and understand both their benefits and potential pitfalls." As countries prepare for a series of global forums on social development, the Livingstone meeting formed part of a wider push to build systems that are better designed, better resourced, and better able to reach those most at risk. "Policymakers don't just need inspiration," said Mr. Oldiges. "They need proof points, blueprints, and allies. That's what we came here to build." The three-day interregional workshop was organized by UN DESA, ECA, and ESCAP in collaboration with the government of Zambia. It brought together officials from eight countries across Africa and Asia-Pacific with a shared aim to build smarter, more resilient social protection systems that lift people sustainably, not just catch them when they fall. Distributed by APO Group on behalf of United Nations Economic Commission for Africa (ECA).
The Guardian
2 days ago
- Politics
- The Guardian
The special envoy's plan is the latest push to weaponise antisemitism, as a relentless campaign pays off
One must acknowledge the remarkably effective Jewish community organisations in Australia behind the latest antisemitism report. Collectively, with their News Ltd megaphone, they have successfully badgered the government of the day, cowed the ABC, intimidated vice-chancellors and threatened to defund arts organisations. With the ability to garner Prime Ministerial dinners, a battalion of lobbyists has gained access to editors, duchessed willingly seduced journalists keen to enjoy junkets and corralled more than 500 captains of industry to subscribe to full-page ads against antisemitism and thereby blurring political argument with prejudice and bias. It is no surprise that this relentless propaganda effort has paid off. The appointment of Jillian Segal to special envoy to combat antisemitism, routinely described as an 'eminent corporate lawyer', does not seem to bring scholarly expertise to the role. With respect one might argue that Segal's previous position as president of ECAJ, an unequivocal advocate for Israel as the Jewish homeland, should have disqualified her for the role. Numbers have been cited as evidence of an escalation of antisemitic incidents that had apparently occurred after 7 October 2023. Of course, nuance or accuracy isn't paramount in this campaign. So, 16 students at Sydney University feeling intimidated by the slogan 'from the river to the sea' was reframed as 250 complaints submitted to parliamentary inquiry. A childcare centre that was not in fact a Jewish centre was added to the list of terrifying antisemitic attacks. The individuals police believe were hired by criminals seeking a reduction in their prison sentences who allegedly placed combustible material in a caravan became a 'terrorist plot', the hooligans (still unidentified seven months later) who firebombed the Addas Israel synagogue brought out a rash of politicians to deplore the incident. This isn't a full list of incidents, and it should not be necessary to make clear that I deplore all racist attacks and that people should be free to worship, protest, identify in whichever way they choose, in our society. But we do need to insist on contextualising these antisemitic attacks: some are genuinely antisemitic, some are opportunistic byproducts of other, unrelated conflicts and some are by pro-Palestine activists. The publication of the special envoy's plan is the latest flex by the Jewish establishment. The in-house scribes have been busy: no institution, organisation or department is exempt for the latest push to weaponise antisemitism and insist on the exceptionalism of Australian Jewry. One might pause to wonder what First Nations people, who are the victims of racism every day, feel about the priority given to 120,000 well educated secure and mostly affluent individuals. The omissions are as important as the inclusions in the plan. Zionism is mentioned only once, in the section demanding the adoption of the IHRA definition. The IHRA is a contentious document, a word salad as a consequence of editing by committee; but that has not stopped Jewish representative bodies advocating for its adoption. The campaign has not been entirely successful, in significant instances actually stiffening the resolve of some to insist that antisemitism, just like all other forms of racism, is to be emphatically rejected. The plan 'requires' the adoption of the IHRA definition by all levels of government, institutions and regulatory bodies. The examples proffered plainly conflate Jewishness with the State of Israel. The plan says 'The IHRA definition is key to distinguishing legitimate criticism from hate, especially when anti-Zionism masks antisemitism'. There you have it. So antisemitism is anti-zionism and anti-zionism is antisemitism. QED. The plan is certainly guilty of overreach. The envoy wants to strengthen legislation apparently. Isn't that the role of the government of the day? Who is to be the arbiter? Who is to be the judge, for example, of universities and their report cards? Who will adjudicate 'accountability' in the media? Who will recommend defunding which artist? Should this government endorse this proposal, it will clearly be the envoy. Fortunately, a suite of laws protecting us from racism, discrimination, hate speech and incitement to violence are already deeply embedded in our civil society. No university is oblivious to these laws, no public broadcaster, no arts organisation. Educating future generations about the Holocaust has long been a priority. I hope the envoy is aware of the work done engaging thousands of school students at such institutions as the Melbourne Holocaust Museum where my own mother was the education officer for over a decade. If the envoy is concerned that school students aren't sufficiently well versed in the horrors of the Holocaust, she might take heart from such evidence as the sales of Anne Frank's diary continue unabated, in the past five years more than 55,000 copies were sold in Australia. The envoy helpfully proposes to nominate 'trusted voices' to refute antisemitic claims – yet again seeking to prescribe who speaks and which views are deemed acceptable. One hopes that media organisations are resolute against the plan's determination to monitor, oversee and 'ensure fair reporting to avoid perpetually incorrect or distorted narratives or representations of Jews'. It seems that the envoy wants to determine what is legitimate reportage. Freedom of the press is of less importance. Independent journalism that is factual and speaks the truth is lightly abandoned. Universities appear to be on notice: adopt the IHRA definition, act on it or be warned that in March 2026 a judicial inquiry will be established as the envoy demands. Cultural organisations be warned – your funding could be at risk too. There isn't a cultural organisation in the country that doesn't have well-argued codes of conduct for staff, artists and audiences – in place well before the 7 October attack to combat homophobia, racism and hate speech. Now it is proposed that a Jewish Cultural and Arts Council is to advise the Arts Minister. To privilege one ethnic community over others is deeply offensive and dangerous. The glaring absence here – a tactical move – is the question of Israel and its war on Gaza, as if antisemitism is a particular problem absent of any connection to Middle Eastern realpolitik. One oft repeated concern in the document is that younger Australians are more susceptible to antisemitism than older generations. The reason, clearly unpalatable to the authors of this document, is that younger, media literate Australians recognise the steadfastly uncritical advocacy of Israel by Australia's Jewish leadership. Young people see the death and destruction in the occupied territories and cannot avoid the blindingly obvious connection. If the actions of Israel in the past 20 months or indeed the past 75 years doesn't engender any dissent in the diaspora, it's unsurprising that critics of Israel conclude that Jews are to be condemned for their appalling myopia and lack of moral clarity. Louise Adler is a former publisher
Zawya
4 days ago
- Business
- Zawya
Zambia: Livingstone hosts drive for data-powered social protection systems
Policymakers from across Africa and Asia and the Pacific have gathered in Zambia this week to explore how data, financing and delivery models can be strengthened to make social protection systems more inclusive and resilient. The push comes as governments face growing pressure to respond to overlapping shocks, from food price spikes to tightening public budgets. Globally, nearly 2 billion people, about 47.6 per cent of the population, still lack access to any form of social protection. In Africa, the coverage is even lower, with only 19 per cent of people receiving at least one benefit. And in Zambia, where about half the population lives in multidimensional poverty, the stakes are especially high. The three-day interregional workshop, held in Livingstone from 8 to 10 July, is co-hosted by the Government of Zambia, the United Nations Department of Economic and Social Affairs (UNDESA), the Economic Commission for Africa (ECA), and the Economic and Social Commission for Asia and the Pacific (ESCAP). 'The world is not only dealing with the ongoing effects of the food, fuel, and finance crises but also facing an increasingly complex web of challenges,' said Angela Kawandami, Permanent Secretary at Zambia's Ministry of Community Development and Social Services. 'This meeting is an opportunity to reflect, to learn from each other, and to forge new partnerships.' The workshop is part of a joint initiative (2024–2027) designed to help six countries - Zambia, Senegal, Tanzania, Namibia, Cambodia and the Maldives - build more responsive and inclusive social protection systems. The project responds to growing pressure on governments to deliver better outcomes amid limited fiscal space, widening inequalities and persistent data gaps. It aims to equip policymakers with evidence-based tools, training, and peer-learning platforms to improve policy targeting and adapt to fast-evolving challenges. Opening sessions have focused on digital platforms and analytics tools that can improve targeting and delivery of services. These include the Multidimensional Poverty Index (MPI), OpenIMIS digital registries, and simulation models for adaptive financing. 'Universal social protection includes policies that bridge human capital formation, financial, and information gaps,' said Amson Sibanda, Chief of UNDESA's National Strategies and Capacity Building Branch. But for these systems to be effective, Mr Sibanda said 'they need to be grounded in solid data and delivered at scale.' One of the new tools introduced is ECA's prototype Multidimensional Poverty Dashboard. The platform links poverty statistics at the subnational level with real-time crisis indicators such as migration patterns, population shifts, and peace and security data, and is being designed to eventually interface with local-level social protection programmes. 'What we're building is a tool that goes beyond poverty averages. It connects multidimensional poverty data with real-time information on crises, from migration flows to conflict and climate shocks, and links that with what's actually happening on the ground in terms of social spending and local programmes,' said Christian Oldiges, Chief of the Social Policy Section at ECA. 'That level of integration is critical if we want social protection systems that are responsive, not just reactive,' Mr Oldiges emphasized. As discussions continue, a common thread is emerging. Countries are looking to move beyond short-term safety nets toward long-term systems that can withstand shocks and expand opportunity. In Zambia, efforts are underway to strengthen registries, improve coordination, and embed social protection within broader national development strategies. Similar challenges, from fragmented data to financing gaps, were echoed by other participating countries, including Namibia, Senegal, and Cambodia. The workshop also feeds into preparations for the Second World Summit for Social Development, to be held in Doha this November. That global meeting will take forward the newly adopted Pact for the Future, which calls for stronger, more inclusive protection systems anchored in rights and resilience. The Livingstone workshop is a valuable platform for countries to share experiences, sharpen policy tools and forge the partnerships required to deliver meaningful social protection outcomes.
Zawya
5 days ago
- Business
- Zawya
Africa: Cities deepen fiscal reform efforts to support development goals
Urban areas across Africa are growing at a remarkable pace, but many city governments are being asked to deliver more with limited fiscal space and constrained access to capital. Despite these pressures, some city administrators say they are 'seeing real progress,' as explained by James Muchiri, Deputy Governor of Nairobi City County: 'In the last financial year alone, Nairobi's local revenue rose by one billion shillings, and the year before, by nearly the same amount. ' This view is shared by Chilando Chitangala, Mayor of Lusaka, who noted that the city has long struggled with revenue leakages but is now learning how to build stronger systems - ' how to collect more effectively and manage what we collect with greater accountability. ' The two city leaders were speaking at the close of a high-level side event co-organized by the UN Economic Commission for Africa (ECA), UN-Habitat, and the United Nations Capital Development Fund (UNCDF) on the margins of the Fourth International Conference on Financing for Development (FfD4) in Seville. The session focused on how African cities can mobilize domestic resources and strengthen financial systems to support the Sustainable Development Goals and Agenda 2063. Both Nairobi and Lusaka are among six African cities participating in the DA-15 project, a joint initiative led by ECA in partnership with UN-Habitat and UNCDF. The project supports city administrations in evaluating their financial performance, identifying reform priorities, and building the tools needed to strengthen public finance at the local level. Other participating cities include Addis Ababa, Dar es Salaam, Kigali, and Yaoundé. The first phase of the project involved in-depth financial assessments across the six cities. The findings revealed significant gaps in revenue collection, expenditure management, and investment planning, but also surfaced promising areas for reform. 'By using ECA's methodology, we got a report that was independent of our own systems,' said Mr Muchiri. 'That helped surface issues we hadn't seen before, and gave us something concrete to act on.' To support implementation, ECA has also developed the Fiscal Space Performance and Monitoring Dashboard, a digital tool that enables city officials to track real-time indicators such as liquidity, solvency, and revenue collection efficiency. The dashboard is designed to strengthen transparency and support evidence-based decision-making at the local level. 'The dashboard enhances transparency, strengthens accountability, and supports smarter financial decisions,' said Hana Morsy, Deputy Executive Secretary of ECA. 'It's a practical tool city can use to stay on top of their fiscal health.' While digital tools and financial diagnostics are central to the DA-15 approach, both Nairobi and Lusaka emphasized the importance of local capacity and political will. 'We now have the skills and structure to move forward,' said Ms Chitangala. 'And we hope this knowledge can benefit other cities across Zambia as well.' 'Ultimately,' added Mr Muchiri, 'we want to reduce our dependency on central government transfers. That means we have to build strong, reliable systems that let us collect and manage our own revenue with confidence.' Ms Morsy called on national governments, development partners, and the private sector to invest not just in infrastructure, but in the financial systems and institutions that make local governance work. 'What if we stopped viewing cities as beneficiaries,' she said, 'and started empowering them as leaders?' Atkeyelsh Persson, Chief of Urbanization and Development at ECA, stressed the importance of ensuring that capacity gains are shared more widely. 'It's encouraging to see the impact being felt on the ground,' said Ms Persson. 'The capacity built through this work shouldn't stop with just Nairobi or Lusaka. It has the potential to scale across other cities in Kenya, Zambia, and beyond.' Distributed by APO Group on behalf of United Nations Economic Commission for Africa (ECA).
Mail & Guardian
05-07-2025
- Business
- Mail & Guardian
Public private partnerships can help close Africa's infrastructure deficit
There is a consensus that Africa can increase economic growth by making significant investments in connecting infrastructure. (Photo by EMMANUEL CROSET / AFP) There is a consensus that Africa can increase economic growth by making significant investments in connecting infrastructure — the physical and digital networks that connect towns, cities and countries, enabling seamless trade and data exchange. This includes transport, communication, energy, as well as water and sanitation, which are vital for the free flow of people, goods and services. When this infrastructure operates optimally it facilitates increased trade, communication, commerce and social development — critical pillars in the objectives of the African Continental Free Trade Area (AfCFTA). The Economic Commission for Africa (ECA) in 2023 stated that the Africa infrastructure deficit reduced continental economic growth by 2% annually and reduced productivity by 40%, an alarming state of affairs. To address this infrastructure deficit, the Programme for Infrastructure Development in Africa (Pida), an African Union initiative, produced the Pida Priority Action Plan (2021-2030) with the support of the United Nations. The plan has a critical list of 69 infrastructure projects to be developed in Africa for about $160 billion. Intra-Africa trade is extremely low at only 15%, compared with 68% in Europe and 59% in Asia. According to the ECA, once fully implemented, the AfCFTA aims to increase intra-Africa trade to 35% by 2040. The objective is to not only increase trade volumes but also promote economic diversification away from reliance on commodity exports towards manufacturing and value-added industries. The changes in the global trade architecture, tariff regimes, aid cancellation, shifting political alliances and elevated geopolitical tensions indicate an urgent need for Africans to increasingly rely on other Africans. This means addressing the critical infrastructure deficits and unlocking intra-African trade is the most important task facing Africa today. Financing connecting infrastructure The technical White Paper, titled Missing Connection: Unlocking Sustainable Infrastructure Financing in Africa and co-published by the Africa-Europe Foundation and African Union Development Agency – NEPAD for the Finance in Common Summit held in Cape Town, South Africa in February 2025, noted the continent needs about $150 billion annually in infrastructure investment to address the infrastructure deficit. Current investment is about $80 billion annually, of which only 40% of this financing comes from governments. About 35% of the financing is from donors and other international partners. The balance of current financing is from the private sector, whose role has taken on increased significance considering the changing donor patterns and decline in China-led financing in recent times. Creating enabling environments for private sector partners to invest in is critical for closing the significant funding gap. Public private partnerships (PPPs) are increasingly viewed as one infrastructure financing modality that should be increasingly considered by African governments. These partnerships are long-term agreements that involve the granting of specific rights to the private sector to build new infrastructure or undertake substantial renovations of existing infrastructure using private financing and at significant private sector risk. In exchange, the private sector investors are granted long-term concessions over the operations of the assets and are remunerated through user charges, government unitary payments, or a blend of the two where revenue viability gaps exist. The assets at the end of the partnership contract are transferred to the state and the state has the option to operate the assets or tender out to the private sector for another contract term. Over the last few years, there has been a huge interest from African governments in using such partnerships to fund their infrastructure deficits. The continent has a low deal flow compared to other regions of the world, but this is set to change if the right policy interventions are applied. McKinsey and Company, in an article titled Solving Africa's Infrastructure Paradox, noted that although Africa has a large pipeline of projects, for example, the Pida Priority Action Plan initiatives, but on average fewer than 10% of these receive funding. There are international funds with an appetite to invest in Africa. So why are so few deals being funded? Some of the reasons for the slow conclusion of public private partnership deals in Africa are: Feasibility studies or business plans are not undertaken in sufficient detail to assess risks or commercial viability. Inadequate enabling legislation, frameworks, and policies tailored for concluding PPP transactions efficiently. The inability of governments to issue guarantees because of weak balance sheets or challenges with credit ratings. A shortage of skilled public servants who possess the necessary experience to conclude PPP contracts. Low liquidity or highly risk averse domestic lenders, thus making foreign lenders the primary option in some markets. Currency fluctuations and other political risk factors discourage investment because of the elevated perceived risks. The African Legal Support Facility (ALSF) based at the African Development Bank undertook a study in 2024 to assess the progress in the development of public private partnership frameworks and supporting legislation. The study, titled Public Private Partnerships, Legal and Institutional Frameworks in Africa: A Comparative Analysis, produced some key findings: Out of 54 countries in Africa, 42 have enacted PPP legislation. Out of the 42 countries, 24 have civil law, 13 have common law and five have mixed legal systems. Western and Central Africa have the highest percentage of economies that have enacted specific PPP laws, with all countries in the region having laws in place, except for Equatorial Guinea and The Gambia. Eastern and Southern Africa have enacted the least specific PPP laws. Among the 12 countries that make up the Southern Africa region, four remain without a specific PPP law: Botswana, eSwatini, Lesotho and South Africa. Annual trends showed that the highest rate of enacted laws was from 2015 to 2017 with 16 laws passed over the three years. The first African country to enact a specific PPP law was Mauritius in 2004, while the most recent is the Republic of Congo in 2022. The restricted tendering method is the most common form of PPP procurement. South Africa had concluded the most public private partnership deals in Africa as of the end of 2024, raising nearly $5 billion, with Nigeria in second place. South Africa appears to have had better success in PPP deal closure because of an advanced financial market, stable economic policy, favourable legal framework and a perceived transparent procurement process according to various studies. The country uses Treasury Regulation 16 under the Public Finance Management Act for national and provincial governments and the Municipal PPP Regulation 309 under the Municipal Finance Management Act for local government. These regulations have been undergoing amendments, with Regulation 16 amendments complete and coming into effect on 1 July 2025 and Regulation 309 amendments still need finalisation. Donor agencies and development finance institutions have directed funding to support the training and institutional building of PPP capabilities in African governments. The Public Private Infrastructure Advisory Facility, a World Bank programme, has successfully implemented institution-building activities to enhance the capacity of government officials around the world. This technical assistance helps to catalyse the adoption of PPP laws, regulations and guidelines in a streamlined manner to facilitate investments. 2025 and beyond Attracting both domestic and global private sector investors to Africa is a critical part of closing the financing gap and making inroads to closing the infrastructure deficit that prevents Africa from growing at a rate fast enough to create meaningful opportunities, especially for its burgeoning youth population. One of the attractive features of PPPs is the transfer back to the state of the asset at the end of the agreement. We have seen many privatisations of state-owned enterprises, usually accompanied by opposition from political parties or civil society because of the more permanent transfers of state assets to the ownership and control of the private sector. Governments have raised debt capital in private markets or by tapping into pension funds to fund infrastructure — another at times controversial route because of perceived risks to pensioners of the funds being mismanaged. Public private partnerships are, however, not a silver bullet to the funding deficit because of the complex nature of the agreements and the real risk of African governments assuming contingent liability exposures inadvertently because of a shortage of skilled bureaucrats. It is incumbent upon our governments to develop the necessary legal frameworks and innovative de-risking mechanisms that will allow the successful conclusion of private sector investments. Dr Mthandazo Ngwenya is a managing director at Bigen Africa Group and has also served as Africa director of Intellecap Advisory Services.
