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Funding cuts ripple across Northwestern, as faculty urge no deal with Trump
Funding cuts ripple across Northwestern, as faculty urge no deal with Trump

Chicago Tribune

time04-08-2025

  • Health
  • Chicago Tribune

Funding cuts ripple across Northwestern, as faculty urge no deal with Trump

Nearly four months have passed since the Donald Trump administration abruptly froze $790 million in federal funding at Northwestern University, and the school's fragile research infrastructure has been pummeled by cuts. Portions of research and clinical trials have ground to a halt. Labs have been instructed to scrutinize every expense, from equipment to personnel. Some teams are even killing off lab mice because it's cheaper than feeding them and cleaning cages. With university President Michael Schill set to appear again before a congressional committee Tuesday, rumors of a possible deal with the White House have gripped campus. But the situation on-the-ground remains dire, according to faculty and staff. 'Let's say they unfreeze the funds. The damage is done,' said Guillermo Oliver, a professor in the Division of Nephrology and Hypertension. 'Let's be clear, this is not going to be, 'OK, back to business.'' Northwestern never received formal notification of the funding freeze in April, which came amid several federal probes into allegations of antisemitism. The Evanston-based university has been spending about $10 million a week to keep research afloat, faculty told the Tribune in June. That's led officials to pursue a string of belt-tightening measures. Last week, the university eliminated more than 400 positions, half of which were already vacant. A month earlier, officials announced changes to employees' health insurance plans and a hiring freeze. While Northwestern pays out-of-pocket for research, departments have urged scientists to crimp spending. The Feinberg School of Medicine, which receives 70% of the university's research funding, has seen the brunt of those cuts — potentially putting lifesaving work at risk, faculty say. The Oliver Lab at Feinberg studies the biological development of the lymphatic system. Each piecemeal reduction has contributed to an environment of uncertainty among its staff. As the freeze drags on, Oliver isn't sure how long he can maintain bare-bones operations. 'We were asked to cut as many costs as we could, in everything,' Oliver said. 'The stressful question is, 'When will this be over?' We have no idea.' Many Northwestern scientists, including Oliver, utilize genetically engineered mice specifically bred for lab work. But animal costs have had to be reduced, too. 'It was not mandatory,' he said. 'Nobody told us, 'You need to reduce your mouse colony by 50%.' Rather it was, 'Try to reduce as much as you can without major impact to your research.'' Infrastructure for labs and clinical trials takes time to develop, and sudden shifts in resources and personnel can jeopardize years of work. That can't be immediately reversed, researchers say. Scott Budinger, chief of pulmonary and critical care in the department of medicine, has spent more than two decades researching drugs to treat pneumonia. While his team is still able to collect vital patient samples, they've been left untouched in a freezer. 'The work on those new drug targets has virtually stopped … All of that work could be gone in several months,' Budinger said. 'If we start to lose the people and lose the expertise, you can't just step in and rebuild that work.' It's unclear how much longer Northwestern can continue to fund research without reimbursement. A university spokesperson did not respond to requests for comment. Northwestern is among the wealthiest universities in the country, with a $14.3 billion endowment. But the school's business model was built on grants: During its 2023-24 fiscal year, it received $1.05 billion in research funding. Amid the pause, the endowment and donors can only offer so much support. Endowments weren't designed to be rainy-day funds or sitting cash. A large portion of the capital is invested in hedge funds and private equity. Much of the pool is also restricted, meaning the funds are reserved by donors for specific purposes — such as scholarships or academic programs. In a typical year, most universities only draw from their year-to-year earnings at a rate of less than 5% of the total endowment. That uncertainty — coupled with perceived threats to academic freedom — has led some scientists to explore opportunities elsewhere, even outside of the U.S. Faculty members have voiced concerns that a potential exodus of researchers could undermine Northwestern's competitiveness on the global stage. It's an option weighed by Benjamin Thomson, an assistant professor of ophthalmology who said he would consider returning to his home country of Canada. 'I've done some looking at positions,' Thomson said. 'I have no immediate intention of leaving, but it's not something I would necessarily be averse to if the situation were different.' In recent weeks, several Ivy League schools have settled with the Trump administration to restore paused funding. Columbia University, for example, will pay more than $220 million to the federal government and implement several initiatives aimed at addressing antisemitism on campus. The Wall Street Journal reported that Northwestern officials were also in talks with White House. A university spokesperson declined to comment, but rumors of a deal have already rippled through campus. Northwestern's Concerned Faculty Group, which represents hundreds of members, said in a statement last week that a settlement would make the school 'complicit in an assault on institutions of higher education.' The Trump administration has leveraged federal funding to force universities to comply with its agenda, the statement said. 'This is extortion,' said Laura Beth Nielsen, a professor of sociology and member of the group. 'We need to resolve the situation, but not at the expense of academic freedom.' Meanwhile, Schill is set to appear again before the House Committee on Education and the Workforce in a transcribed interview closed to the press Tuesday. When he last appeared before the Republican-led body in May 2024, he was grilled for hours about the campus environment for Jewish students. A committee spokesperson did not directly comment on when or if the transcription might be made public. 'We all agree that if there is an antisemitism problem on campus, that the university is under an obligation to take action to stop it,' said Paul Gowder, a professor of law. 'But we also all agree that this is a pretext.' The situation has left some faculty conflicted. Many are alarmed by the prospect of yielding to federal pressure, but also recognize that an indefinite funding freeze poses serious risks. Melissa Simon, vice chair for research in the department of general obstetrics and gynecology, was one of the highest-funded Northwestern professors through the National Institutes of Health. In May, her research hub, the Center for Health Equity Transformation, was shuttered with just minutes' notice. Simon suspects Northwestern closed the lab to comply with the Trump administration's crackdown on diversity, equity and inclusion initiatives. A few weeks later, she was allowed to resume the center's research under a new name, Elevate Lab. But the whiplash has been draining. 'I'm fighting every day. It has been demoralizing and exhausting,' Simon said. 'But how much will so-called negotiation with Trump help?' Last week, Simon was forced to lay off her program assistant, Chisom Chima, her only staffer not funded by grant money. Both women were devastated. 'It's very heartbreaking, not just to lose a job, but to lose a job working with this team,' Chima said. 'Everyone has been on edge.' Next month, undergraduate students will begin to trickle back to campus. It won't be a typical academic year. When Schill announced the layoffs last week, he called the period of the freeze 'among the most difficult in our institution's 174-year history.' But the message among faculty is clear: The university is at a tipping point for research. 'I think if the freeze were reversed today, we could get things back,' Budinger said. 'I don't think it's too late yet, but time is running out.'

Northwestern University cuts over 400 jobs as campus turmoil and federal scrutiny deepen financial strain
Northwestern University cuts over 400 jobs as campus turmoil and federal scrutiny deepen financial strain

Time of India

time30-07-2025

  • Business
  • Time of India

Northwestern University cuts over 400 jobs as campus turmoil and federal scrutiny deepen financial strain

Northwestern University Northwestern University, one of the nation's most respected research institutions, has entered a period of deep institutional reckoning. On Tuesday, university leadership announced the elimination of 425 staff positions, roughly 5 percent of its workforce budget, in what they described as a necessary step toward ensuring long-term financial sustainability. This move arrives after months of public criticism, political scrutiny, and internal efforts to stabilize operations. Nearly half of the eliminated positions were already vacant; the scope of the cuts signals the gravity of the situation facing the Evanston-based university. Behind the numbers: A strained financial structure The cuts come after a series of belt-tightening measures failed to close a growing budget gap. Northwestern had previously imposed a hiring freeze, withheld annual salary increases, and revised employee benefits in an attempt to curb costs. Personnel expenses currently account for 56 percent of the university's total expenditures, making workforce reductions the most immediate and impactful option on the table. However, university officials emphasized that the issue is not confined to internal mismanagement. The broader financial picture includes rapidly rising healthcare expenses, higher litigation costs, contractual labour obligations, and projected changes in federal funding policies. Politics on campus: A catalyst for institutional strain The crisis cannot be separated from the political turbulence that has enveloped the university in recent months. In April, student demonstrators established protest encampments on campus, calling for divestment from Israel. While a deal was eventually brokered to dismantle the encampments, President Schill refused to commit to divestment, drawing criticism from both sides of the political spectrum. This episode contributed to heightened federal attention. The university has since been accused of failing to adequately respond to incidents of alleged antisemitic harassment and discrimination. Investigations launched by the Trump administration further intensified pressure on the institution, ultimately resulting in the freezing of nearly $800 million in federal research funds. The funding freeze: Symptom or cause? Although the loss of access to federal research funding has significantly strained the university's budget, Northwestern's leadership insists the job cuts were not a direct consequence of the freeze. Instead, they framed the decision as part of a broader recalibration in response to mounting fiscal and political stressors. Officials pointed to looming threats from Washington, including potential reductions in federal reimbursements for research infrastructure and proposed constraints on international student enrollment, both of which could significantly impact Northwestern's bottom line. Implications for the higher education sector Northwestern's decision to implement large-scale staff cuts underscores a new reality facing even the most well-resourced institutions. With a multibillion-dollar endowment and a reputation for academic excellence, the university was long viewed as insulated from the kinds of budget crises that plague smaller colleges. That perception is now being challenged. Across the country, universities are confronting political polarization, legal battles, and shifting government priorities. As federal oversight tightens and public scrutiny intensifies, many institutions may find themselves having to make similarly difficult choices, regardless of their financial reserves or academic rankings. What lies ahead for Northwestern In the coming months, Northwestern will face the dual task of rebuilding internal trust and navigating external pressures. For hundreds of employees, the job cuts represent not just a financial decision but a personal and professional upheaval. For students and faculty, they raise difficult questions about the university's priorities and its ability to protect its academic mission under strain. What remains clear is that the convergence of protest politics, financial instability, and federal intervention is reshaping the governance of higher education. Northwestern's current chapter may serve as a warning, or perhaps a blueprint, for what lies ahead at other American universities caught in the crosscurrents of ideological conflict and economic uncertainty. Ready to navigate global policies? Secure your overseas future. Get expert guidance now!

East Dundee president says Haeger proposal too dense, has ‘Section 8' rents
East Dundee president says Haeger proposal too dense, has ‘Section 8' rents

Chicago Tribune

time11-07-2025

  • Business
  • Chicago Tribune

East Dundee president says Haeger proposal too dense, has ‘Section 8' rents

East Dundee Village President Dan Pearson says he agrees with residents who oppose using the former Haeger Potteries property for affordable rental units, saying the project is too dense and some of the proposed rents akin to 'Section 8 housing.' In the wake of more than 50 people protesting the project proposed by Brinshore Development at a public hearing this past week, Pearson said the East Dundee Village Board needs to evaluate how it wants to proceed. 'We're trying to get this right,' he said. 'I don't want to rush through this. We're going to take our time. If Brinshore can work with us, great. If not, we will look at other options.' The village last year purchased the Haeger property, which sits on seven acres at 7 Maiden Lane, for $600,000 with an eye toward redevelopment. It has been vacant since the company closed in May 2016 after 145 years in business. A 'request for proposals' was put out to solicit developer projects for the site that would be in line with the village's vision, which includes creating housing, public green space, a riverfront park and a place that will attract more residents within walking distance of downtown businesses. The developer who wins the contract will purchase the property from the village for $1. Evanston-based Brinshore was selected to submit a more detailed plan, and its first proposal called for 136 apartments to be housed in two four-story apartment buildings as well as 30 townhomes, a riverfront park, outdoor plaza and River Street cul-de-sac. Directed to scale back the density, Brinshore returned with three options. The first two provided a choice of 119 or 105 apartments and the third would eliminate apartments in favor of 89 townhomes. The development is currently estimated to cost about $76.3 million. But Pearson said neighbors 'don't want the density, which is about 100 units, because they figure it's another 200 or 300 cars on the roads,' which is a criticism with which he agrees. 'I'm in favor of single-family homes and even townhomes,' Pearson said. Another sticking point for residents is that 30% of the proposed apartments would be earmarked for low-income renters, meaning the monthly leasing amount would be $675 for a one-bedroom unit, $810 for two bedrooms and $935 for three, according to information provided by Brinshore. Another 60% would be reserved for people with an annual income of between $54,000 and $74,820 and the rest rented at market rate amounts. Pearson said the lowest rents are called 'workforce rates,' but it is basically government-subsidized Section 8 housing. 'In my opinion, Section 8 can put more of a drain on our resources as far as police and fire,' Pearson said. Brinshore has been working hard, he said, 'but my feeling hasn't changed on this whole property. I don't want high density and I also don't want Section 8 housing, especially in that area.' Because there's no timetable or rush for a final decision and there are other options to consider, Pearson said. One would be for the village to pay for the site to be cleared of buildings and then wait until the development market improves, he said. City staff is exploring how much that would cost the village, he said. The problem with the scenario, however, is that lead, asbestos and contaminated water and soil must be removed and more testing is needed to determine the full extent of remediation, according to village documents. The estimated cost of cleanup could be between $3.2 million and $5.2 million. Howard Schock, an East Dundee resident and former board trustee and Planning, Zoning and Historic Commission member, attended the public hearing. He said not only is the project too dense for the site, it doesn't fit in with the neighborhood and would be home to people who don't have a lot of expendable cash. 'If they don't have money for rent, will they have money to put back into the village at festivals and things like that?' he said. 'You want to put something there, then make it single-family homes and make it blend in with the rest of the neighborhood.'

Glenview starts composting, joining Glencoe, Skokie, Northbrook, Evanston with programs
Glenview starts composting, joining Glencoe, Skokie, Northbrook, Evanston with programs

Chicago Tribune

time30-06-2025

  • General
  • Chicago Tribune

Glenview starts composting, joining Glencoe, Skokie, Northbrook, Evanston with programs

This summer, residents of Glenview will be able to drop off more than borrowed books at their public library. Beginning July 8, green bins accepting kitchen food scraps for compost will be available at the Glenview Public Library, 1930 Glenview Rd., as part of a free summer pilot program from the local community environmental group, Greener Glenview, to keep food waste out of landfills and encourage the practice of composting. Drop-off bins will also be available at the Glenview Public Works Department, 2498 E. Lake Ave. The project is made possible through a partnership between Greener Glenview and Evanston-based Collective Resource Compost Cooperative, with funding from the Judy Beck Grant program. Residents can bring food scraps to either collection site and place them in one of the designated bins, explained Mary Munday, co-founder of Greener Glenview, during a June 16 informational meeting that drew a crowd of approximately 50 people to the Glenview Library. All food waste, including fruits, vegetables, peels, meat, fish, grains, bones and snacks can be deposited in the bins, which will be collected weekly — or as needed — by the Collective Resource Compost Cooperative, Munday said. 'Basically anything that you scrape off your cutting board or off your plate or remove from your crisper that didn't get eaten … can go into these bins,' she said. A panel of four composting experts addressed the group to share the benefits of composting on soils and of keeping food waste out of landfills to reduce production of methane, a greenhouse gas. The panel included Amy Bartucci of the Illinois Food Scrap and Composting Coalition, Mary Beth Schaye of Collective Resource Compost Cooperative, Mike Ellis of the Mulch Center, and Jeff Green, a Glenview resident and composter. Though not required, residents are encouraged to register at in order to receive additional guidelines and updates about the pilot program, which is slated to last three months. Upon its completion, Greener Glenview will prepare a report for the Village Board on the participation level, said Munday, who anticipates it will be high. 'Next year, the village will renegotiate the waste hauling contract, so we will indicate that, with the success of our program, they should have more robust composting services in the next contract,' she said. This could include having a village-subsidized drop-off program similar to Greener Glenview's pilot project, or a village contract with a waste hauler that provides regular curbside composting, Munday suggested. Currently, residents can pay $21 per month to enroll in Groot's seasonal composting program, which allows them to dispose of food scraps and yard waste in a 95-gallon curbside cart. This is also a pilot program that began in April and will run through November. More information is available at Residents can also contract with their own residential food waste pick-up and compost service, like Collective Resource Compost Cooperative. Greener Glenview's pilot project is similar to larger drop-off programs available in Skokie and Winnetka. Today, there are 12 sites across the village of Skokie where residents can dispose of food waste for composting, and six sites around Winnetka. Recently, the city of Park Ridge added drop-off sites for compostable materials near its two commuter train stations. Communities like Glencoe, Evanston and Northbrook have arrangements that offer curbside collection services for residents. This May, all Northbrook residents began receiving a compost cart for year-round food waste disposal. Skokie resident Julie Ann Carroll, who attended the informational meeting in Glenview, said she collects food scraps in a container she keeps on her counter and uses them to make her own compost for her garden. 'It's so easy,' she said. 'There are also compost bins in the big community gardens [in Skokie] and it makes me happy to see that.' Glenview resident Ann Yoshida, who also attended the meeting, said she plans to participate in Greener Glenview's food scraps drop-off. 'It's something tangible you can do,' she noted.

Illinois allows kids as young as 10 to be put in detention. A bill before the state House could change that
Illinois allows kids as young as 10 to be put in detention. A bill before the state House could change that

American Military News

time27-04-2025

  • Politics
  • American Military News

Illinois allows kids as young as 10 to be put in detention. A bill before the state House could change that

In more than two decades as a juvenile probation officer in downstate Clinton County, Carla Stalnaker said barely a handful of children younger than 12 have found themselves in her office. And only a small number of those were put in a detention center. But the juvenile justice veteran thinks it's time to phase out that option. 'The old scared-straight thing … that doesn't work,' Stalnaker said. 'They want help. They're not hard and bitter about the system yet.' Illinois doesn't allow children under 10 to be held in detention facilities. But last year, there were about a dozen admissions of children under 12 and more than 60 of children who were 12 years old, according to data from the Illinois Juvenile Justice Commission. Cases like those are the subject of a bill that was passed in the state Senate last week that, if approved by the House and signed by Gov. JB Pritzker, would essentially ban the detention of kids 12 and under, with some exceptions for 12-year-olds accused of certain violent crimes. The bill would do away with an option for youthful offenders that a report from the state's Juvenile Justice Commission described as 'potentially life-altering' and disproportionately detrimental to Black children. Advocates argue detention can add to trauma for children who in many cases have already experienced problems before they ever get into trouble with law enforcement, adding to risk factors that may lead them to act out again. Beyond that, younger children can be exposed to danger or negative influences from older teenagers in detention, or face potential issues from isolation if they're sequestered away for their own protection, said Patrick Keenan-Devlin, executive director at the Moran Center for Youth Advocacy. But opponents say the change would place the onus for overseeing troubled young kids on an already overburdened social services infrastructure. The Illinois Sheriffs' Association opposes the change and its executive director, Jim Kaitschuk, questioned whether there are sufficient alternatives available to what is essentially jail for 10- or 11-year-olds accused of violent crimes. 'Who's gonna take them?' Kaitschuk asked, pointing as an example to the difficulty the state's Department of Children and Family Services has in finding placements for hundreds of children in its care. 'That's the rub, right out of the gate.' The bill came together as an agreement between the Juvenile Justice Initiative, an Evanston-based advocacy group, and the Illinois Probation and Court Services Association, a professional organization that Stalnaker leads. The legislation also is backed by the state Department of Juvenile Justice, spokesperson Dominique Newman said. In addition to raising the age that kids can be detained from 10 to 12, starting in mid-2027 the bill would also raise the standard for 12-year-olds to be detained to those accused of specific violent crimes including first-degree murder, aggravated criminal sexual assault, some instances of battery involving guns and aggravated carjacking. The bill also would allow the Juvenile Justice Commission to study the possibility of further raising the minimum age to 14 and make recommendations on services that can be used as alternatives to detention. Detention for any amount of time can be detrimental to juveniles, and the youngest ones are in an especially critical period, said Sara Thomas, a research assistant professor at Northwestern University Feinberg School of Medicine who studies adolescent development. Juveniles incarcerated for any amount of time on average only achieved five out of eight measures of basic success in a recently published yearslong study co-led by Thomas, including in areas such as earning a high school degree, holding a job and maintaining a social support system. Those outcomes generally got worse the longer a person was incarcerated, even among those who started with similar risk factors, she said. The study focused on more than 1,800 youths sampled at intake at the Cook County Juvenile Temporary Detention Center in the 1990s, and it didn't differentiate between different ages of detained youth. 'Adolescents and especially younger adolescents' brains are so uniquely sensitive to their social environments, and incarceration during that period of time is profoundly disruptive to their development,' Thomas said in an interview. 'It sets kids up to have long-term consequences that follow them into adulthood.' And at the youngest ages that are the subject of the pending legislation, a disproportionate number of Black children are detained, the Juvenile Justice Commission found in its 2021 report on the issue. While about 15% of children statewide are Black, they made up more than two-thirds of detention admissions for 10- to 12-year-olds in 2019, the report said. Still, the bill that would end detention for that age group has faced opposition from people who say social services that could be used as alternatives are strained or unsuitable for some children. Law enforcement doesn't 'overutilize' its ability to detain children, and taking the option off the table could put other children in the community in danger, Kaitschuk of the sheriff's association said in an interview. 'I'm not pleading with you to say I want to lock up all these kids. I don't,' Kaitschuk said. 'I want services available to them.' The Senate passed the bill 33-17 with two Republicans voting in favor and a handful of lawmakers sitting it out. If it's brought to a roll call in the House, it likely will follow a vote that saw moderate Democrats defeating a measure related to resentencing reform last week. During the Senate floor debate, Republican state Sen. Steve McClure of Litchfield said he feared the detention bill would result in more kids diverted into DCFS, which 'could be more detrimental than a few hours of detention.' While DCFS can be a possible placement for juveniles diverted from detention in cases of abuse or neglect, there are other alternatives depending on the child's situation and the severity of the alleged crime. Those could include sending the child back home or to a relative's house to cool off, Elizabeth Clarke of the Juvenile Justice Initiative said. Others are referred to counseling or crisis and mental health services. The bill, sponsored by state Sen. Robert Peters of Chicago, directs probation and court services to share any instances where alternatives 'failed or were lacking.' In rural Clinton County, even crisis services can take a long time to arrive, Stalnaker said. Her assessment is in line with the Juvenile Justice Commission's 2021 report, which found gaps in emergency placements for kids outside of Cook County. Still, Stalnaker said she is backing the bill as it provides a path to support those services as an alternative to detention. Along with another Senate bill passed this year to create a reform task force within the Juvenile Justice Commission, Clarke said the legislation creates an opportunity to 'frontload the system' with alternatives to detention that could keep kids from repeatedly committing crimes into adulthood. Chicago has seen a smattering of very young kids accused of violent crimes, with several cases seared into the city's memory. In 1994, Robert 'Yummy' Sandifer was a 4-foot-6-inches tall 11-year-old on the run after allegedly killing his 14-year-old neighbor when he was killed by two fellow gang members, who themselves were only 14 and 16. Just a few years later, police wrongly accused two boys, ages 7 and 8, of killing 11-year-old Ryan Harris before the charges were dropped. Since they were too young to be placed in detention at the time they were accused, the boys spent three days in a hospital before being sent home with custom-fitted monitoring bracelets. One of the boys exonerated in that case, Romarr Gipson, was later sentenced to 52 years in prison for a 2006 double shooting when he was 21. Those cases, while memorable, are rare. According to the 2021 report from the Juvenile Justice Commission, the most common charge against preteens locked up from 2017 to 2020 was aggravated battery — also a violent crime, but a broad charge that covers a range of alleged actions. In total, there were 77 admissions of children ages 10-12 placed in detention last year, including only one instance of a 10-year-old and 12 instances involving 11-year-olds, according to the Juvenile Justice Commission. Cook County saw 20 instances total, all but one involving a 12-year-old. 'I've been to the Cook County Juvenile Temporary Detention Center so many times I couldn't even count,' Keenan-Devlin added. 'The image of my 10-year-old in that facility should shock the conscience.' As someone with experience in the the Juvenile Temporary Detention Center, Eric Anderson is in favor of raising the limit on who can be put there. At 15, he opened fire trying to hit a gang rival and instead shot two 13-year-old girls in a double murder that made headlines in the mid-1990s. He was charged as an adult and sentenced to life in prison. He spent months at the Cook County Juvenile Temporary Detention Center before he was sentenced as an adult. His earliest experiences with detention 'set the stage for what is a lifelong battle' in building relationships and finding acceptance with others, he said. Now in his 40s, Anderson, released in 2023 after being resentenced, works at Precious Blood Ministry of Reconciliation on the South Side. 'Children need the safety of caregivers who are trusted,' Anderson said. 'To cry to, or to express their hurts or their fears to. And in a detention center, there is none of that. Not for children or for anybody else.' The bill would not change any policies for people detained at 15, as Anderson was. But he said he supports limiting the possibilities for younger kids. 'To do that to an 11-year-old or a 12-year-old is fundamentally harmful,' he said. Peters, the bill's sponsor, said part of his backing of the bill comes from his own personal experience as a kid who 'acted out.' 'I was very lucky,' he said, 'and I don't think we should have luck play such an active role.' ___ © 2025 Chicago Tribune. Distributed by Tribune Content Agency, LLC.

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