Latest news with #EyadAbuShakra
Arab News
20-05-2025
- Politics
- Arab News
From the ‘past' of summits to the economy of ‘state builders'
Let us forget, for a moment, that the president of the US is the most powerful political leader in the world and that he can annihilate humanity at the press of a button or obliterate the global economy with an executive order. For a moment, let us put that to one side and focus, instead, on two undeniable truths that we must address as Arabs during these extraordinary times in our contemporary history. First, we have the truth of Arab affairs as they currently are, not as we would like them to be. Second, economic, technological, strategic and ideological shifts are sweeping the globe at astonishing speed. The Arab states met on Saturday at a summit hosted by Baghdad, a city that had once been the capital of the greatest empire in history. Sadly, it hosted the 34th Arab League Summit under unfavorable circumstances that underlined the inertia of our Arab nation more than they showcased a capacity for overcoming existential challenges. To begin with, state representation was modest. Several Arab capitals have reached the conviction that betting on joint Arab action is futile, with some even rejecting the very idea of a single shared Arab identity. Still, no one is willing to admit it explicitly and bear the consequences. It is painfully clear that the Arab states have no shared strategy for alleviating the pain of Palestinians in Gaza and the West Bank Eyad Abu Shakra Indeed, the deep-seated distrust brewing 'beneath the ashes' has become apparent to anyone keenly following regional issues and impending decisions. Having practiced obfuscation, denial, disregard and willful neglect, we have become adept at papering over these truths, undermining most initiatives and political approaches that have any real substance or impact. The Arab failure to address chronic flashpoints and crises reflects this. Although some signs of a breakthrough have emerged, tentatively and timidly, in Syria and Lebanon, it is painfully clear that the Arab states have no shared strategy for alleviating the pain of Palestinians in Gaza and the West Bank. No practical approach for curbing Iranian influence has been developed either, be it Iran's more recent foothold in Yemen or its long-standing hegemony in Iraq, where Tehran-backed militias still have the final say on the ground. And certainly, there are no signs of an imminent end to the chaos in Libya, the escalating crisis in Sudan or the chronic conflict between Algeria and Morocco. For all these reasons and others, Arab officials have concluded that there is no longer a need to burden the institution of the Arab League with tasks it can no longer undertake — that is, anything beyond the usual generous expressions of fraternity and solidarity and ritualized performative indignation. As for the second truth — the astonishing pace of economic, technological, strategic and ideological global change — it will affect us. In fact, it has already begun to shape our lives in the Arab world and beyond. I began this piece by stating that the US president is the most powerful 'political' leader in the world to set the stage for developments we must be prepared for and learn to live with. In my humble opinion, there are some people who are far more important than the 'politician' Trump, despite the success of his Gulf tour. They are the architects of America's future, its global influence and its political establishment: the executives and investors of technology companies and the industries of the future, particularly artificial intelligence. Among them are Elon Musk, who has now become bigger than a 'kingmaker,' and executives from major corporations, such as Nvidia, Alphabet, OpenAI, BlackRock, Uber, Blackstone and others that dominate the Fortune 500 list. These are the people leading the charge in America's war against future challengers, chief among them China. The tech executives are the people leading the charge in America's war against future challengers, chief among them China Eyad Abu Shakra Whereas China synergizes the efforts of the public and private sectors in building its techno-economic arsenal, Trump's Washington seems to be armed solely with the power of the private sector, gradually eliminating every nonconsumerist role for human beings. To put it plainly: Washington seeks neither obstacles, restraints nor regulatory standards on investment. It has no legal or organizational framework for investment and regulation, firmly opposing any regime or legislative framework that could slow the pace of liberalization and economic openness. This is a crucial dimension of its struggle for the future, particularly with China, and it has major political implications for an era in which interests trump ideology. The very concept of the state itself is now in doubt. The logic of accountability has become a burden on efficiency. The principle of civil liberties has become just a matter of opinion. The idea of a democracy safeguarded by a constitutional political system has become a contentious issue. At best, it is now debatable and applied with discretion. How could things be otherwise? Indeed, the budgets of the giant corporations waging this global battle far exceed those of sovereign states. This brings me back to an American saying I first heard during my freshman year at university: 'If ideology was the weapon of 20th-century wars, then technology is the weapon of 21st-century wars.' It is no coincidence, then, that the phrase 'the chief business of the American people is business' (though it was said in a different context) is associated with Republican President Calvin Coolidge, who served from 1923 to 1929 and was a staunch believer in minimizing the role of the state in the economy. It sees noninterference in market mechanisms as the criteria for assessing government efficiency. In the world of the future, which is rushing toward us faster than we ever prepared for, we fear that our societies, unless our cultural awareness and patterns of thinking change, might not succeed in avoiding the pain and enormous costs that these transformations threaten. We could pay a very high price for maturity.
Arab News
22-04-2025
- Politics
- Arab News
In the Lebanese municipal elections … the heart of the coexistence crisis
While many Lebanese, along with their brothers and neighbors, are focused on major national and regional threats, a considerable segment of the Lebanese population is currently obsessing over a more trivial side story … an issue that may seem insignificant in comparison to the existential threats looming over the Levant. Next month, Lebanon is set to hold municipal elections. From the capital Beirut to the smallest and most remote villages, an electoral fever is being felt that, at least locally and temporarily, offers respite from the country's crushing economic conditions and the worrying security situation. The deeply rooted tribalism of the Lebanese is pulling off the mask of 'coexistence' from the faces of both men and women. It exposes the knack of the Lebanese — shared by the other peoples of the Levant — for masking their religious, sectarian, tribal and familial divisions and then 'wrapping' them with claims of openness and tolerance. The Lebanese, along with their fellow Levantines (especially those who, for decades, preached and postured about liberation, brotherhood and progressiveness), might have once believed in the slogans they raised; some even died for them. Maybe. Those who are still with us today know that you cannot fight your nature and that each of them has a sectarian identity that rises to the surface at the first provocation, justifying its backwardness whenever fear strikes. Many apparently liberal and progressive slogans have been embraced by enlightened communities in our region since the late Ottoman period, when the constitutional movement and other movements advocating religious and social reform rose to the fore. And they remained prevalent under the global systems that emerged after the world wars and then the Cold War. With the return of unipolarity, the appeal of liberalism and the credibility of progressivism began to decline Eyad Abu Shakra However, with the return of unipolarity, as Washington became the world's dominant player, and with several models of independent governance having failed, the appeal of liberalism and the credibility of progressivism began to decline. This decline was first seen in the so-called Third World, which suffered under the weight of radical military and hereditary regimes, and it ultimately led us to the rise of the hard right, first with the monetarist right and then its racist iterations in Europe and the US. In truth, the scourge of tribalism is a key feature of our social and political heritage, not a bug. Islam was quick to recognize and firmly denounce it. Nonetheless, politicians found ways to circumvent this religious taboo, cloaking their tribal and clannish chauvinism in the garb of religion, thereby sectarianizing the faith and even fueling sedition. And now, as political storms come to the Arab world from every direction, our societies stand helpless as they fail to contain the damage. The prudent among us know that formidable impediments stand in the way of rooting it out altogether. In the Arab world (especially in the Levant) we have become powerless in the face of Israel's escalation. We can do nothing to stand in the way of further strategic breakthroughs and the bitter truth is that we have always been in this situation — even when our 'natural immunity' was stronger than it is today, when the world was more sympathetic to our cause and when the alignment between the American right and the Israeli right was less explicit, less complementary and less profound. To our misfortune, there is now an almost unanimous consensus among global political commentators from across the spectrum: it is untenable to count on an 'international community,' to take it seriously or await meaningful actions on its part. This so-called international community that, at one point in time, had the capacity to curb excesses here and impose a compromise solution there has collapsed. Indeed, in many of the states that were once its most powerful proponents, we see openly racist forces brazenly displaying every form of prejudice, hatred, racism and exclusion. But back to Lebanon and its local elections. In recent weeks, debates have intensified around the elections in Beirut, Lebanon's capital and its largest city by far. A substantial segment of the capital's Christians fear that the dominant Sunni Muslim vote (Sunnis being the largest sectarian community in the city) will overwhelm and marginalize the Christian representation. It is important to note that, unlike the parliamentary electoral process, no preassigned quotas for sects are allocated in municipal elections. This applies to every locality, from the major cities down to the smallest villages, where kinship comes into sharp focus. There is a camp in Lebanon that is now openly speaking about dividing Beirut's municipal council into two Eyad Abu Shakra What has become increasingly clear is that there is a camp in Lebanon (which is all too comfortable with the hypocrisy of 'summer and winter under the same roof') that is now openly speaking about dividing Beirut's municipal council into two, leaving us one with a Muslim majority and another with a Christian majority. This partitionist proposal gives us flashbacks to the nightmare that Beirutis and the Lebanese at large experienced during the Lebanese Civil War of 1975 to 1990. It also amounts to a deliberate effort to hinder viable and fair compromises regarding political representation in Lebanon. This deeply sectarian school of thought, which — driven by self-serving and spiteful interests — has been making tactical side deals since 2006, is reverting back to the sectarian grandstanding that the Lebanese people had grown used to before the Mar Mikhael Understanding, signed that same year between the Free Patriotic Movement and Hezbollah. True to its double standards, this 'school' has stubbornly rejected attempts to establish a senate whose members would be elected along sectarian lines (as stipulated by the Taif Agreement) and which would govern the country alongside a parliament elected on a non-sectarian basis, with 'expansive decentralization' implemented in parallel. It is worth noting that, for a long time, the Free Patriotic Movement endorsed the proposal for an 'Orthodox Electoral Law,' which would allow each sect to elect its own members of parliament, while the Shiite duo (Hezbollah and Amal) has backed the proposal for a single electoral district. Neither of them, however, supports combining the two proposals: applying the orthodox law to senate elections and the single district model to parliamentary elections. As a result, the intersecting tactical interests of these two sectarian factions, both of which are intent on monopolizing the representation of their sect, came together to veto the only realistic and constitutional solution that could offer fair representation and facilitate inclusion. Indeed, this is part of their broader approach of rejecting any effort to reinforce genuine coexistence and avoid reliance on foreign backers. The upcoming municipal elections might be a minor issue, but they reflect a much larger and far more painful state of affairs.
Arab News
18-03-2025
- Politics
- Arab News
A new Syria hinges on settlements and breakthroughs
The new chapter in Syria, which began after it turned the page on almost 54 years of Assadist rule in December, could be undermined by the painful developments earlier this month. The new leadership in Damascus, as far as I can tell, was aware that former regime remnants had been present in the region, and of the communities had profited from its transgressions without having necessarily played any part in them. On the other hand, I also believe that certain Syrian factions are skeptical that coexistence with the new leadership's ideology (with its interpretation of political Islam 'in power') is possible. Indeed, Syria has witnessed many episodes of religious and sectarian violence from various directions over the past 14 years — kidnappings, forced disappearances and even massacres. Moreover, despite the broad popular support they enjoy, the current interim authorities only came to power under exceptional circumstances and due to a military balance that could change at any moment. While this leadership currently enjoys some regional and international support, every reasonable observer understands that it does not have a mandate to do what it likes. On the contrary, it is being closely scrutinized by international actors and the immense confidence exhibited by key figures in the top brass despite the tabs the world is keeping — perhaps even more confidence than a great many Syrian citizens — is striking. On the other hand, the speed at which the 'understanding' between the new Damascus authority and the Kurdish-led Syrian Democratic Forces was announced, despite indications that a clash had been all but inevitable, strongly signals that Washington is comfortable with the new leadership in Damascus. Despite broad popular support, the current interim authorities only came to power under exceptional circumstances Eyad Abu Shakra Since the SDF is an integral part of Washington's strategy in Syria, the underlying message is that Syria's territorial unity will not be threatened, as had previously been assumed, by a separatist Kurdish insurgency. Thus, it seems that all the gains made by the SDF in recent years merely improved the terms of this deal with the authorities in Damascus, encouraging the Druze in southern Syria to follow a similar path. The Druze, particularly in southern Syria, remain a force to be reckoned with. However, it may take longer for a decisive outcome to emerge. Keen observers have gotten the sense that the unprecedented Israeli offensive to 'protect' and 'support' the Druze has complicated things in the Druze-majority province of Suwayda. Israel has taken these steps despite not having been publicly asked to do so by the Druze and many doubt that any major Druze political leader would openly endorse such an initiative. The Druze understood the impetus behind Israel's pressure campaign when Benjamin Netanyahu and his defense minister, Israel Katz, mentioned the $1 billion that Israel had allocated for this campaign. This development certainly did not come out of nowhere. Rather, the seeds of this plan were probably planted some time ago — in Syria itself, as well as in Lebanon and the diaspora, particularly in the US, where the Israeli lobby has plenty of room for maneuver, as well as a lot of sway, including through intelligence infiltration. Indeed, while Suwayda activists from various factions have sought arrangements with Damascus to preserve national unity and reinforce the fraternity of Syria's communities, Israel's 'veto' has upped the ante and shed doubt on these settlements. In my view, even in the southern region (Suwayda, Deraa and Quneitra), Washington's priorities do not significantly diverge from Netanyahu's. This brings us to the wounded coastline. Alawites make up a majority of the population in rural Latakia and Tartus, as well as the suburbs of Syria's four coastal cities: Latakia, Tartus, Jableh and Baniyas. The operations of paramilitaries affiliated with the former regime, or some of its factions, could not have happened without Iran's support. Indeed, the statements that Iranian officials made before the militias launched their attacks, which had horrific consequences, make Iran's stance crystal clear: the new authorities in Damascus are not acceptable and that they will not last long. The operations of paramilitaries affiliated with the former regime could not have happened without Iran's support Eyad Abu Shakra However, one might wonder whether the leadership in Tehran misread the situation and misunderstood the dynamics of the relationship between the new Damascus authorities and the international community, especially Washington. It is reasonable to assume that the US-Israeli strategy is hostile to a resurgence of Iranian influence. That might explain the restraint of the US-Russian initiative at the UN Security Council and relatively mild rhetoric about the massacres on the coast last week, which led to the deaths of approximately 1,225 people. The UNSC condemned the 'massacre' of civilians, called on the Damascus authorities 'to protect all Syrians, regardless of ethnicity or religion' and condemned the violence, particularly against Alawite civilians. It then urged the authorities to prosecute those who were implicated in the violence and called for 'further measures to prevent its recurrence.' Finally, the draft constitutional declaration was recently announced in Damascus. Several of its provisions sparked controversy, particularly the way in which it concentrated power in the hands of the president, its five-year timeline for the transition, the dissolution of Syria's constitutional court, and the president's authority (albeit temporary) to appoint the members of the new constitutional court. Critics argue that it would have been better to avoid stipulations that bring the recent past to mind. Instead, they recommend a stronger focus on broadening political representation and reassuring Syria's communities, as well as avoiding 'past experiments' and not rekindling old concerns. Diversity enriches and protects Syria. Fostering unity and communal harmony is particularly crucial at this stage; the country needs all its qualified and dedicated citizens to contribute. No community should be excluded or marginalized.
Arab News
11-03-2025
- Politics
- Arab News
The struggle in Syria … the struggle over Syria
Safeguarding victory is often more difficult than achieving it. That is self-evident, all the more so when powers and factions are eagerly seeking to overturn the shifts we saw in Syria a few months ago. These actors were caught off-guard by the pace at which the shift unfolded, especially the collapse of the security apparatus in major Syrian cities, one after another. Nonetheless, anyone who understands the fabric of Syrian society recognized, at the time, that multiple actors, both domestic and foreign, had not yet had their final say. This is not a fleeting phase but is rather the legacy of 54 years of iron-fisted rule, the 'deep state' it built, systematic brainwashing and the networks of vested interests and transnational mutual accommodations. On the other hand, Syria is not, as we are constantly reminded, an isolated island. It is the heart of the Middle East, which is the heart of the world. Syria is a cradle of civilization, culture and religion — it is a crossroads of trade and military confrontation, as well as the West's window to the East and the East's gateway to the West. It gave the world the alphabet. Religions whose faithful span the globe emerged in Syria. It has produced emperors, while empires have relied on the bounty of its land. It has played a role in most of the major events that have shaped the fate of humanity: from the Islamic conquests and the Crusades to the rise and fall of the Ottoman Empire and the world order established after the First World War. That world order, however, left fragmentation (partition) in the Levant, first through the Sykes-Picot Agreement and second with the Balfour Declaration. As we can see today, we are still dealing with the repercussions of these two major turning points. Syria is not, as we are constantly reminded, an isolated island. It is the heart of the Middle East, which is the heart of the world Eyad Abu Shakra At this critical moment, Syria is undergoing a difficult ordeal that many had anticipated. First, the state of shock that facilitated the collapse of the Assad regime and the dominance of regional patron Iran's 'Velayat-e Faqih' regime has faded. Tehran has regained its footing and begun to retaliate, undermining the change in Syria. There are many reasons behind its effort to destabilize the country, chief among them proving that it remains a powerful regional player following the blows it received at the hands of Israel in Lebanon. Israel's blows sought to put a ceiling on Iran's ambitions for regional dominance, which had come at the expense of the other two sides of the triangle: Israel and Turkiye. Here, it is worth recalling, once again, that neither Tel Aviv nor Washington has an interest in removing Tehran's regime. The well-known reasons include Tehran's role in impeding Palestinian unity, undermining Palestinian resistance and thwarting the state project in Lebanon. Second, Israel has never, even for a moment, forgotten its geopolitical priorities. Foremost among them is realizing its ancient messianic dream of dominating the land that stretches from the Euphrates to the Nile. This dream emboldens the most extreme Torah adherents, racists and advocates of population transfer, pushing them to impose their will on a region that has become exhausted, dazed and confused. Exploiting Palestinian divisions is crucial to achieving this end. Facilitated and fostered by the regime in Tehran, this division is a steppingstone toward the displacement of Palestinians, first from Gaza and then from the West Bank. And who knows whether the Palestinian citizens of Israel will be spared from this wave of displacement at a time when the US president is not only signing a blank check to the Israelis, but also seeking to go further, appointing political and diplomatic officials with the goal of further fragmenting the region. Furthermore, Syria and its mosaic-like social fabric has long been a point of interest for Israeli expansionists, who see potential for exploitation. For quite some time now, Tel Aviv has been leveraging every doubt and fear to convince weak-spirited individuals in Syria and Lebanon that they need protection from their own compatriots — those who share their homeland, identity and fate. Accordingly, while Iran, which had long-standing and deep ties to the Assad regime, led efforts to overturn the shift in Syria from the coast (Latakia and Tartous) by stirring fear in the hearts of Alawite communities, Israel took the initiative in southern Syria (Quneitra, Deraa and Suwayda) by playing the Druze card. Drawing on old ties with their religious establishment that predate the founding of Israel in 1948, Tel Aviv reminded its local proxies of the 2015 Nusra Front massacre in the village of Qalb Lawzah in Idlib province, as well as the Daesh offensive in eastern Suwayda in 2018. Syria and its mosaic-like social fabric has long been a point of interest for Israeli expansionists, who see potential for exploitation Eyad Abu Shakra Finally, we have the Kurdish separatist project east of the Euphrates, a region home to major recourse and US geopolitical interests, as well as it being a battleground between Iran and Turkiye. Undoubtedly, the weaker Syria's central authority becomes, the greater the ambitions of Kurdish separatists, who reject Syria's Arab identity, oppose unity and are willing to make a deal with the devil to achieve their goal. I believe the current Syrian leadership is fully aware of the grave implications of everything outlined above. However, despite its unquestionably sincere intentions, the steps it has taken on the ground have, so far, fallen short. A transition from the logic of armed struggle to the logic of statehood is necessary, but it has not yet come. Unfortunately, one side continues to dominate decision-making and appointments and mistakes continue to be justified. Moreover, the grim legacy of the past 54 years has made its popular base seem content, at times, to remain silent in the face of human rights violations, or to even eagerly defend the indefensible, both morally and politically. This is especially concerning in light of the international scrutiny and regional conspiracies that the Syrian government has to deal with. The atrocities seen in the coastal region — and the fears, whether genuine or dubious, of similar events in the south — are unacceptable. They legitimize chaos and justify additional conspiracies. What we need is transitional justice, not retribution and revenge. Eyad Abu Shakra is managing editor of Asharq Al-Awsat, where this article was originally published. X: @eyad1949
