Latest news with #Fables
Chicago Tribune
23-05-2025
- General
- Chicago Tribune
Donna Vickroy: Best graduation gift's knowing you have the power to learn and not being afraid to use it
Dear young people, If you learn nothing else throughout your academic career, please learn the value of learning. Not for a grade, not for schoolwide recognition or honors, not for a potential scholarship, not to please a parent. Learn for you. Learn who you are and what your potential is. Welcome ideas. Develop your gifts. Open doors on knowledge that will make you both interested and interesting. I know that sounds like 'an old person' thing to say, but sometimes hindsight truly is eye-opening. Academically, I started poorly, receiving mostly U (unsatisfactory) marks on my first- and second-grade papers. I hated school. I was smart enough, but I was hampered by some challenges. Perhaps because they had so many other kids, my parents didn't notice my struggles. Or at least they didn't address them until the school came calling. The summer before third grade, our family moved into a slightly bigger house. The extra expense prompted my parents to take us out of the private school and enroll us in the public school, where learning challenges were readily addressed. That move literally changed my life. Within weeks, I was tested and diagnosed with vision problems and speech issues. By Christmas, I had glasses, was receiving speech therapy and was suddenly getting As on my schoolwork. More important, suddenly I loved school. I cashed in on my new abilities by reading everything I could get my hands on. Books, encyclopedias, magazines, even the TV guide. I loved Aesop's Fables, Rudyard Kipling's 'Just So Stories' and, most of all, SRA readers, a school-based reading comprehension program that introduced kids to myriad topics, including Greek mythology, geology and history. I memorized poems and recited them to my teacher, who would make me recite them for the class. 'El Dorado,' 'Richard Corey,' 'Annabelle Lee.' I know — attention hog, right? I was proud of my newfound skills and not afraid to make the most of them. I loved learning for learning's sake. And I paid absolutely no attention to my report card. But then I moved on to high school and I became skittish about taking classes that seemed academically risky. I was focused on extracurriculars and, of course, my circle of friends. I had decent grades. I was having fun. I figured, why risk that by taking classes that might be hard and result in a C, or worse? The one tenet I forgot was that the purpose of school is to absorb knowledge, not skate past it. If I could go back, knowing what I know now about myself, I would aim higher, work harder, take those challenging courses and seek help whenever I got stuck. And I would never open a report card. Because the knowledge that I missed out on is infinitely more important than being able to say, 'Hey, I had a decent GPA in high school.' Don't get stuck on the grade. Don't let marks demotivate you. Learn because you can. Take advantage of the opportunity. Over the years, I've met a lot of self-confessed former solid-C students who, because they realized permanent knowledge trumped temporary grades, went on to realize life goals and career dreams. Consider this: The kid who only retains a fourth of what is taught in physics or advanced algebra will still know a fourth more about physics or advanced algebra than the kid who never took the class at all. Grades have their purpose. But they are not necessarily a motivator. Nor are they an indicator of how smart you are or how capable you are of learning. And they certainly aren't going to help you in your 30s, 40s or 50s. My favorite high school educator of all time was my daughter's AP European history teacher. The course was tough and many of the students, including my daughter, struggled. But after each exam, the teacher held a study class, followed by a makeup test. The point, the teacher said, was for each kid to learn as much of the material as possible. Inadvertently, he also taught the students that, in real life, you don't have to learn everything the first time around, that knowledge is the real goal and if it takes longer to achieve, so be it. What a gift. I worked fairly hard in high school and in college. And the reward is that I left both with a boatload of information and a foray into lots of different areas of studies. Some of which have led to fascinating hobbies, including art, gardening and travel. As a journalist, knowing a little about a lot of things has served me well. But the most important thing I have learned from all those years of schooling is that learning is endless. It is a vast world of opportunity to grow, to help, to make a difference and to become who you are meant to be. If I could go back, I would work even harder. I would study more, party less. I would get my money's worth. My proudest moments were getting through courses that were outside my comfort zone — economics, physiology, math — because they let me prove to myself that I could learn anything. And when you believe you can learn anything, you can.
Morocco World
05-05-2025
- Politics
- Morocco World
Diplomacy, Context, and Misperception
Moroccans are fond of sayings and proverbs. They refer to sayings and proverbs to make an argument and justify a choice. Often, they add a scent of sacredness to make the reasoning credible. Sidi Abderrahmane el-Majdoub (1506-1568), Ahmed Ibn Ajiba al-Hassani (1747-1809), and Mansour al-Hallaj (858-922) are the most referred to when Sufism is taken into consideration. Some Moroccans, more familiar with the history of classical Middle Eastern literature, most often quote Abu Muhammed A. Ibn al-Muqaffa (724-759), whom they compare to Jean de La Fontaine (1621-1695). In their understanding, twisting from one to the other is made when no argument is made. They fly over the eras and therefore fall into extrapolations and speculations. They don't take into account the context, although it is a fundamental rule in any self-respecting analysis. They close their eyes or ignore, for example, the tragic fate that Ibn al-Muqaffa suffered. He was mutilated, organ by organ, while tied to a tree to die a slow death. Each severed organ was thrown into a boiling vessel under a huge fire. This was his punishment for having a big mouth and underestimating the context of its time and despising Sofiane Ibn Maaouiya Ibn Yazid, governor of Basrah. The governor hated Ibn al-Muqaffa for being disrespectful to the ruling elite and for using pamphlet as a public nuisance. This was also true for La Fontaine's admirers. They placed him on a pedestal to plead their cases and to mock him when their opponents put him in the spotlight to taunt them. They ignore La Fontaine's redemption towards the end of his life when he asked forgiveness for the harm he would have caused through the Fables (1668, 1678, and 1694). The context is very important, without which, everything that is said and written, ignoring it, is not worth a candle. Well, the context is taken into account in this paper and it has a direct link with the issue of the Moroccan Sahara. Morocco was on the verge of suffering the fate of Ibn Al Muqaffa and the laughing stock of La Fontaine. Indeed, long before the Berlin Conference of 1884-1885, the project of 'dividing' Morocco into separate entities was conceived, thought out and set in motion. Morocco is exposed and pushed towards a tree in the center (the Mediterranean, Africa and the Middle East) to be tied up in anticipation of the amputation of its essential organs. Morocco was then alone ( ( H. Hami: No Room for Dual-allegiance in Geopolitics, MWN; September 19, 2024). Let us proceed smoothly to emphasize the reading of the problematic of the context. This reading is associated with that of diplomacy, which is currently the subject of biased and unjustified attacks, particularly with regard to the issue of the Moroccan Sahara. When Masaad Boulos, special adviser to the US president for African and Middle Eastern affairs, made a far-fetched statement on the Al Arabiya channel on April 19, 2025, on the Sahara issue, Moroccan and Algerian commentators stepped up to the plate to make the reading they deemed relevant on the subject. On the Moroccan side, commentators, including respected academics, have gone to work quickly to make projections on Moroccan diplomacy. Most of them excel in making readings that are worth what they are worth in terms of hindsight and rigor. However, some analysts go even further. They therefore mix widely and mix eras. They show a flagrant ignorance of the context. They were quickly caught up in the element of surprise, the same one that plunged them into the rush to comment with no reservation as they are supposed to. Boulos amended his statement and confirmed, twenty-four hours later, that his words had been misinterpreted and that the United States clearly and unambiguously recognized Morocco's sovereignty over the Moroccan Sahara. Check mate for the detractors and the revengeful. In the wake of this, academics and experts in Maghreb affairs entered the fray and spoke of mistakes that Moroccan diplomacy had made since Morocco's independence in the management of the Moroccan Sahara issue. A statement as flat as it is ridiculous. Diplomacy is not a quiet river However, diplomacy is not rocket science. Foreign policy in general is not just the guiding principles that each country stands for. One could comment that everybody is aware of such an elementary fact. Indeed, diplomacy as a means to implement foreign policy has its secrets. It has, like all the professions in the world, its techniques, its rules, its dogmas, its men and women. What is it about? Suffice it to sit on a café terrace or stretch your legs when you're doing your ritual promenade park and somehow eavesdropping. You'd hear customers or walkers share all sorts of analyses and suppositions on domestic and international politics, all regions of the world combined. The Italian film 'We Loved Each Other So Much – C'eravamo tanto amati' by Ettore Scola, released in 1974, tells the story of three childhood friends played respectively by Nino Manfredi, a trade unionist, Stefano Satta Flores, an idealistic artist and Vittorio Gassman, a bourgeois. They meet to evoke their memories and, above all to assess their previous ideological choices. All three characters covet the friendship, beauty, and grace of Stefania Sandrelli, who represents for them the life they should have chosen. Beyond the aesthetic aspect, the film flies over a particularly troubled period in the history of Italy. It is ultimately characterized by an unnatural marriage between the Christian Democrat Party and the Lefts parties. Both were threatened by the far-left Marxist-Leninist militant group (the Red Brigades). Stefania represents Italy divided since the end of the Second World The three characters resume their normal lives. They are convinced that they cannot make concessions. Fifty years later, Italy finds itself in almost the same situation. We are faced with the same problem of context. Yet, politics and diplomacy consist of arrangements, agreements, alliances, and marriages that surprise neophytes and call into question the stereotypical readings of experts who are too full of their personalities and blinded by their aura à la carte. The context applies in the case of the establishment of the Arab-African Union (AAU) by Morocco and Libya in 1984. This happened as a retaliation to the alliance between Algeria, Tunisia and Mauritania, incepted as a result of their signing of the Treaty of Fraternity and Concord in 1983. The unnatural marriage between Morocco and Libya caused a lot of ink to flow. However, the approach of the late King Hassan II was justified by his concern to avoid being isolated as Algeria and Libya had wished a decade earlier. Morocco suffered the ire of the United States and some European countries, such as Spain and France, even though they were on good terms with Gaddafi. Fifty years later, informed observers are of the opinion that the Moroccan monarch played one of the most masterful moves of which he has been known to dislocate, from within, a quadripartite alliance in perspective that would sound the death knell of Morocco's Sahara cause. Diplomacy is driven by decision-making that combines realism, adaptation and flexibility. It depends on the balance of power and the opportunities offered. However, sometimes goodwill is exploited by adversaries. This is the case with the supposedly secret 1981 meeting between Foreign Minister M'hamed Boucetta (1977-1983), his Algerian counterpart, and a representative of the Polisario separatist movement. The meeting was secretly filmed by Algerian intelligence and leaked to exert pressure on Morocco and promote the narrative of direct negotiations and the referendum option, leading to the creation of an artificial entity in the Sahara territory. Diplomacy is also about dirty tricks, insipid staging, and volte-faces. On the question of the Sahara, foreign observers are spoiled for choice. For my part, I stick to what I would call knowingly connivance and ignorance connivance. Critics ignore the fact that Morocco, in the midst of negotiations on its independence, has insisted on the need to complete its territorial integrity. The declarations of independence in 1956 with France and Spain were made in this spirit. Morocco's intention was confirmed by the late King Mohammed V in the speech of Mhamid El-Ghizlane in February 1958. Critics also ignore the fact that Morocco was the first to bring the issue of its territorial integrity before the United Nations General Assembly in 1960, well before Algeria's independence and a few months after Mauritania's. The latter was to enter the scene in 1962 and 1963 to request that the Sahara be part only of Mauritania and Mauritania alone. It did so in collusion with Spain and, later, with Algeria. To my knowledge, few critics have made an objective parallel between the domestic situation and the foreign policy of the parties to the Sahara issue, Morocco, Mauritania, Spain and Algeria. In the chain of established parallelism, there is a link that stands out like a sword of Damocles and that targets, in the first place, Morocco. If, in the public transcript they convey, the commentators-analysts proclaim their support for Morocco's territorial integrity, they do not refrain, in a half-word, from criticizing the way whereby diplomacy has tackled the issue. However, in the hidden script, they unconsciously side with Morocco's opponents' allegations that the Sahara issue is a matter of the regime and not of the people. This narrative was adopted between 1970 and 1982; which relatively weakened Morocco until 1989. What about the sacred alliance between Spain, Algeria, and Mauritania from 1963 to 1975? And why not have a positive view of the behavior of Moroccan diplomacy which has made it possible to extract Mauritania from the influence of Madrid and Algiers? And why not consider that the Sahara issue was, in reality, a positive factor that put in place the conditions for democratic opening and the commitment to alternation of power? The answers would be as contradictory as they are far from integrating each question into its real context. Among the detractors of Moroccan diplomacy from 1960 to 2025, there are those whose mindset is full of ideological prejudices and who have been associated, at varying levels, with the Moroccan decision-making system. 'Hell is the others,' says Jean-Paul Sartre in Huis clos (1944-1947). Hell is also this dichotomous perception, bordering on schizophrenia, which classifies international conflicts according to the mood and interests of the time being. However, international conflicts are above all a stock in trade. For seventy years, the Palestinian issue has been used in this sense, supplanting all other conflicts relating to borders, social choice and ideological differences within the Arab periphery. In reality, the Arab governments and regimes have been using the Palestinian case as a pretext to neutralize each other and pretend to be right all along the line Existential Vacuum For the past five years, some misguided minds have been trying to draw a parallel between the Palestinian question and the Moroccan Sahara. Among Morocco's opponents, Algeria is the gold medal in this type of narrative. There is a desire on the part of Algerian decision-makers to have hegemonic ascendancy over the Maghreb and the Sahel-Saharan region. In Morocco, certain movements, fortunately very much in the minority, prefer transnational alliances and relegate national preferences in terms of geopolitical interpretation to second place. The first category, Algeria topping the list, belatedly realized that it had only been a guinea pig in the global geopolitical equation. It had to invent another narrative and stay in the race. For the second category, the choice between Ibn Rochd, Al-Ghazali, Ibn Taymiyyah, Marx, Trotsky, Franz Fanon or Spinoza placed the actors concerned in a position of hallucinatory self-neutralization. They have been shaken so much that they expressed their position in terms of an existential vacancy. That is to say, these movements, all trends included, are eyeing a vacant chair (an undeniable legitimation), but are skeptical about the procedure to follow to access and take over it. There is a kind of clash between the desired legitimacy and the existential brakes. There is a third category that mixes ingredients from the first and second categories. It is composed of those who have only a shallow knowledge of the political and diplomatic history of Morocco. They have no basic clue about their country's monarchical foundation that, despite certain periods of instability, has made it possible to save it. Sept dynasties : les Idrissides (789-978), les Almoravides (1060-1147), les Almohades (1145-1248), les Mérinides (1244-1465), les Wattassides (1472-1554), les Saadiens (1554-1659) et les Alaouites (1666-présent) n'auraient pas survécu s'il n'y avait pas eu une lecture judicieuse des circonstances particulières à chaque époque. Seven dynasties: the Idrisids (789-978), the Almoravids (1060-1147), the Almohads (1145-1248), the Merinids (1244-1465), the Wattassids (1472-1554), the Saadians (1554-1659) and the Alawites (1666-present) would not have survived if there had not been a judicious reading of the particular circumstances and the geopolitics of each era. The issue of the Moroccan Sahara, like those of all matters related to the authentic borders of the country, has been managed since 1956 with the same spirit of foresight and tact that takes into account the opportunities offered. Always the context to take into consideration if one doesn't want to fall into the easy way and the mixing of the wind. The context is also how events between 1981 and 1982 were handled. Morocco proposed the organization of a referendum on self-determination at the summit of the Organization of African Unity in Nairobi in 1981. Taken by surprise, Algeria nevertheless succeeded in getting the pseudo-Sadr admitted in 1982. The policy of creating a divided North-Africa was revived with the creation of the Algeria-Tunisia and Mauritania axis in 1983 and the Morocco and Libya axis in 1984. Morocco left the OAU in 1984 and only returned under its new name, the African Union, in 2017. Analysts in the Arab periphery are taking admiring and critical positions on Russian President Vladimir Putin's discourse on Russia's viability and resistance to the policies implemented by the West to weaken his country. They do not take a step back to understand the context in which Mikhail Gorbachev reluctantly accepted the erosion of the USSR. These analysts understand even less Putin's Munich speech at the 2007 European Security Conference. They remain silent in observing the way in which Russia intervened in Syria in 2012 and withdrew in 2025 by sacrificing the Assad regime. Well, it is clear that the regional conflict over the Sahara is on the way to its resolution, with all due respect to detractors inside and outside. The only appropriate framework is the autonomy plan Morocco proposed in 2007. The main party to the conflict is Algeria. It must sit down at the negotiating table and assert its demands. Algeria will have to do so by agreeing to put everything on the table, starting with a clear understanding of the provisions of the border agreement signed in 1972, acknowledging its responsibility in the 1963 Sand War, and repairing the harm caused to thousands of Moroccans expelled from Algeria in 1975. All this should be part of a clear vision designed to protect the Maghreb from hegemonic greed from the Middle East and the Middle East. That wouldn't be too much to ask. A final warning: time is running out. If some Algerian decision-makers – and the few foreign supporters they have left – playing it smarty, had in mind to imply that they would (theoretically) agree to negotiate on the basis of the autonomy proposal and to drown it (in fact) in endless demands, they would be mistaken. Because Morocco continues to build the country by consolidating local democracy. This requires the implementation of advanced regionalization, which has started on a speedy paces lately. The southern provinces are included in the process. Knowingly connivance and ignorant connivance Mistakes of Moroccan diplomacy, some like to shout it loud? What a conclusion drawn by the horses! The mistakes, on the contrary, are to believe: One, that Moroccan diplomats, especially those in charge of the Sahara issue, are broken arms and that the paradigms built far from the ground would reflect reality. Two, Moroccan diplomats enjoy their lives doing nothing to help their country. They would be dressed to the nines. It is almost like accusing them of lacking patriotism in comparison with the other servants of the Moroccan state. Third, that the Sahara issue would be a question of the regime and that transnational alliances would take precedence over national solidarity. Fourth, that the ongoing process for the resolution of the conflict is smoke and mirrors and that the United States and other international powers are playing with the naivety of Moroccan decision-makers. Fifth, not seizing the opportunities offered would be fatal for the unity and stability of Morocco. Six: When opportunities arise, you have to go for it. One must not make the mistakes certain Arab regimes made on the Palestinian question in the aftermath of the Camp David Accords in 1978. Nor pitying themselves on the democratic transitions setback during the years 1990-2000. Mistakes Moroccan diplomacy might have recorded? What a categorical and unjust judgment! The Moroccan diplomats in charge of the territorial integrity portfolio would have liked to see today's detractors sitting in their places at times when everyone was bequeathed against Morocco. One: in 1961, when Spain claimed that the Moroccan sultans had given up the sovereignty of their country by concluding treaties with foreign powers, including Spain (1767 and 1912) and France (1912) at the bilateral and multilateral levels (1906). Two: also in 1961, when Spain claimed that Morocco had not raised reservations on the question of the colonized territories on the occasion of the joint communiqué recognising its independence in 1956. Three: in 1963, when all the Arab and African countries took the side of Algeria on the occasion of the War of the Sands for which Morocco was not responsible. Four: 1966, when Algeria declared itself a party to the Sahara conflict and made common cause with Spain and Mauritania to torpedo the association between the Sahara issue and the handover of the city of Sidi Ifni. Five: in 1974, when Spain was on the verge of winning its bet to organize a formal referendum for the creation of a phantom entity. And later, to keep its control over the territory that it would indirectly bequeath to Algeria eager to have access to the Atlantic. This was in accordance with the arrangements sealed in 1966, the date Spain held a mini-referendum that few observers are aware of. Six: still in 1974, when Morocco almost saw its request to bring the Sahara issue before the International Court of Justice rejected by the United Nations General Assembly. If it had not been for the good reaction of the Moroccan Minister of Foreign Affairs to the proposal of his Mauritanian counterpart on sharing the territory to gain time, Spain would have definitively buried Morocco's hopes. Seven: 1979, when Mauritania withdrew from Terris algharbiya (Oued Eddahab) by signing, under pressure from Algeria, an agreement with the Polisario. Morocco's military action had to be supported by a large-scale diplomatic campaign. Eight: 1980-1988, when Morocco tried by all means to bring Algeria back to a better disposition and to convince its mentors of its good faith. This period paved the way for the establishment of the Arab Maghreb Union in 1989. Moroccan diplomats were dispatched to the four corners of the planet to explain Morocco's commitment and firmness with regard to its southern provinces. Naivety? Let's talk about it. It is this presumed naivety (let's say good faith) that allowed the late King Mohammed V to neutralize detractors inside and outside the country; those who were in cahoots with foreign countries for political, ideological and strategic purposes. A thoughtful management of the issue of territorial integrity with France and Spain at a time when the latter's objective was regime change. It is the same naivety-good faith that allowed the late King Hassan II to control the internal political chessboard and to negotiate stability with foreign powers without losing out. At the same time, he knew how to tame the fury of Houari Boumediene who was unaware that he had been used by France for projects that the former power had not been able to complete before the independence of the African countries. The same naivety-good faith helped the late King Hassan II to soak the other Maghreb leaders in their own elixir of bad faith: failure of the axis policy, creation of the UMA, non-interference in the Algerian civil war and acceleration of the intra-national democratic process to make detractors doubt inside and outside. It is the same approach that King Mohammed VI adopts: an outstretched hand and a firmness that is unfailing. Political and diplomatic openness materialized by bold concrete actions aimed at the intranational, Maghreb, Arab, and African political chessboards. This coherent approach was reflected in visits to Algeria, Tunisia, and some thirty sub-Saharan African and Middle Eastern countries Among the most salient visits are those that helped to bring some countries out of the isolation imposed by their neighbours, intra-national insecurity, and the economic and security embargo. This was the case in Tunisia in 2014, in the aftermath of the terrorist attacks that paralyzed the country and dealt a heavy blow to the tourism sector, which is one of the most important sources of the Tunisian economy. This was also the case for Qatar in 2017, the day after the embargo was imposed on the country by three members of the Gulf Cooperation Council in addition to Egypt. Unless they are acting in bad faith, commentators have nothing to complain about. Cynicism has no place in politics, and even less so in diplomacy. Nass El Ghiwane, whose music fascinated the American director, Martin Scorsese, to the point that he used their song Ya Sah (My Buddy) in his movie 'The Last Temptation of Christ' released in 1988, have a favorite song whose first line says: اللي ڣَالْ لَعْصيدَة بَارْدَة يِديرْ يِدُّو فِيها. It can be poetically translated as 'Whoever claims that the broth is not hot, let him put his hand to it'. Another saying dear to Nass El Ghiwane calls for reason and determination instead of sacrificing to lamentations and denigrations without appropriate hindsight. The saying goes: والله ما قَفِّلْنَا لَفَوِّرْنَا which can be roughly translated as 'Unless you close the lid of the couscous maker, there is no couscous in the finesse of the gastronomic art.' And then the sayings and proverbs of Ibn al-Muqaffa and La Fontaine risk seeing the morality they imply applied to a certain sprinkler who is about to be watered. Moreover, like all rivers, the river of diplomacy is never quiet. At a time when the Sahara issue is nearing its epilogue, it should be recalled that the argument that Algeria had put forward in 1966, distinguishing between the Rguibat of the Sahel (Mauritania) and the Rguibat of the East (Tindouf), is likely to cost it dearly. Indeed, already in 1959, when Algeria was still a French department, a significant fraction within the French army proposed a plan for the establishment of ' a Sahrawi state ' in Tindouf, the main component of which would be the Rguibat of the East. A Moroccan saying fits in this respect. It says : اللِّي دَارْهَا بِيِدِّيهْ يِفُكْها بِسِنِّيه. 'Whoever causes a disaster must take responsibility for it.' History is not amnesiac. Archives may well be affected by humidity, but they cannot hide the truth indefinitely. Let's say conclude that some Algerian decision-makers who are running the business can run, but they can't hide. Moreover, time is running out among those who have their say to end the charade and do nothing. Tags: Africa diplomacyMoroccan Diplomacy
CTV News
28-04-2025
- Business
- CTV News
Beloved children's bookstore in Toronto forced to move due to proposed condo development, owner says
Children's bookstore Mabel's Fables, currently located at 662 Mount Pleasant Road, is set to close by almost the end of August. (Courtesy of Eleanor LeFave) An independent children's bookstore, which has called one street corner of Toronto's Mount Pleasant neighbourhood home for more than three decades, is turning the page to a new chapter as it is forced to set up shop elsewhere to make way for a new condo building. Mabel's Fables, which has remained at 662 Mount Pleasant Road since September 1988, must move out by Aug. 23, as the store owner says their landlord informed them that the building is set to be demolished within the next couple of years for a new condo development. 'I've pretty much known for probably six or seven years since the building was sold,' Eleanor LeFave, the owner of Mabel's Fables, told CTV News Toronto. 'Since then, the developer has been purchasing all of the properties to the north of us with the intention of building. So, I certainly knew that the day would come at some point.' According to LeFave, one of her landlords had offered to find the bookstore a temporary location for them as construction started. But, she says construction would last for at least a couple of years and that could cause a 'massive disruption' for Mabel's Fables customers. So, LeFave hit the books and took matters into her own hands. 'I just said, 'We have to be proactive and find a new home for Mabel's Fables,' and we were very lucky. We found a place on the (same) street,' LeFave said. The site for the store's new home is precisely 422 steps south, located at 540 Mount Pleasant Road. LeFave says it was 'pure luck' that they happened to find a spot just down the street, but the store owner said the opportunities on Yonge Street were too expensive. 'Mount Pleasant has this really nice, independent main street vibe with interesting shops, and I think we're an anchor, kind of, on Mount Pleasant,' LeFave said. Though they were quick to find a new store, LeFave says there are a lot of additional moving expenses that they are struggling to independently afford. After the financial setbacks incurred from the COVID-19 pandemic and the slowing of general foot traffic with the Eglinton Crosstown LRT construction, LeFave says they have had their challenges. 'We have to do the GoFundMe because we don't have a whole lot of money right now,' LeFave said, after going through those setbacks. She says the goal is to raise enough money to cover expenses like new flooring, electrical work, building a story room to host their baby classes and store events, as well as custom bookshelves that fit the character of Mabel's Fables. 'All the bookshelves that we have here—that kind of oddball, kind of fantasy bookshelves—they wouldn't move very well. They'll probably disintegrate, but we need to have all the bookshelves built and painted and stained,' LeFave said. The store has nearly reached a quarter of its $150,000 fundraising goal. LeFave says they are planning to be closed for about a week to 10 days near the end of August to move into their new home. 'I just feel relieved that we've been able to move on the same street,' LeFave said. 'I expect that everything will be a little exciting for a while, while everybody comes to see the new spot. We'll just carry on and we'll be looking after families for another generation or two.'
The Independent
25-04-2025
- General
- The Independent
The Bayeux Tapestry inspires fresh debate over ‘missed' penis in depiction of historical battle
The Bayeux Tapestry depicts one of Britain's most famous clashes, the Battle of Hastings in which William the Conqueror defeated Harold Godwinson for the English throne. Now, the cloth is subject to a new battle as two historians have gone head-to-head over the number of penises included on the historical work, kept in Bayeux, France. Oxford academic Professor George Garnett counted 93 penises on the embroidered fabric in 2019, with 88 belonging to horses and another five to men. But Bayeux Tapestry scholar and expert on Anglo-Saxon nudity Dr Christopher Monk believes he has found one extra on another man in the tapestry. Speaking to HistoryExtra, Dr Monk said: 'I am in no doubt that the appendage is a depiction of male genitalia – the missed penis, shall we say? The detail is surprisingly anatomically fulsome.' Professor Garnett maintained on the HistoryExtra podcast that he was still correct, as he believed the potential penis was the scabbard of a man's dagger due to the 'yellow blob' at the end, which he took to be brass. He said: 'If you look at what are incontrovertibly penises in the tapestry, none of them have a yellow blob on the end.' As well as debate over this additional appendage, many scholars are still discussing why the Tapestry includes the male members. While most of the horse penises are believed to portray them as stallions, Professor Garnett highlights there are three horses where their endowments are emphasised. Harold Godwinson and William the Conqueror are portrayed as mounting horses with particularly large penises 'William's horse is by far the biggest,' Garnett said. 'And that's not a coincidence.' The human penises remain a mystery, as they can be found in the borders of the Tapestry above and below. Professor Garnett has agreed with an argument made by his fellow Tapestry scholar, Professor Stephen D White, who has said that some of the illustrations in the border refer to Aesop's Fables. The Oxford scholar said: 'We know the designer was learned – he was using [ancient Thracian] Phaedrus's first-century Latin translation of Aesop's fables, rather than some vague folk tradition.' The professor believes the depictions of nudity in the Tapestry are there to make a point: 'Sexual activity is involved, or shame, and that makes me think that the designer is covertly alluding to betrayal.'
Epoch Times
25-04-2025
- Entertainment
- Epoch Times
‘The Sphinxing Rabbit': An Allegory for Our Times
When I was in eighth grade civics, my class watched the British animated film adaptation of George Orwell's 'Animal Farm' that the CIA partly funded back in the 1950s to fight communism. I remember being haunted by this story about beasts of burden throwing off the yoke of their neglectful farmer, only to set up a despotic regime run by pigs that was far worse than life under human rule had ever been. When the horse, Boxer, was sent off to the glue factory, I wanted to cry. Although I was deeply moved by Orwell's tragic fable, I understood little of its allegorical message about communism until our teacher explained the meaning to us afterwards. Even then, it was only when I read the book as an adult that I really understood what Orwell was trying to say. Several years later, I found myself in the opposite role when, as a substitute teacher, I found myself teaching the book to a middle-school class. Fables have peculiar qualities that make them stories suitable for all ages. On the one hand, using animals as stand-ins for human characters is a device we associate with children. The stories are typically short and written in a simple prose style, with clear plots that make them accessible to young readers. They also tend to reflect universal themes about common human foibles that teach moral lessons like honesty and kindness. On the other hand, if the story's underlying message is not explicitly stated, as in the end of Aesop's Fables, it might fly over the heads of adolescents—like 'Animal Farm' initially did with me. Orwell did not market his novella as a children's story, but for the reasons listed above, many people mistake it for one. While its continuing presence in educational curricula proves that adolescents can benefit from reading it, most need the help of an adult to guide them. Author Pauline Chakmakjian explores issues of personal freedom versus societal restrictions. A Modern Orwellian Story 'The Sphinxing Rabbit' trilogy, written by Pauline Chakmakjian and illustrated by Nilesh Mistry, is a book series in this Orwellian vein. It blends fable with allegory, presenting an apparently simple story that employs an array of animals to explore complex themes like surveillance, personal independence, class distinctions, and the health problems and isolation widespread in modern society. In 'Her Sovereign Majesty,' the first book in the trilogy, readers are introduced to the Sphinxing Rabbit, a character who embodies wisdom and independence after a piece of fruit from the mythical Tree of Life falls on her head. She lives in a world run by 'Masters' employing 'loyal dogs' who get beaten if they do not faithfully do their bidding. Related Stories 4/14/2025 3/15/2025 The Sphinxing Rabbit, unlike others in her world, aspires for autonomy. She decides to build a world for herself without masters and slaves. Drama ensues as the dogs spy on the Sphinxing Rabbit with drones and send a Ladybug to befriend her. The story underscores the perils of questioning authority. Hidden Symbolism 'Sphinxing' is the key word here. The real uniqueness of this book series is the way that Chakmakjian's story is reflected in the enigmatic artwork of Nilesh Mistry. Chakmakjian came up with image concepts that Mistry skillfully executes. Pages are full of hidden symbolism and allusions to art history, making the series a bit like an intellectual version of the game 'I Spy Eagle Eye.' While the story is certainly presented in a way that children can enjoy, fully understanding the book would require an educated adult standing over the child's shoulder and pointing everything out. Really, it's a book of ideas for adults who like deciphering hidden patterns. In 'Her Sovereign Majesty,' The Sphinxing Rabbit finds herself surrounded by floating eyeballs on several pages—seemingly a reference to the 'Eye of Providence,' the masonic symbol most famously found on the back of the one-dollar bill. The symbol doubles as a representation of the book's theme about living in a surveillance society where technology allows authorities to easily spy on its citizens. Freemasonry turns out to be one of the trilogy's main themes. Not being a Freemason myself and knowing little about the organization, I admit I probably did not catch most of the symbolism scattered throughout the three books. Art History Sphinxing Rabbit time travels in the second volume, translated as "The Book of Hours." There are also numerous references to art history, and here I did better. In this second volume, 'The Book of Hours, the Sphinxing Rabbit finds herself bored in a society dulled by technological convenience and a lack of intellectual engagement. She travels back in time to Medieval Europe using a time machine and encounters the Duc de Bunny—a long-eared version of the historical John, duke of Berry (1340–1416), brother of King Charles V of France. The Sphinxing Rabbit converses with the Duc de Bunny on class distinctions, serfdom, and the potential of technology to democratize and educate. This volume features constant allusions to the ' Convivial Sociability The third volume in the series, "Clubs and Societies," explores excesses in society. The final volume, 'Clubs and Societies,' explores the consequences of societal excess. The Sphinxing Rabbit returns to the present with the Duc de Bunny, only to find that all the other rabbits in her autonomous society have become obese from loafing around and overeating. The aristocratic Duc de Bunny is not surprised at this modern condition, since the rabbits no longer 'toil away weight gain' by working in fields. The Sphinxing Rabbit, however, is horrified. The pair travels to visit the salon of Madame Budgie Dots, a songbird who lived in a gilded cage until she hopped on the finger of 'a mysterious man wearing a skull ring,' who showed her freedom. The Sphinxing Rabbit and the Duc de Bunny are introduced to the customs of Freemasonry, and it's suggested that societal clubs may represent an antidote to modern loneliness. The layered storytelling approach of Chakmakjian and Mistry allow readers to engage with the narrative on multiple levels, from simple fable to deep critique of contemporary social issues. In essence, 'The Sphinxing Rabbit' serves as both a mirror and a lamp—reflecting society's pitfalls and shining the way towards wisdom, truth, and beauty. ' Jan. 24, 2019 Hardcover: 68 pages ' Markosia Enterprises Ltd., Jan. 22, 2024 Hardcover: 66 pages ' What arts and culture topics would you like us to cover? Please email ideas or feedback to
