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Celebrate Youth Month with powerful Jozi productions: 'The Good White' and 'Sarafina!'
Celebrate Youth Month with powerful Jozi productions: 'The Good White' and 'Sarafina!'

IOL News

time4 days ago

  • Entertainment
  • IOL News

Celebrate Youth Month with powerful Jozi productions: 'The Good White' and 'Sarafina!'

Vusi Kunene, Shonisani Masutha, Russel Savadier and Renate Stuurman are the all-star cast in 'The Good White'. Image: Ngoma Mphahlele With this being Youth Month, the following poignant productions are not to be missed. The Good White This production by Mike van Graan transports the audience back to 2016, when Jacob Zuma was running the country, corruption was rife, and the #FeesMustFall movement gained momentum. Set against a backdrop ripe for introspection, the play focuses on four characters – portrayed by Russel Savadier, Renate Stuurman, Vusi Kunene, and Shonisani Masutha – as they grapple with fundamental questions about their beliefs, identities, and the paths they have chosen. Directed by Greg Homann, this production serves as both a forceful critique and a thought-provoking reflection. The play's power and theatricality combine to create an experience audiences will not soon forget. Please note, it has a PG-13 age restriction. Where: Market Theatre. When: June 4 - 8, 7pm. Sarafina! This is a special restaging of the critically acclaimed musical, a tribute to Dr Mbongeni Ngema. Telling a crucial part of South Africa's story, 'Sarafina!' entertains, uplifts, and empowers young people. Set against the backdrop of Morris Isaacson High School in Soweto, the story unfolds in the wake of the historic events of 1976, when approximately 200 000 black students united in protest against the apartheid regime's oppressive education system. Through its captivating performances and evocative music, 'Sarafina!' strives to bring this significant moment in history to life, reminding audiences of the enduring spirit of resistance and the ongoing quest for social and political justice. With its moving story, it celebrates the strength and bravery of South Africa's female heroes, highlighting their sacrifices and victories in the struggle against oppression. Directed by the renowned Mpho Molepo, with choreography by the innovative Nompumelele Gumede-Ngema, this production carries a PG-10 age restriction. Where: Mandela Theatre at Joburg Theatre. When: June 4 to 15, 11am.

'I can't stop thinking about her laugh': Tributes flow for murdered Olorato Mongale
'I can't stop thinking about her laugh': Tributes flow for murdered Olorato Mongale

TimesLIVE

time27-05-2025

  • TimesLIVE

'I can't stop thinking about her laugh': Tributes flow for murdered Olorato Mongale

The murder of 30-year-old Olorato Mongale, a student whose life was full of promise and light, has left a community shattered and a family drowning in grief. As news of her death spread, an outpouring of love, sorrow and anger has emerged, painting a portrait of a bright soul stolen far too soon. The body of the missing young woman was found in Lombardy East, Johannesburg, in the early hours of Monday morning. The heartbreaking discovery was confirmed by family spokesperson Criselda Kananda. Olorato, a Rhodes University graduate who was studying for an advanced degree at Wits, was reported missing on Sunday afternoon after going on a date with a man who picked her up from Kew, Johannesburg. Disturbing CCTV pictures circulating on social media show Mongale dressed in a black sweater, black shirt and white shoes leaving a location in Kew and walking towards a white VW Polo. Kananda revealed that Mongale's body was 'brutally violated', adding a sombre weight to the tragedy that has rocked the community. Bianca Cele, a close friend, said Olorato was a beacon of light. 'Olorato was the bright spark behind an iconic pic of me from #FeesMustFall that trended as a meme. She posted it to troll me, because she could never understand how someone so silly online could be so serious in real life. 'She made you laugh even in chaos ... That was her gift. Her humour, her warmth, her laughter, she was infectious and unforgettable,' said Cele. 'That's what I'll hold onto. Her laugh. Her light,' Cele said.

Dear Executive Mayor, this Johannesburg that you are not serious about is our home
Dear Executive Mayor, this Johannesburg that you are not serious about is our home

Eyewitness News

time11-05-2025

  • Politics
  • Eyewitness News

Dear Executive Mayor, this Johannesburg that you are not serious about is our home

Malaika Mahlatsi 9 May 2025 | 15:06 Dada Morero City of Johannesburg FILE: City of Johannesburg Mayor Dada Morero. Picture: City of Joburg I want to reflect on the State of the City Address that was delivered by City of Johannesburg mayor, Dada Morero, this past Wednesday. I want to preface this with a personal statement and to state that I write this article as a lifelong resident of Johannesburg – as a young person who was born and raised in Soweto and who, even as I am now a legal resident of Germany, maintain primary residency in a Johannesburg that I love and cherish deeply. Johannesburg is at the core of my identity. I show up to the world as Malaika whose political consciousness was birthed in Johannesburg. My parents met as student activists and members of the Soweto Youth Congress. My mother gave birth to me at Meadowlands Clinic, and so, it is in the soil of Soweto where my umbilical cord is buried. My activism was not born in the corridors of Rhodes University as a branch secretary of the South African Students Congress (SASCO) or the gatherings of the #RhodesMustFall and #FeesMustFall at the university's purple square, but at Bapedi Hall in zone 3 Meadowlands, where my mother and the late uncles Bathandwa 'Baps' Godlo, Sipho Makama, Clifford Sedibe and Katishi 'Dallas' Masemola used to sit me on their laps in meetings of the African National Congress (ANC). It was through conversations with uncles Norman Ngwedzeni, Fred Mokoko, Strive Ralekgoma, aunts Ndivhuwo Sekoba, Gadifele and many others that I became aware of the history that Black people carry on their backs. Johannesburg is the resting place of my mother. It is the place where all my dreams gestated and where my aspirations were born. Johannesburg is home. It is for this reason that I will always have a house in Johannesburg, no matter where else in the universe I may choose to reside. I pay my rates and taxes to this city's municipality and I will always do so. I love Johannesburg. And it is because I love Johannesburg that I cannot accept that Morero should stand before us, in a time of crisis, and deliver a SOCA that is devoid of substance and inspires no confidence. And make no mistake, the City of Johannesburg is in a state of crisis. What was once touted as a 'world-class African city' has been reduced to a city in a state of decay, with major infrastructure crumbling before our eyes. The streets that I used to walk on and travel to school on in a Putco bus have become riddled with potholes. Traffic lights are not working in literally every neighbourhood, including the heart of the city's economy in the north. From Fourways to the centre of Sandton, Kyalami to Midrand, young men whose geo-histories have been impacted by the legacy of colonial and apartheid violence, and dreams shattered by maladministration in the post-apartheid dispensation, direct traffic in the scorching heat and in pouring rain, just to get R5 coins from motorists. These young men, some of them my age, children of the 1990s like me, have been so emasculated by the structural violence and poverty of our city that to direct traffic is the only way they can participate in this country, in this economy, that has hurled them to the periphery. When Morero stands before us to deliver a SOCA in this climate, one expects to hear a clear plan of action on how Johannesburg is going to arrest the decline. But this is not what he does. Instead, he delivers a mockery of an address that pats former ANC mayors on the back without providing a meaningful context to the barometer of struggle and transformative interventions that worked and those that could not, and why this was the case. He does not provide details on how such instruments as the Economic Recovery Plan of the city are being implemented and monitored, or what mechanisms are in place to unlock the city's investment pipeline. Instead, he speaks about how certain countries around the world could 'showcase' their abilities to help the city – how countries such as Japan could facilitate skills development programmes because 'the majority of taxis and minibuses in Johannesburg are your brand'. Has the City engaged with these countries? What is the progress of those engagements? What are the timelines of delivery and implementation? A city as important as Johannesburg cannot be run on a hope-and-pray strategy where a mayor hopes countries will have the moral conscience to invest. A bold investment strategy is needed – and the SOCA did not even begin to outline one. Morero speaks about how revitalising the inner city is 'personal' but does not engage with the very serious issue of growing gentrification and studentification that is displacing working-class communities and contributing to the cost-of-living crisis that has caused the growth of tenements in the city. Morero pontificates about ensuring water security and touts Joburg Water as a champion of this endeavour, but says nothing of the impediments that confront the water and sanitation utility. Beyond incapacity, these include a massive R3 billion it needs to address water infrastructure backlog and improve water supply reliability, for which there is no clarity on where it will come from. Meanwhile, residents across Johannesburg continue to experience severe water security challenges that are collapsing small businesses and interfering with teaching and learning. When you think the SOCA cannot get more depressing, Morero touts the creation of a 'Bomb Squad' to address issues that officials within the city are employed and must be capacitated to resolve. This is the very definition of institutional fundamentalism – the creation of new institutions to resolve institutional problems. It has become a feature of governance in South Africa under the presidency of Cyril Ramaphosa, who is himself an institutional fundamentalist. But rather than resolve problems, these new institutions erode the capacity of the state by duplicating functions that belong within departments and units, rendering officials ineffective. If Morero believes that officials in the city are ineffective, then why are they still employed or at least, not being adequately capacitated? Why must we, residents and taxpayers in Johannesburg, pay stipends to former senior government officials who will make up this 'Bomb Squad' when we have people employed in the city for the job? Morero then goes on to rhetoric about revenue collection, something that is and will remain a challenge in an economically depressed city. What we needed to hear were details about a Revenue Enhancement Strategy, similar to what the Gauteng Provincial Treasury has presented to the province. Such a strategy must outline the instruments and mechanisms that will be utilised or developed to enhance the city's revenue. None of these details were provided, even briefly. And so, we are left unsure of the plan of action for revenue generation. Morero also makes some legally questionable and bizarre proposals, including the rotation of senior managers. These are Section 56 managers who are appointed by Council under the Municipal Systems Act, based on the specific requirements of the jobs they applied for. The idea that these people can be moved willy-nilly by an Executive Mayor, who is not empowered by any law to do what he is proposing, is outrageous. There is a reason why recent legislative amendments to the Municipal Systems Act draw a stronger line between the political and the administrative in municipal government. Morero should know better. He further proposes the rotation of members of his mayoral committee. For what reason and to what end? I could say a lot about his requests to residents of the City to comply with municipal by-laws and to not vandalise public infrastructure. But what I will say is that you cannot lead people with whom you do not have a social compact that is constantly evaluated. This idea that people are recipients of the state's charity and instructions undermines their ability to meaningfully engage and be engaged in issues that affect their lives. It is captured most aptly by Phindile Kunene, an activist educator and the head of democracy and political culture at the Friedrich-Ebert-Stiftung, who, in an article published by the Sowetan a month ago, argues for engagement with citizens as a means of addressing the destruction and steady erosion of Gauteng public infrastructure. I want to reiterate that I love Johannesburg. I, and all the millions of residents who call this city home, deserved a SOCA that demonstrated a deep appreciation of the seriousness of the challenges that we are facing. We deserved a plan of action with clear demonstration of political will to turn things around. We deserved something to give us hope in times of crisis. We deserved a vision that we could support. What we received, instead, was a SOCA that lacked in imagination and serious political strategy. It was a SOCA that affirmed that we have a collective leadership in Johannesburg that is engaging in a calamitous retreat from the habit of thinking. It is gut-wrenching. Malaika is an award-winning, bestselling author, geographer and researcher at the Institute for Pan African Thought and Conversation. She is a PhD in Geography candidate at the University of Bayreuth in Germany.

Selective activism: A problem for South Africa's youth
Selective activism: A problem for South Africa's youth

Mail & Guardian

time08-05-2025

  • Politics
  • Mail & Guardian

Selective activism: A problem for South Africa's youth

The #FeesMustFall protests in 2015 defining moments of recent youth activism in South Africa. The year 2025 marks the 10th anniversary of the #FeesMustFall, #RhodesMustFall and Open Stellenbosch movements. What makes these events so significant in South Africa's history is that they are the defining moments of recent youth activism in the country. They are when young people made their voices heard across the country. In this decade, young people have established themselves as a highly knowledgeable and vocal generation. But there is room for a lot of improvement, growth and learning. South Africa has a rich history of youth activism, which we celebrate annually on 16 June. However, this celebration has become watered down over the years — and that is the problem with our young people. Youth Day has been reduced to our parents wearing school uniforms to work, instead of us marking the importance of the day. For some, Youth Day is just a day off school and they completely disregard the significance of one of the most important days in the country's history. This is where selective activism can be seen among young people. Over the past year, South Africa's youth has taken part in a historic general election and bravely embarked on nationwide protests under the #JusticeForCweCwe campaign. They halted academic programmes at higher education institutions at the beginning of the year, protesting against National Student Financial Aid Scheme (NSFAS) allowances, registration issues and academic exclusion. These are all important and necessary movements and the youth's involvement is extremely commendable. A statement that has become common among young people is, 'We don't like politics.' While everyone has a right to like what they like, as a generation looking to be handed the baton by the generation ahead, that statement puts young people in a bad position. They choose which issues to focus on and which issues to ignore. The most recent example of this is the recent VAT debacle. While a range of stakeholders across the country stridently voiced their concerns about the tax increase, young people effectively 'blue ticked' it, despite the fact that it's an issue that affects them in every way, from their buying power and the repayment of student loans to raising their cost of living. They complain about their voice not being heard but how can your voice be heard if you don't say anything or if you don't pick the issues you want to be vocal about wisely? This is not an attack on young people and their abilities — they know how to make themselves heard but they need to do it in a manner that is beneficial and a way that puts them in a position to be competent leaders of the country. A few weeks ago, young people started an informal social media campaign to vote for Sweet Guluva, a finalist on this year's edition of Big Brother Mzansi. What could be seen as harmless fun, was a waste of time and effort for young people. They also took to the streets to celebrate Guluva winning the competition. The youth had three opportunities to speak out against the VAT hike — When the budget speech was postponed in February, when the minister finally announced the increase and when it was reversed. Among influential decision-makers, young people in South Africa will be seen as a generation who completely ignored a crisis like the VAT increase but started a social media campaign to get votes for a contestant on a television show. Their priorities will be heavily questioned — and rightfully so. Digging deeper into the topic, it must be made clear that selective activism is not an apathy issue. It is a conscious choice made by young people. But it raises the question — can you be selective and effective? The honest answer is 'no'. There are explanations for selective activism. The first is algorithm-driven exposure. Social media platforms amplify issues that are trending or emotionally fuelled, which leads to disproportionate attention for some causes over others. On the darker side, some engage in online activism as a form of social currency, for likes, shares and online validation from peers and followers. The biggest one, and the most relatable explanation, is personal relevance and identity. Naturally, people will only engage with topics that directly affect them and distance themselves from issues they deem irrelevant. The current leaders and decision-makers were not handed the reins, they fought to be in leadership positions. As we enter new and unfamiliar territory — a fast-paced, ever-changing world ruled by technology and social media — one could say the stars are aligning for South Africa's young people. But they need to show that desire and hunger to lead. As the ANC's presidential candidates make their leadership ambitions known, it is likely that either Paul Mashatile or Fikile Mbalula will ascend to the top office at Luthuli House. And looking at other parties, with the uMkhonto weSizwe party led by Jacob Zuma, the Economic Freedom Fighters led by Julius Malema and Helen Zille permanently logged into the Democratic Alliance's leadership structure, South Africa is desperate for new blood with innovative ideas. In all honesty, the country is tired of seeing the same faces in and around the same structures. Even Malema, once a young gun, has overstayed his welcome in the game of politics. What innovative ideas will the old heads bring this time around? None! These are low hanging fruits for the youth; the ball is in their court. Enzokuhle Sabela is a student pursuing his honours degree in journalism at Stellenbosch University.

'Fees have fallen' in Namibia as president announces free higher education
'Fees have fallen' in Namibia as president announces free higher education

Yahoo

time25-04-2025

  • Politics
  • Yahoo

'Fees have fallen' in Namibia as president announces free higher education

Namibia's new president has announced that university fees will be scrapped from 2026. President Netumbo Nandi-Ndaitwah, the country's first female president, made the announcement during her maiden state of the nation address on Thursday evening. Addressing lawmakers, Nandi-Ndaitwah said that students would pay "no registration [or] tuition fees" at all public universities and technical colleges. However, she said there would not be "significant" extra funding, raising questions about the scheme's feasibility. Nandi-Ndaitwah said free university education would be phased in gradually and that the only "contribution as families and students for now will be towards accommodation and other related costs". "We have heard your cries: 'the Fees have Fallen'," she said, a reference to previous demands by university students in Namibia, as well as neighbouring South Africa. 'We are students thanks to South Africa's #FeesMustFall protests' South Africa #FeesMustFall: Stories behind the protests She said the money would come from the subsidies already given to some of the country's public universities and the money allocated to the student financial assistance fund. "If we are going to add, we are not going to add a significant [amount of funds]," she said. Primary and secondary education is already free in all the country's public schools. While some student organisations welcomed Nandi-Ndaitwah's announcement, others have criticised it as unfeasible and vague. One of these is the Affirmative Repositioning Student Command (ARSC), which said it was just an attention-seeking ploy by the Namibian government. "There is no plan, it is just a confused announcement which raises [the] question of what [Nandi-Ndaitwah] means by tertiary education," the organisation told the BBC. Elaborating, the ARSC questioned which students would benefit - post-graduates or only undergraduates - as well as where the funding would come from. This echoed sentiments expressed by Tannen Groenewald, an economist who spoke to local news site the Windhoek Observer. He suggested that scrapping fees without providing extra funding could lead to student numbers being capped. He also speculated that it may eventually only apply to students from low-income households. This is what happened in neighbouring South Africa. In 2017, the government gave in to calls for tertiary education fees to be scrapped which were made during what was known as the #FeesMustFall protests - but only a small number of students benefited. It has since been criticised as being too restrictive because as the so-called "missing middle", were excluded - those considered too wealthy to qualify for financial aid but who struggle to afford tuition fees. Sam Nujoma: The revolutionary leader who liberated Namibia From freedom fighter to Namibia's first female president Hopes beer made from killer bees will create buzz Go to for more news from the African continent. Follow us on Twitter @BBCAfrica, on Facebook at BBC Africa or on Instagram at bbcafrica Africa Daily Focus on Africa

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