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The Hindu
18-05-2025
- Politics
- The Hindu
A caste census is not a silver bullet for social justice
Census data have long been the backbone of public policymaking in India, offering critical insights into sectors such as health, education, employment and housing. In this context, the Narendra Modi government's recent announcement to include caste enumeration in the upcoming national Census has drawn considerable attention. For many, it represents a long-overdue move toward collecting substantive statistical data that are necessary to better address the needs of the Other Backward Classes (OBCs). However, the disproportionate emphasis placed on the caste census raises concerns about the intent and the commitment of the ruling dispensation. It suggests that the formulation of welfare policies for marginalised communities has been unjustifiably deferred under the pretext of awaiting more precise data. The merit of caste census Proponents of a caste census argue that it will provide empirical grounding to assess the socio-economic status of various caste groups, particularly the OBCs. They believe that this data will enable more targeted affirmative action and help the state legitimise welfare programmes in the eyes of the judiciary, which has sometimes questioned the reliability of surveys and commission reports. Additionally, disaggregated data within the OBC category could help identify intra-group socio-economic inequalities, thereby informing new policies for the Extremely Backward Classes (EBCs) within the OBCs. While these arguments are not without merit, they risk overstating what a caste census can achieve on its own. Caste enumeration should certainly be a regular institutional practice in a diverse society such as India. But to elevate the Census data as a precondition for social and economic justice or as the central document for policymaking is a flawed and potentially dangerous misreading of its purpose. The Registrar General of India's role is to collect and present neutral, factual data and not to direct the government to design social welfare policies. Elevating the Census into a tool for political reform burdens the institution beyond its mandate and risks politicising its work. It is vital to maintain the objectivity of Census operations, especially in a polarised political environment. Importantly, it is the responsibility of the ruling political elites to have public policies for the welfare of vulnerable social groups, based on the available sources of information and empirical evidence. Empirical evidence More crucially, policies for social justice have historically not waited for perfect data. Landmark initiatives such as reservations, land reforms, and the implementation of the Mandal Commission's recommendations were driven not by statistical revelations but by political struggle, mass mobilisation, and the moral commitment of the ruling political class. Public policy in India is often shaped more by electoral strategies, ideological inclinations, and public pressure than by spreadsheets or survey graphs. For example, the Modi government's decision to implement the reservation policy for the Economically Weaker Sections (EWS) was not based on any substantive statistical data or commission report. Instead it only shows that the ruling dispensation has an authoritative power to execute such policy. Moreover, extensive data about caste-based inequality already exists. Since Independence, Scheduled Castes (SCs) and Scheduled Tribes (STs) have been part of the decennial Census. But Census and complementary national surveys (such as the National Sample Survey Organization/Office, National Family Health Survey) continue to highlight their persistent educational, economic, and social disadvantages. The National Crime Records Bureau has documented a consistent rise in crimes against these communities — from sexual violence to atrocities under the SC/ST (Prevention of Atrocities) Act. Likewise, the Bihar Caste Survey and the earlier Socio-Economic and Caste Census (SECC) have laid bare the deep economic vulnerabilities and heterogeneity within the OBC category. These reports show that a vast majority of OBCs remain stuck in informal, insecure, low-income employment, with little to no social security or opportunity for mobility. Despite this abundance of data, the central government has yet to implement bold or transformative policy reforms. For OBCs in particular, there remains a conspicuous policy vacuum at the national level. Importantly, multiple academic researches and reports have demonstrated that in influential sectors of private economy (corporates, the IT industry, and media houses) the representation of SCs/STs and OBCs is marginal. However, no substantial measures have been taken to increase their representation in such institutions of power and privileges. Also, they lack participation in state-run institutions especially in higher education, the judiciary and the top bureaucracy. Social justice needs robust political will Available empirical evidence using various surveys, reports and research highlights a fundamental truth — that data does not necessarily drive public policy. Instead, it is the intent of the governing class and people's democratic pressure that crafts public policy. A caste census may help sharpen the diagnosis, but it cannot administer the cure. Data is only the map; it cannot chart the journey by itself. If India is to move toward a more just and inclusive future, the focus must remain on the moral and political imagination of its ruling class. Without political will, empirical evidence remains inert. The real test of the current national government lies not in collecting information on caste-based socio-economic stratification, but in executing effective policy measures, with courage and commitment, for the welfare of the worst-off social groups. Harish S. Wankhede is Assistant Professor, Centre for Political Studies, School of Social Sciences, Jawaharlal Nehru University, New Delhi
Time of India
15-05-2025
- General
- Time of India
Buxar DM orders completion of work on BC & EBC girls' school by June 30
Buxar: Anshul Agarwal on Thursday directed the assistant engineer of the building division in to ensure that the construction of the campus of a 520-bed Backward Classes (BC) and Extremely Backward Classes (EBC) Girls' Residential +2 High School at Adfa is completed by June 30. Tired of too many ads? go ad free now The DM further ordered the engineer to complete the work on the administrative building and one hostel at least, besides procuring all equipment such as benches and desks by May 31, and ensure that it be handed over to the district BC and EBC welfare officer. During an inspection of the school campus under construction, the DM found the work to be slow, and instructed the assistant engineer to deduct the contractor's fee in proportion to the delay. The district BC and EBC welfare officer and Dumraon subdivisional officer were directed to regularly inspect the construction and monitor its progress. The school, being built under the aegis of BC and EBC welfare department at a cost of over Rs 47 crore, will impart education from Class VI to XII on the lines of a residential school. Housing, food and other facilities will be provided by the govt. The amount for uniforms and books will be given to the girls through DBT, said Buxar DM. Currently, the school is operating from the Extremely Backward Residential Girls' Hostel of Mahadah in Buxar, and only classes from Class VI to IX are held. During the inspection, Buxar DDC Mahendra Pal was also present.
Indian Express
14-05-2025
- Politics
- Indian Express
Rahul Gandhi to step up outreach to Bihar backward, Dalit students: Interaction to film
Senior Congress leader Rahul Gandhi will interact with over 2,000 students belonging to the Other Backward Classes (OBCs), Extremely Backward Classes (EBCs), Scheduled Castes (SCs), and minority communities on Thursday at the Ambedkar hostel in Darbhanga in Bihar. Launching the Congress's Shiksha Nyay Samvad (Discussion on Justice in Education) campaign, Gandhi will also watch Phule – the recently-released Hindi film on social reformers Jyotirao Phule and Savitribai Phule – along with the students from these communities at a theatre in Patna. Bihar is slated for the high-stakes Assembly elections in October-November this year. Since February, Gandhi has been visiting Bihar at least once a month and has attended three Samvidhan Bachao (Save the Constitution) functions in Patna so far. These events have been held by the Congress to take forward its narrative of the BJP's alleged assault on the Constitution. This was also part of the Opposition INDIA alliance's campaign in the 2024 Lok Sabha elections, which had gained traction among a section of the marginalised communities. In these events, Gandhi has spoken about the discrimination and under-representation of the backward classes and vulnerable groups. He has also been demanding a nationwide caste census, pitching it as a crucial exercise for social justice and the 'foundation of future policy-making'. Now that the BJP-led Centre has announced the enumeration of castes alongside other categories in the forthcoming population Census, all eyes will be on how Gandhi will frame the issue in Bihar — the state that first conducted a caste survey in 2022-23. Congress leaders say that in addition to claiming credit for the Centre's caste census proposal, Gandhi would again demand the removal of the 50% cap on reservations. The 50% ceiling was stipulated by the Supreme Court in its landmark 1992 judgment in Indra Sawhney vs Union of India case. In June 2024, the Patna High Court set aside notifications by the Bihar government to increase the reservation in government jobs and educational institutions from 50% to 65%. Giving details about Gandhi's Thursday programme in Bihar, Congress spokesperson Gyan Ranjan Gupta told The Indian Express: 'About 2,000 students, from classes 11 and 12 to undergraduate courses, would gather at Ambedkar hostel of Darbhanga for live interaction with Rahul Gandhi. The Congress leader would listen to students' problems and would respond to them.' Gupta said Gandhi will take up the issue of 'the Centre delaying several scholarships for OBC, EBC, Dalit and minority students'. The Congress has alleged that the post-matric scholarship schemes for Dalits, which include free admission in higher educational or professional courses with fee waiver, are not being properly implemented in the state. 'Our party wants to engage students and tell them about their rights. Our leader Rahul Gandhi might also discuss poor implementation of Right to Education Act provisions, especially by private schools and the need for better educational infrastructure including construction of more residential schools,' said the Congress spokesperson. Since the Congress lost power in Bihar in 1990, the party has been on a downhill in the state. In the 2000 Assembly polls, the party's vote share dipped to 11.06 per cent, Five years later, it further dipped to 6.1% votes and nine seats. In the 2010 Assembly polls, when Chief Minister Nitish Kumar's popularity was at its peak, the Congress managed 8.4% votes but could win only four seats — its lowest tally in Bihar till that point. In the following polls in 2015, the Congress's fortunes revived slightly as part of alliance with the Rashtriya Janata Dal (RJD), its senior partner. The Congress got 6.8% votes, but won 27 seats. In the 2020 polls, the Congress got 9.6% votes and bagged 19 seats. Barring the 2010 polls, the Congress has been an ally of the RJD since 2005. To expand it base in Bihar, the Congress is attempting to broaden its outreach among the EBCs and Dalits in particular. The party recently replaced Bihar Congress president Akhilesh Prasad Singh, an upper caste leader, with Dalit leader Rajesh Kumar as the state party unit chief. This move was aimed at giving 'fair representation' to non-upper caste leaders in its organisation. Santosh Singh is a Senior Assistant Editor with The Indian Express since June 2008. He covers Bihar with main focus on politics, society and governance. Investigative and explanatory stories are also his forte. Singh has 25 years of experience in print journalism covering Bihar, Delhi, Madhya Pradesh and Karnataka. ... Read More
Time of India
30-04-2025
- Politics
- Time of India
Not who but what
GOI has joined the caste count brigade. The politics is clear, economic usefulness isn't The Centre's decision to include caste enumeration in the next Census is not unexpected – it had already signalled its willingness last Sept. Opposition bloc had drummed up its demand ahead of Lok Sabha 2024 elections. Caste is at the heart of India's politics. And there's no doubt that enumerating caste as part of the Census will help with accurate information – size, literacy levels, occupational structures. It will immediately be visible if a caste is denied basic facilities and infra. But what will be done with all that knowledge? BJP ally Nitish Kumar's survey of caste in Bihar – where elections will be held later his year – was released in Oct 2023. It found 63% of the state's 13cr population belonged to castes listed under Extremely Backward Classes (EBC) and OBC categories. Question is: How has Nitish Kumar's govt used its survey for targeted interventions in the two years since release of the data? Further, caste sizes will always remain a hot potato. It's what Karnataka CM Siddaramaiah is grappling with – political accusations from both Congress and BJP that the data is 'inaccurate'. Caste enumeration is of little use if the outcome is limited to power politics. Truth is, govts have limited capacity to wholesale improve socio-economic inequalities. Caste numbers are most likely to spur agitations for more quotas in the name of affirmative action – all that govts can seemingly do. To pull people out of economic backwardness demands investment, meaningful & relevant education and training & good jobs for youth. Without these pillars, for which govts act as enablers, no matter how much the data collected and collated, it's status quo for those discriminated against and forced to remain socially backward. Fundamental to progress is availability and access to justice, law & order, education, health and mobility. A caste census is not essential to ensure this. Further, fears that a caste census can be an 'identity trap' must be dealt with – perhaps the enumeration should include a column 'no caste'. And now the big question: when will the Census be held? The cabinet briefing didn't indicate a time. Numbers far more vital to policymaking than caste count need serious updating. Facebook Twitter Linkedin Email This piece appeared as an editorial opinion in the print edition of The Times of India.
News18
30-04-2025
- Politics
- News18
Caste Data In Centre's Census: How Is It Different From State Surveys? How Will It Help?
Last Updated: Ashwini Vaishnaw said, "To ensure that our social fabric is not disturbed by politics, caste enumeration should be included in the census instead of surveys." Union Minister Ashwini Vaishnaw on Wednesday announced the Centre's decision to include caste data in the forthcoming census. The decision was taken at the meeting of the Central Committee on Political Affairs (CCPA) chaired by Prime Minister Narendra Modi earlier today. 'Some states have conducted surveys to enumerate castes. While some states have done this well, some others conducted such surveys only from a political angle in a non-transparent way. To ensure that our social fabric is not disturbed by politics, caste enumeration should be included in the census instead of surveys," said Vaishnaw. Caste census was one of the key planks of the Opposition's Indian National Developmental Inclusive Alliance (INDIA) bloc going for the 2024 Lok Sabha elections. In 2022, Bihar, then under the INDIA, became the first state in independent India to successfully enumerate all castes. Following Bihar's suit, Congress-ruled Karnataka and Telangana have also undertaken the caste census. The Congress on Wednesday claimed credit for the central government's decision to include a caste survey in the upcoming population census, stating that it has long been a demand of the party. WHAT IS CASTE CENSUS? Political Mobilisation: Parties aim to attract specific caste groups and rely on data to justify their demands for representation or reservations. Equity and Justice: Advocates believe that knowing the real socio-economic conditions of various castes, especially OBCs and Extremely Backward Classes (EBCs), is crucial to achieve equality. CASTE CENSUS BY CENTRE VS CASTE SURVEYS BY STAES The Caste Census by the Centre and Caste Surveys by States differ primarily in authority, scope, legal backing, and political implications. Here's a clear comparison: Centre's Caste Census A caste census at the national level by the Central Government will be conducted specifically through the Office of the Registrar General and Census Commissioner under the Ministry of Home Affairs, and governed by the Census Act, 1948. It will have a strong legal backing and will be applicable across the entire country. A central caste census will offer a uniform and comprehensive dataset across states. The Centre's census is legally binding and nationally standardised. The caste census has significant legal and political implications, as it would likely influence nationwide reservation policies, welfare programs, and social justice measures. Being conducted under a central law, it will be recognised for policy formulation at the Union level. State Caste Surveys Caste surveys conducted by state governments are carried out using state administrative machinery and are limited in scope to that specific state. State-led surveys function as administrative exercises to guide regional policymaking. State caste surveys vary in terms of methodology, detail, and accuracy, depending on the resources and priorities of the individual state. These surveys aim to capture detailed caste data within a single state, as seen recently in Bihar and Karnataka, but their findings are not standardised or comparable across states. State caste surveys, while influential within a state, may face legal challenges regarding their jurisdiction or methodology. THE WORRY Critics claim it might reinforce caste identities and deepen societal divisions. Some worry it could lead to demands for expanding reservations, potentially disrupting existing social balances. There is also concern over the accuracy and politicization of such data. CASTE SURVEYS BY STATES In recent years, states such as Bihar and Karnataka have conducted their own caste surveys. BIHAR CASTE SURVEY FINDINGS The Bihar government released the data of the caste-based survey in 2023, what many said with an eye on the 2024 Lok Sabha elections. As per the caste survey report, among the total population size of 13,07,25,310, Bihar has 63 per cent people in Other Backward Class (OBC) and Extremely Backward Classes (EBC) category. The survey data has found Scheduled Caste (SC) constitute over 19 per cent of the state's population, while 1 per cent people are falling under Scheduled Tribes (ST). As per the report, OBC stood at 27.12%, EBC 36.01%, SC: 19.65%, ST: 1.68%, unreserved: 15.52%. The male to female ratio is 1000:953. आज गांधी जयंती के शुभ अवसर पर बिहार में कराई गई जाति आधारित गणना के आंकड़े प्रकाशित कर दिए गए हैं। जाति आधारित गणना के कार्य में लगी हुई पूरी टीम को बहुत-बहुत बधाई !जाति आधारित गणना के लिए सर्वसम्मति से विधानमंडल में प्रस्ताव पारित किया गया था।… — Nitish Kumar (@NitishKumar) October 2, 2023 KARNATAKA CASTE SURVEY DATA In a recently approved report from the state cabinet, it has been revealed that during the Socio-Economic and Education Survey conducted in Karnataka in 2015, approximately 2 lakh people stated that they did not know their caste name. This census took place during the first tenure of Chief Minister Siddaramaiah (2013-2018). Furthermore, 1,34,000 people reported having no caste, while 1,94,000 individuals were unaware of their caste name. According to a PTI report, the caste census presented to the Karnataka cabinet has suggested increasing the reservation for Backward Communities from the current 32 per cent to 51 per cent. According to government sources, the Socio-Economic and Educational Survey, commonly referred to as the caste census, also indicated that the BC population constitutes 70 per cent. The report recommended that 51 per cent of reservations be allocated to BCs in state educational institutions. The report was submitted to CM Siddaramaiah on February 29, 2024, by the Karnataka State Commission for Backward Classes (KSCBC) under Chairman K Jayaprakash Hegde. Dominant communities such as the Lingayats and Vokkaligas have expressed concerns over the survey's methodology and findings, fearing that the data may not accurately reflect their population sizes. Siddaramaiah has indicated that the government intends to accept the report but has not specified when it will be made public. TELANGANA CASTE SURVEY Telangana conducted the Socio-Economic, Education, Employment, and Political Caste Survey 2024 from November 6 to early December 2024. The final report was submitted to the Cabinet Sub-Committee on February 2, 2025. Subsequently, on February 4, 2025, the report was presented in the Telangana Legislative Assembly. The findings revealed that Backward Classes (BCs) constitute 56.33% of the state's population. Backward classes constitute up to 56.33% of the Telangana population, making the largest chunk in the state, according to the caste survey report. According to the report, Scheduled Castes (SC) account for 17.43% of the total population while Scheduled Tribes (ST) are 10.45% in the state. There are 15.79% Other Castes (OC) in Telangana, The Indian Express reported. The survey report has been tabled before a Cabinet sub-committee and will be presented before the Cabinet on February 4, followed by a discussion on the survey in the Assembly on the same day. As per the report, the population of Backward Classes (BC) in the state is 1,99,85,767, which also includes 35,76,588 Backward Classes Muslims, while the SC population stands at 61,84,319 and ST numbers are at 37,05,929. WHEN IS INDIA'S NEXT CENSUS? India conducts its official population census every 10 years—a process known as the decennial census. It is one of the largest administrative exercises in the world, covering every household in the country. The last census was conducted in 2011. The next was scheduled originally in 2021. However, it was deferred due to the COVID-19 pandemic and subsequent logistical challenges. The next census is expected to begin in early 2025, with the data collection expected to go on till 2026. Usually, the census is conducted in two phases: House-listing and housing census and population enumeration. It collects data on age, gender, literacy, religion, occupation, migration, etc. Caste data, apart from SCs and STs, has not been collected since 1931 in the national census. Based on the vision and direction ofShri @RahulGandhi Ji who first demanded a nation-wide Caste Census during his historic #BharatJodoYatra Telangana is the first State to conduct caste survey last was the first in Independent #India, the last one being in 1931 by… — Revanth Reddy (@revanth_anumula) April 30, 2025 CAN ALL BACKWARD CLASSES GET RESERVATION? top videos View all As per a Supreme Court ruling in 1992, reservations for the backward class in government jobs and educational institutions cannot be more than 50 per cent. The 50 per cent ceiling on reservations in jobs and educational institutions was endorsed by the Supreme Court in the Indra Sawhney vs. Union of India case in 1992. Get Latest Updates on Movies, Breaking News On India, World, Live Cricket Scores, And Stock Market Updates. Also Download the News18 App to stay updated! tags : Ashwini Vaishnaw caste census news18 specials Location : New Delhi, India, India First Published: April 30, 2025, 18:38 IST News explainers Caste Data In Centre's Census: How Is It Different From State Surveys? How Will It Help?
