Latest news with #FeyliKurds
Shafaq News
2 days ago
- Politics
- Shafaq News
Iraqi Parliament's Quota move silences Feyli Kurdish aspirations
Shafaq News The decision to reclassify the Kurdish Feyli quota seat in Iraq's parliament as a nationwide allocation—rather than limiting it to Wasit province—has ignited political and community backlash. What was once a symbolic recognition of the Feyli Kurds' historic presence in Wasit is now seen by many as a vulnerable tool of political bargaining, prompting renewed calls to restore the seat's provincial scope and expand representation for a community long subjected to marginalization and forced displacement. Enduring Legacy of Displacement and Exclusion The Kurdish Feylis suffered systematic persecution under the Ba'athist regime, particularly during the 1970s and 1980s. They were targeted for their ethno-sectarian identity—being both Kurdish and Shiite—and labeled as 'foreigners' despite generations of residence in Iraq. Between 1970 and 1980, up to half a million Feylis were expelled to Iran. Many lost their citizenship, property, and civil rights. Over 15,000 young Feyli men disappeared during the purges, with their remains never recovered. Baghdad's elite Feyli business and academic circles were especially targeted. Despite the fall of Saddam Hussein's regime in 2003, many returnees still face bureaucratic barriers in reclaiming their original citizenship or accessing legal rights. Historical and Political Context The Kurdish Feyli quota seat was originally established as a recognition of the community's longstanding presence in Wasit, particularly in cities like Kut, Al-Aziziyah, Al-Hai, Badrah, Zurbatiyah, and Jassan. Political activist Haidar Hisham al-Feyli explained that the seat was secured after a sustained campaign by Feyli activists and was initially meant to include three seats before being reduced to one for political reasons. 'This seat was meant to reflect the aspirations of the Feyli Kurds,' Hisham told Shafaq News. 'But now, instead of protecting their representation, it is being contested by figures outside the community due to weak safeguards and ineffective electoral oversight.' He stressed that the seat lacks clear legal protections and has been subjected to external interference, allowing candidates who are not Feyli Kurds to contest under the quota. This, he said, has diluted the seat's original purpose and fragmented the community's electoral voice. Kurdish Feyli MP Hussein Mardan stated that the Federal Court ruled that the Kurdish Feyli quota seat in the Iraqi parliament—out of a total of 329 seats—will be a national seat for all of Iraq does not benefit the Feyli component. 'If we assume that it must be a national seat, then at the very least the Feylis should be granted five seats, similar to the Christian component. A single national seat does not serve the Kurdish Feylis, especially considering that Feyli Kurdish candidates are not present across all Iraqi provinces,' He told Shafaq News. Legal and Institutional Gaps Critics highlight the failure of Iraq's electoral commission to enforce identity-specific quotas, allowing political maneuvering that jeopardizes minority rights. Rashid al-Budairi, a senior member of the 'Services (Khadamat)' political alliance, argued that this shift contradicts the historical justice intended for the Kurdish Feylis. 'They faced genocide, forced displacement, and systemic exclusion under the former regime.' 'Wasit should retain the seat as a matter of acquired and constitutional right. The recent move turns the quota into a bargaining chip, risking its appropriation by a single political faction.' Beyond the Quota While defending the quota's existence, some lawmakers also highlight the growing political engagement of Feyli Kurds outside the quota system. MP Bassem Nughaymish of Wasit noted that the community is not solely reliant on the reserved seat to enter the political arena. 'Feyli Kurds are full citizens of Wasit, not a minority in the traditional sense,' Nughaymish said. 'They have successfully contested general parliamentary elections and hold key posts in the provincial government.' According to Nughaymish, several key administrative roles in the province—such as municipal leadership in Kut and other directorates—are held by Feyli Kurds, reflecting their active participation in public life. He specifically mentioned Deputy Governor Nabil Shamma, the brother of renowned musician Naseer Shamma, as an example of the community's strong local presence. What's Next? With national elections on the horizon, the controversy over the Kurdish Feyli seat is likely to intensify. Calls for restoring the seat to Wasit and expanding the community's representation are gaining momentum among activists and political allies. However, unless electoral regulations are tightened and community-led representation is prioritized, the quota may become symbolic rather than substantive. 'Without legal safeguards and genuine political will,' Hisham warned, 'the quota will only serve as a façade, not a channel for real empowerment.' Written and edited by Shafaq News staff.
Shafaq News
02-07-2025
- Politics
- Shafaq News
Feyli Kurd icon Barzo: A life of Iraqi resistance
Shafaq News/ From Baghdad's backstreets to the mountain frontlines of Penjwen, the life of Muhammad Hassan Barzo reads like a quiet epic of resistance. A Feyli Kurd born into marginalization, Barzo emerged as a central figure in Iraq's Kurdish political awakening—his legacy still echoing decades after his assassination in 1973. Born on July 1, 1923, on King Ghazi Street (now al-Kifah), Barzo came from a Feyli family that had migrated from Ilam, Iran, seeking security and stability. He began his education in Kuttabs (traditional Islamic schools), but his nationalist awareness was awakened by his cousin, intellectual Mohammad Khosrow. Immersed in Arabic and Persian writings on history and identity, Barzo's political consciousness took root early. In the 1940s, he joined the Hiwa (Hope) Party. When security crackdowns intensified, he fled to Iran, only to return in secret to Baghdad, where he discreetly organized within the Feyli community. As an accountant in Shorja market, Barzo quietly mobilized support among merchants and craftsmen for the Kurdish cause. A turning point came on August 16, 1946, when Barzo helped found the Kurdistan Democratic Party (KDP), a leading party in the Kurdistan Region, in a clandestine meeting in Baghdad's Abu Sifain neighborhood. Inspired by the Mahabad Republic, the group gathered in two adjacent rented houses to avoid detection. His role in this milestone placed him at the center of the modern Kurdish political movement. Barzo's activism extended beyond politics. He co-founded the Grand Feyli Mosque in Bab al-Sheikh and led the Feyli Sports Club, blending civic empowerment with cultural organizing. These efforts, however, drew hostility from rival groups, particularly Communist Party sympathizers. In 1952, the Kurdish activist and young Jalal Talabani were assigned to rebuild KDP youth cells among Feyli Kurds. During the 1961 Kurdish uprising, Barzo sheltered party secretary Ibrahim Ahmad in his Baghdad home before helping him escape to Kurdistan. After a renewed crackdown in 1963, Barzo vanished into the mountains, taking an administrative post in Penjwen, where he coordinated services for residents. By the late 1960s, his activism crossed borders. He allied with Iranian opposition leader General Teymur Bakhtiar and became a vocal critic of the Shah. Through Al-Tariq newspaper and multilingual broadcasts, Barzo denounced Tehran's repression of minorities and exposed the brutality of SAVAK, the Shah's intelligence agency. Publishing in Kurdish, Persian, Arabic, and Azeri, he became a rare voice bridging ideological and ethnic lines. His criticism of the 1969 deportations of Feyli Kurds enraged both SAVAK and Iraq's Baath regime. Despite mounting threats, Barzo refused exile. On July 22, 1973, he was shot near al-Wathba Street, close to his boyhood home. His body was left in the street, with only 600 fils (less than a dollar) in his pocket. Kurdish movements condemned the murder as a 'political execution.' But among Feyli Kurds, Barzo came to symbolize more than martyrdom—he stood for principled defiance. He rejected privilege, stood with students, workers, and tradespeople, and poured his life and livelihood into a cause that never fully recognized him. Muhammad Hassan Barzo represented a generation of Feyli Kurds who fought on two fronts: asserting their presence in Baghdad and resisting authoritarianism at home and abroad. Though he never lived to see the fruits of his struggle, his convictions and sacrifice remain etched in Kurdish collective memory.
Shafaq News
01-06-2025
- Entertainment
- Shafaq News
Hora festival in Ilam revives ancient Feyli Kurdish musical heritage
Shafaq News/ On Friday, the Iranian city of Chavar in Ilam province hosted the 'Hora' festival, celebrating one of the oldest traditional musical forms of the Feyli Kurds. Chavar District Governor Farajollah Bavand described the Hora festival as a key contributor to social cohesion in Ilam, adding that 'Hora is a mythical sound that has inspired numerous musical styles and art forms.' Bavand also highlighted Hora's place among the Zagros inhabitants, stressing the importance of protecting and expanding its presence.
Shafaq News
31-05-2025
- Politics
- Shafaq News
Feyli Kurdish Front demands recognition, rights on 8th anniversary
Shafaq News/ On Saturday, the Feyli Kurdish Front marked its eighth anniversary with a ceremony in Baghdad, renewing its call for justice, legal recognition, and political inclusion. The event, held at the party's headquarters, brought together political leaders, civil society groups, and activists. Speakers highlighted the Feyli Kurds' long-standing grievances, including forced displacement, confiscated property, and systemic exclusion—urging enforcement of constitutional rulings in their favor. Speaking to Shafaq News, Maher Rashid al-Feyli, Secretary-General of the Front, reaffirmed the group's sole mandate to represent the community's interests, encouraging unity among Feyli Kurds and stressing that achieving formal political and legal status remains the movement's top goal. While open to cooperation with other Feyli organizations, he dismissed broader coalitions, accusing dominant parties of 'stalling efforts' to restore the community's rights. Deputy Secretary-General Hamid Rashid described the anniversary as a 'strategic moment' ahead of national elections, revealing that the Front is actively evaluating alliance offers. 'We're a political home for every Feyli Kurd. Institutional recognition remains our driving mission.' Shamil al-Feyli, Deputy Secretary-General of the al-Walaa Movement, called for unity among Feyli groups, framing the gathering as 'a reaffirmation of a shared struggle for dignity.' Meanwhile, Sabah Nour al-Din, head of the Front's Women's Committee, urged national parties to support the Feyli cause. 'Our suffering demands accountability,' she remarked to our agency, adding, 'Empowering the Feyli community must become a national responsibility.'
Shafaq News
31-05-2025
- Politics
- Shafaq News
Stateless in their homeland: The unending exile of Iraq's Feyli Kurds
Shafaq News/ In the quiet alleys of eastern Baghdad, Amira Abdul-Amir Ali moves through her days under the weight of silence. Her footsteps echo with decades of exclusion—an exile not from geography, but from legal existence. Born in 1960 and raised in Iraq, she remains, at 64, a citizen of nowhere. No official record affirms her Iraqi identity. Her life is suspended in a bureaucratic void—without recognition, rights, or recourse. Amira's story mirrors that of tens of thousands of Feyli Kurds, a Shiite Kurdish minority deeply woven into Iraq's social and economic fabric. For generations, they ran businesses, held public posts, and called Iraq home. But shifting political tides erased that belonging. Displacement by Decree The persecution of the Feyli Kurds was deliberate and protracted. In the early 1970s, the Baath regime under President Ahmed Hassan al-Bakr initiated mass deportations, accusing Feylis of 'Iranian allegiance.' Under Saddam Hussein, the campaign intensified, peaking in 1980 with one of Iraq's most egregious state-led displacements. Citizenship papers vanished overnight. Families were rounded up and forced into Iran. Homes, shops, and savings were confiscated. Over 500,000 Feyli Kurds were expelled, according to estimates. Thousands of young men disappeared, likely executed or buried in unmarked graves. Baghdad's Feyli professionals and merchants were among the hardest hit. The Iraqi Ministry of Human Rights reports that more than 1.3 million people went missing nationwide between 1980 and 1990. Feyli Kurds bore a disproportionate share of that toll. Recognition Without Relief In 2010, Iraq's High Criminal Court classified the deportations and disappearances as genocide. A year later, Parliament echoed that recognition. Yet these acknowledgments, while historic, brought little in practice. Pledges to restore citizenship, return property, and compensate victims remain largely unfulfilled. Many survivors returned to Iraq after the 2003 fall of Saddam Hussein—hopeful, but soon entangled in a labyrinth of paperwork. Reinstating citizenship required documents lost during exile or raids, and the state offered scant support in recovering them. A Name Without a Nation Amira's life exemplifies this bureaucratic limbo. Deported with her family in 1980, she spent decades in Iran. There, she married an Iraqi prisoner of war in a religious ceremony—valid by custom, but unregistered by Iraqi authorities. After returning to Iraq post-2003, her husband failed to submit her nationality paperwork. When he died, Amira was left alone, legally invisible. She holds no national ID, cannot access public healthcare or education, and is excluded from Iraq's food ration system. 'All I ask is to be treated like everyone else,' she told Shafaq News. 'To restore just a piece of my lost dignity.' Her entire legal identity today fits in a worn file folder—an unregistered marriage contract, a few aging residency papers—none sufficient to restore her rights. Bureaucracy and Gender Iraqi law allows reinstatement of Feyli citizenship in principle, but implementation is sluggish and inconsistent. For women, the hurdles are even greater. Iraq's civil registry system still leans heavily on male guardianship. Without a husband or male relative to file her case, Amira has effectively vanished from official records. Her experience reveals how gender compounds legal exclusion. Years in exile, outdated rules, and systemic corruption create a maze most cannot navigate. Her case is just one of hundreds stuck in this legal paralysis. Human Rights Watch has noted that Iraq's transitional justice efforts are undermined by fragmented politics and selective enforcement. Legal structures exist, but urgency and willpower are lacking. Genocide as Daily Reality The 2010 genocide ruling was a milestone—but more than a decade later, material justice remains absent. Property has not been restored. Compensation has not reached most victims. And citizenship remains elusive for many. Some Feyli Kurds have reintegrated. But others—like Amira—live in legal shadows. For them, 'genocide' is not merely a past crime—it is a daily condition. 'I live as though I have no right to anything… no home, no document, no voice,' Amira said. 'Orphaned by both parents—I just want to be treated as an Iraqi. That's all.' A Humanitarian Path Forward Amira continues to appeal to Iraqi leaders—especially Prime Minister Mohammed Shia al-Sudani and Interior Minister Abdul-Amir al-Shammari—seeking a humanitarian solution. Iraqi law does include provisions for exceptional cases, particularly involving mixed marriages and displaced persons, but they are rarely and inconsistently applied. Human rights advocates stress the need for urgent administrative reform: simplify application procedures, recognize informal marriages in exile, and allow women to reclaim citizenship without male intermediaries. The United Nations defines legal identity as a foundational right—one that enables access to education, healthcare, political participation, and economic life. Without it, individuals are effectively erased from public existence.
