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Politico
2 days ago
- Business
- Politico
Trump's megabill triumph has Democrats eyeing the ‘high ground' on energy prices
Republicans scoffed at the notion that Democrats will succeed in promoting themselves as energy price populists. 'It's tough for the Democrats because they've made climate their energy priority for decades,' said Alex Conant, a Republican strategist and former aide to then-Sen. Marco Rubio who is a partner at Firehouse Strategies. 'Voters associate liberals with prioritizing climate change over energy affordability.' Also inconvenient for the Democrats is the fact that oil prices are hovering near four-year lows, GOP strategist Ford O'Connell said. So even if Democrats cling to a message that Republican policies raise energy prices, he said, those price hikes are unlikely to show up in the real world before the midterms. 'That's just something that Democrats keep saying over and over, but it's just not going to be true because the argument defies gravity,' O'Connell said. Blaming Republicans for future energy price increases is 'too abstract,' said David Victor, an expert on climate change and energy markets who works as a professor of innovation and public policy at the University of California San Diego. He added that for people who simply believe that green energy is expensive, the Democratic counterargument will be drowned out. 'People don't believe it,' he said. 'All kinds of claims are being made.' Try, try again The Democrats' plans to seize on the energy argument is part of a larger effort to hammer Republicans over projections that the megabill will steer huge tax breaks to the wealthy while kicking millions of poorer Americans off Medicaid. It also recognizes the new realities of the U.S. energy markets, including the rise of AI data centers and the fact that U.S. power consumption is moving up after almost 20 years of nearly flat demand. Democrats believe the time is ripe to revive the call to speed the growth of wind and solar power — and bash the Republicans for taking the green power incentives off the table. They also contend that Trump's law will spike power prices by making renewable electricity more expensive. 'We're going to need to build assets for a growing grid. Choosing not to build things is fucking stupid,' Rep. Sean Casten (D-Illinois) said. Castor agreed with the messaging approach, adding that her Tampa-area constituents are already well aware of how climate change is affecting their lives. But when she talks to them about what's at stake in the Capitol and the White House, she said she focuses on 'higher costs, higher electric bills.'
Yahoo
01-04-2025
- Politics
- Yahoo
A Trump bid for a third term could set off legal battles in states nationwide
In a private meeting at a global summit in Buenos Aires in 2018, China's president, Xi Jinping, turned to President Trump and said it was a shame he couldn't stay in power beyond the two-term limit set by the U.S. Constitution. Trump agreed. It was just one of several instances in which Trump mused over the prospects of an extra-constitutional reign in the White House. 'He's talked about it for a really long time,' said John Bolton, Trump's national security advisor from 2018 to 2019, recalling the meeting. 'It's on his mind, and he'd like to do it.' The possibility of Trump running for a third term gained fresh attention this weekend after the president told NBC that he was 'not joking' about pursuing one. 'There are methods,' Trump said. 'But I'm not — it is far too early to think about it.' Attorneys, scholars and state officials disagree. The knowledge that Trump may bid to stay in power, in a direct challenge to the 22nd Amendment, already has election officials in secretaries of state offices throughout the country bracing for legal battles that could begin as soon as next year. The plain language of the amendment, which states that 'no person shall be elected to the office of the President more than twice,' will also factor into local races starting next year for secretaries of state across the nation — key offices that will determine ballot qualification and interpret, or ignore, inevitable rulings on Trump's eligibility from the courts. It will not happen Alan Dershowitz, constitutional professor, on a third Trump term. 'Individual states and federal courts would almost certainly move to keep him off ballots,' said Alex Conant, former communications director for Marco Rubio's 2016 presidential campaign and a founding partner of Firehouse Strategies. 'It could," he added, "get messy.' Some of Trump's most prominent current and former attorneys doubt that the president has a path to a third term, absent a laborious, politically challenging and time-consuming constitutional amendment. An amendment must be approved by three-fourths of the states (38 out of 50). Pam Bondi, the president's attorney general, told senators in her confirmation hearing that Trump could not serve a third term 'unless they change the Constitution.' 'It could not happen absent a constitutional amendment, which could not possibly be enacted in time,' said Alan Dershowitz, a longtime constitutional professor at Harvard and a lawyer to Trump during his Senate impeachment trial. 'It will not happen.' Read more: California vs. Trump: What it's like to be the attorneys on the front lines And yet in Arizona, where Trump and his allies tried to overturn the election results in 2020 to remain in power, discussions are already underway over the logistical pathways Trump might take to secure ballot access there. As in many other states, Arizona's process for accepting candidates onto primary ballots relies heavily on the internal decisions of political parties. How could Republicans, who are so reluctant to defy Trump, oppose such an effort? 'The first line of defense would be the Republican Party standing up for the Constitution and saying, 'No, you're constitutionally ineligible, so we're not going to put you forward as a candidate,'' said a former Arizona election official, granted anonymity to speak candidly. 'But assuming that that fails, and the Republican Party nominates Trump for a third term, then they would try to submit his name and his vice presidential nominee, and their presidential electors in Arizona, to the secretary of state's office for ballot qualification. That would be the office to assess legal grounds for refusing to put them on the ballot.' The term for Arizona's secretary of state, currently a Democrat, ends in 2027. Given the opportunity, five senior administration officials within Trump's inner circle contacted by The Times refused to rule out an effort by Trump to remain in office. The White House referred to a statement by the president's press secretary, Karoline Leavitt, to reporters on Monday in which she said, 'It's not really something we're thinking about.' Bolton, who went from Trump loyalist to fierce Trump critic, says otherwise. 'People need to think about it,' Bolton added. 'Trump's thinking about it, you can guarantee that.' Trump launched his prior reelection bids historically early, announcing his first on Jan. 20, 2017 — the day of his first inauguration — and his second in November 2022, just a week after the midterm elections that year. This time, Trump's supporters began calling for another run within weeks of him taking office. Trump was excluded from a straw poll of 2028 candidates at this year's Conservative Political Action Conference. But "Trump 2028" material still circulated the event, drawing vocal support from prominent figures in the party, including Sen. Lindsey Graham of South Carolina. Stephen K. Bannon, a former White House strategist to Trump during his first term, said last month that he, conservative attorney Mike Davis and others are devising strategies for Trump to stay in office, warning that Democrats will try to imprison the president if he relinquishes power. 'We're working on it — I think we'll have a couple of alternatives,' Bannon told NewsNation. 'We'll see what the definition of term limit is.' Legal challenges could come swift and early, experts said. 'Could he solicit money legally for something which you're ineligible to run for? That might be the first place where somebody would have standing to sue,' said Andrew Rudalevige, a professor of government at Bowdoin College. Read more: White House ordered firing of L.A. federal prosecutor on ex-Fatburger CEO case, sources say The 'methods' and 'alternatives' referenced by Trump and Bannon are not clear. But Trump acknowledged one idea circulating among his supporters: Running for the vice presidency, and then either having the elected president resign or allowing Trump to effectively run the government. That plan would face multiple hurdles, requiring Trump to trust someone enough to win the presidency and relinquish power to him. It would also raise questions over the 12th Amendment, which states that 'no person constitutionally ineligible to the office of President shall be eligible to that of Vice-President." 'It's just cut and dry — he's ineligible,' said Richard Painter, former chief White House ethics lawyer during the George W. Bush administration, 'and to put an ineligible candidate on a state ballot for a primary, you're denying everyone in that political party the right to vote for president, because someone ineligible is on the ballot. "I think you could go to federal court for an injunction, and I think the Supreme Court might just have a nationwide injunction against it,' Painter added. Only one former president, Franklin Delano Roosevelt, ran for and won more than two terms in office, breaking with a tradition that started at the advent of the nation. 'The norm created by George Washington was that the president would serve only two terms, and then Roosevelt decided not to,' said Peter Kastor, chair of the History Department at Washington University in St. Louis. 'After FDR died, before the conclusion of his fourth term, a variety of people came together and concluded they needed to codify the notion of a two-term presidency.' Now, with the 22nd Amendment in place, the question legal scholars and election officials are asking isn't whether the law is clear, but whether Trump will follow it. "I don't think I've really heard serious discussion among serious people — there are certainly musings about it among conservatives, but not necessarily conservative lawyers," said Curt Levey, president of the conservative Committee for Justice. "There's no doubt that the administration is being assertive and it means to test the boundaries of executive authority," Levey added. "But I think it's extremely unlikely that he would order Republican officials, in many states, to defy court orders — and even if he ordered them, doesn't mean they would comply." Trump will be 82 at the end of his current term, older than President Biden was when he ran for reelection against Trump last year. Get the L.A. Times Politics newsletter. Deeply reported insights into legislation, politics and policy from Sacramento, Washington and beyond, in your inbox twice per week. This story originally appeared in Los Angeles Times.
Los Angeles Times
01-04-2025
- Politics
- Los Angeles Times
A Trump bid for a third term could set off legal battles in states nationwide
WASHINGTON — In a private meeting at a global summit in Buenos Aires in 2018, China's president, Xi Jinping, turned to President Trump and said it was a shame he couldn't stay in power beyond the two-term limit set by the U.S. Constitution. Trump agreed. It was just one of several instances in which Trump mused over the prospects of an extra-constitutional reign in the White House. 'He's talked about it for a really long time,' said John Bolton, Trump's national security advisor from 2018 to 2019, recalling the meeting. 'It's on his mind, and he'd like to do it.' The possibility of Trump running for a third term gained fresh attention this weekend after the president told NBC that he was 'not joking' about pursuing one. 'There are methods,' Trump said. 'But I'm not — it is far too early to think about it.' Attorneys, scholars and state officials disagree. The knowledge that Trump may bid to stay in power, in a direct challenge to the 22nd Amendment, already has election officials in secretaries of state offices throughout the country bracing for legal battles that could begin as soon as next year. The plain language of the amendment, which states that 'no person shall be elected to the office of the President more than twice,' will also factor into local races starting next year for secretaries of state across the nation — key offices that will determine ballot qualification and interpret, or ignore, inevitable rulings on Trump's eligibility from the courts. 'Individual states and federal courts would almost certainly move to keep him off ballots,' said Alex Conant, former communications director for Marco Rubio's 2016 presidential campaign and a founding partner of Firehouse Strategies. 'It could,' he added, 'get messy.' Some of Trump's most prominent current and former attorneys doubt that the president has a path to a third term, absent a laborious, politically challenging and time-consuming constitutional amendment. An amendment must be approved by three-fourths of the states (38 out of 50). Pam Bondi, the president's attorney general, told senators in her confirmation hearing that Trump could not serve a third term 'unless they change the Constitution.' 'It could not happen absent a constitutional amendment, which could not possibly be enacted in time,' said Alan Dershowitz, a longtime constitutional professor at Harvard and a lawyer to Trump during his Senate impeachment trial. 'It will not happen.' And yet in Arizona, where Trump and his allies tried to overturn the election results in 2020 to remain in power, discussions are already underway over the logistical pathways Trump might take to secure ballot access there. As in many other states, Arizona's process for accepting candidates onto primary ballots relies heavily on the internal decisions of political parties. How could Republicans, who are so reluctant to defy Trump, oppose such an effort? 'The first line of defense would be the Republican Party standing up for the Constitution and saying, 'No, you're constitutionally ineligible, so we're not going to put you forward as a candidate,'' said a former Arizona election official, granted anonymity to speak candidly. 'But assuming that that fails, and the Republican Party nominates Trump for a third term, then they would try to submit his name and his vice presidential nominee, and their presidential electors in Arizona, to the secretary of state's office for ballot qualification. That would be the office to assess legal grounds for refusing to put them on the ballot.' The term for Arizona's secretary of state, currently a Democrat, ends in 2027. Given the opportunity, five senior administration officials within Trump's inner circle contacted by The Times refused to rule out an effort by Trump to remain in office. The White House referred to a statement by the president's press secretary, Karoline Leavitt, to reporters on Monday in which she said, 'It's not really something we're thinking about.' Bolton, who went from Trump loyalist to fierce Trump critic, says otherwise. 'People need to think about it,' Bolton added. 'Trump's thinking about it, you can guarantee that.' Trump launched his prior reelection bids historically early, announcing his first on Jan. 20, 2017 — the day of his first inauguration — and his second in November 2022, just a week after the midterm elections that year. This time, Trump's supporters began calling for another run within weeks of him taking office. Trump was excluded from a straw poll of 2028 candidates at this year's Conservative Political Action Conference. But 'Trump 2028' material still circulated the event, drawing vocal support from prominent figures in the party, including Sen. Lindsey Graham of South Carolina. Stephen K. Bannon, a former White House strategist to Trump during his first term, said last month that he, conservative attorney Mike Davis and others are devising strategies for Trump to stay in office, warning that Democrats will try to imprison the president if he relinquishes power. 'We're working on it — I think we'll have a couple of alternatives,' Bannon told NewsNation. 'We'll see what the definition of term limit is.' Legal challenges could come swift and early, experts said. 'Could he solicit money legally for something which you're ineligible to run for? That might be the first place where somebody would have standing to sue,' said Andrew Rudalevige, a professor of government at Bowdoin College. The 'methods' and 'alternatives' referenced by Trump and Bannon are not clear. But Trump acknowledged one idea circulating among his supporters: Running for the vice presidency, and then either having the elected president resign or allowing Trump to effectively run the government. That plan would face multiple hurdles, requiring Trump to trust someone enough to win the presidency and relinquish power to him. It would also raise questions over the 12th Amendment, which states that 'no person constitutionally ineligible to the office of President shall be eligible to that of Vice-President.' 'It's just cut and dry — he's ineligible,' said Richard Painter, former chief White House ethics lawyer during the George W. Bush administration, 'and to put an ineligible candidate on a state ballot for a primary, you're denying everyone in that political party the right to vote for president, because someone ineligible is on the ballot. 'I think you could go to federal court for an injunction, and I think the Supreme Court might just have a nationwide injunction against it,' Painter added. Only one former president, Franklin Delano Roosevelt, ran for and won more than two terms in office, breaking with a tradition that started at the advent of the nation. 'The norm created by George Washington was that the president would serve only two terms, and then Roosevelt decided not to,' said Peter Kastor, chair of the History Department at Washington University in St. Louis. 'After FDR died, before the conclusion of his fourth term, a variety of people came together and concluded they needed to codify the notion of a two-term presidency.' Now, with the 22nd Amendment in place, the question legal scholars and election officials are asking isn't whether the law is clear, but whether Trump will follow it. 'I don't think I've really heard serious discussion among serious people — there are certainly musings about it among conservatives, but not necessarily conservative lawyers,' said Curt Levey, president of the conservative Committee for Justice. 'There's no doubt that the administration is being assertive and it means to test the boundaries of executive authority,' Levey added. 'But I think it's extremely unlikely that he would order Republican officials, in many states, to defy court orders — and even if he ordered them, doesn't mean they would comply.' Trump will be 82 at the end of his current term, older than President Biden was when he ran for reelection against Trump last year.
Yahoo
20-03-2025
- Business
- Yahoo
K Street crashes into ‘nearly un-lobbyable' Elon Musk
Washington's lobbying class is grasping for an effective approach to an unprecedented challenge: how do you influence a mercurial outsider like Elon Musk who has immense but unofficial power and is the world's richest person. But solving for Musk could pay huge dividends. If K Street can figure out how to lobby him, they can capitalize off the anxiety pervading Washington that drives companies and industries to sign six-figure retainers. 'Washington is really used to deliberative processes where stakeholders get input,' said Alex Conant, co-founder of Firehouse Strategies. 'Musk doesn't believe in any of that.' That frustration is shared across Washington, where private interests trying to protect their own projects—or nudging DOGE to target a competitor instead, sometimes through DOGE's X account — are running into the same problem. Musk operates with a singular mission: cutting government waste at breakneck speed, with little patience for the conventional playbook. Lobbyists find they're being asked not only to save a company from their fear of Musk's unpredictable social media ire or a sweeping DOGE cut that would hit their industry or wipe out their contract. They're also being queried about potential real estate investments from the General Services Administration's plans to sell federal buildings and business opportunities arising from Musk's effort to modernize government software. Lobbyists without direct ties to Musk's inner circle are deploying other strategies such as working more conventional agency contacts or scouring the DOGE leader's social media feed. This report is based on conversations with ten Republican lobbyists and operatives trying to navigate the new Washington. 'Every client has a worry right now,' said a GOP operative, who, like others, was granted anonymity to discuss private conversations. 'The problem is that this is not your typical administration, where you could call up a staffer, schedule a meeting, place a few op-eds, and move somebody to see things your way. Elon Musk is nearly un-lobbyable. You have to work non-traditional routes.' Musk has imported the Silicon Valley ethos of 'move fast and break things' to the federal government, carrying out his mission with a kind of maniacal urgency that has left businesses scrambling. He is also notoriously unsympathetic — a trait he sees as essential for running a company and, now, a government initiative — making him a nightmare for lobbyists used to schmoozing their way to results. Some lobbyists, unwilling to promise results they can't deliver, are turning away clients with DOGE asks that appear impossible, such as saving foreign development projects. Others are focusing their DOGE-related efforts on federal agencies or the DOGE Caucus on Capitol Hill. Or they are trying unconventional tactics, such as reaching out to influencers Musk engages with on X or seeding stories in conservative media. 'DOGE is being made up as it goes along by people who remain much more entrenched in their pre-existing private sector professional circles than they are within any network of public policy experts,' said Jeff Hauser of the left-leaning Revolving Door Project, which scrutinizes executive branch appointees. 'As a result, it wouldn't surprise me that people or companies with whom Musk and his team used to collaborate prior to Trump's inauguration retain the best channels to DOGE and greatest influence with Musk.' One well-connected Trump lobbyist granted anonymity to speak freely said he has been inundated with requests to set up DOGE meetings, most of which he declines because it's an impossible feat. 'They all say, 'I want to meet with the DOGE people,' and we joke, 'All right, just email bigballs@ he said, referring to the 19-year-old DOGE employee who previously used the online moniker 'Big Balls.' It's not just trying to save government contracts that have kept D.C. lobbyists busy — they've also been asked to scope out potential opportunities from DOGE's work. As the government seeks to sell off federal buildings, another Republican lobbyist has been asked for information from real estate investors looking to capitalize on such future sales from the General Services Administration. 'There's a lot of real estate investors who are interested in that,' the person said. The secrecy surrounding DOGE contributes to the perception that Musk is a black box. He doesn't maintain a conventional political team, and his tight circle of Silicon Valley loyalists and DOGE operatives executing his visions are tough to reach. 'How are you going to find these guys? You're going to start searching basements in government buildings?' the lobbyist asked sarcastically. Those who have pre-existing relationships with Musk — or lead companies large enough to command his attention — have found ways to reach him directly. One company wrongly targeted by Musk managed to correct the misunderstanding, convincing him that a different entity was responsible for the issue that triggered his scrutiny, according to a lobbyist with knowledge of the situation granted anonymity to speak freely. For everyone else, the options are limited. Many have opted to work the federal agencies, where there is still some semblance of process and recognizable Trump allies in senior positions. Others are turning to Capitol Hill, trying to extract morsels of information on DOGE's next moves from members of the DOGE caucus, including co-chairs Sen. Joni Ernst (R-Iowa), Rep. Pete Sessions (R-Texas), Rep. Blake Moore (R-Utah), and Rep. Aaron Bean (R-Fla.). While members of DOGE have taken the lead on identifying cuts, Trump has publicly stated that his Cabinet will have the final say, so Washington operatives are working to preemptively frame their clients' projects in a positive light before they land on the chopping block. 'Depending on what it is, you really have to go through the political channels of each agency and say, 'Hey, can we just talk about this factually first?'' said an in-house Fortune 50 lobbyist granted anonymity to discuss internal matters. 'I think there is value in that. If you can make a good case, they're happy to identify what it is…but it's not easy.' Another emerging strategy: leveraging Musk's online habits and vying for second-tier access. Given the billionaire's near-constant engagement on X, lobbyists are analyzing the accounts he follows, trying to influence him through the people he already interacts with. 'Everyone in town is analyzing that list, mapping out how to get to them,' the Republican operative said of the one thousand accounts that Musk follows. Among the influencers rumored to have a direct line to Musk is Ian Miles Cheong, a Malaysian right-wing commentator and social media personality who contributes to Rebel News and has previously worked with The Daily Caller and Russian state media RT. Others in Musk's orbit who are considered potential access points include people like Trump's eldest son, Donald Trump Jr., conservative activist Charlie Kirk and the right wing influencer Chaya Raichik, who runs the account Libs of TikTok. Some have found success by going through Musk's Silicon Valley allies who have been deputized to work within the agencies on DOGE. 'I've been able to get things in front of Musk that way, knowing that he will respond to them,' said a longtime D.C. lobbyist who has ties to two of Musk's business associates who are now in Washington. Short of direct access, other lobbyists are resorting to placing stories in right-wing media like Breitbart or The Daily Caller, hoping that staffers will read them and take notice. But no method is foolproof, and the new reality is difficult for some executives to accept. 'Just because you wrote a check, or because you know somebody, or you smoke cigars together, it's not changing the outcome of these decisions,' said one lobbyist. 'That's the hardest part for people to accept.'
Politico
20-03-2025
- Business
- Politico
K Street crashes into ‘nearly un-lobbyable' Elon Musk
Washington's lobbying class is grasping for an effective approach to an unprecedented challenge: how do you influence a mercurial outsider like Elon Musk who has immense but unofficial power and is the world's richest person. But solving for Musk could pay huge dividends. If K Street can figure out how to lobby him, they can capitalize off the anxiety pervading Washington that drives companies and industries to sign six-figure retainers. 'Washington is really used to deliberative processes where stakeholders get input,' said Alex Conant, co-founder of Firehouse Strategies. 'Musk doesn't believe in any of that.' That frustration is shared across Washington, where private interests trying to protect their own projects—or nudging DOGE to target a competitor instead, sometimes through DOGE's X account — are running into the same problem. Musk operates with a singular mission: cutting government waste at breakneck speed, with little patience for the conventional playbook. Lobbyists find they're being asked not only to save a company from their fear of Musk's unpredictable social media ire or a sweeping DOGE cut that would hit their industry or wipe out their contract. They're also being queried about potential real estate investments from the General Services Administration's plans to sell federal buildings and business opportunities arising from Musk's effort to modernize government software. Lobbyists without direct ties to Musk's inner circle are deploying other strategies such as working more conventional agency contacts or scouring the DOGE leader's social media feed. This report is based on conversations with ten Republican lobbyists and operatives trying to navigate the new Washington. 'Every client has a worry right now,' said a GOP operative, who, like others, was granted anonymity to discuss private conversations. 'The problem is that this is not your typical administration, where you could call up a staffer, schedule a meeting, place a few op-eds, and move somebody to see things your way. Elon Musk is nearly un-lobbyable. You have to work non-traditional routes.' Musk has imported the Silicon Valley ethos of 'move fast and break things' to the federal government, carrying out his mission with a kind of maniacal urgency that has left businesses scrambling. He is also notoriously unsympathetic — a trait he sees as essential for running a company and, now, a government initiative — making him a nightmare for lobbyists used to schmoozing their way to results. Some lobbyists, unwilling to promise results they can't deliver, are turning away clients with DOGE asks that appear impossible, such as saving foreign development projects. Others are focusing their DOGE-related efforts on federal agencies or the DOGE Caucus on Capitol Hill. Or they are trying unconventional tactics, such as reaching out to influencers Musk engages with on X or seeding stories in conservative media. 'DOGE is being made up as it goes along by people who remain much more entrenched in their pre-existing private sector professional circles than they are within any network of public policy experts,' said Jeff Hauser of the left-leaning Revolving Door Project, which scrutinizes executive branch appointees. 'As a result, it wouldn't surprise me that people or companies with whom Musk and his team used to collaborate prior to Trump's inauguration retain the best channels to DOGE and greatest influence with Musk.' One well-connected Trump lobbyist granted anonymity to speak freely said he has been inundated with requests to set up DOGE meetings, most of which he declines because it's an impossible feat. 'They all say, 'I want to meet with the DOGE people,' and we joke, 'All right, just email bigballs@ he said, referring to the 19-year-old DOGE employee who previously used the online moniker 'Big Balls.' It's not just trying to save government contracts that have kept D.C. lobbyists busy — they've also been asked to scope out potential opportunities from DOGE's work. As the government seeks to sell off federal buildings, another Republican lobbyist has been asked for information from real estate investors looking to capitalize on such future sales from the General Services Administration. 'There's a lot of real estate investors who are interested in that,' the person said. The secrecy surrounding DOGE contributes to the perception that Musk is a black box. He doesn't maintain a conventional political team, and his tight circle of Silicon Valley loyalists and DOGE operatives executing his visions are tough to reach. 'How are you going to find these guys? You're going to start searching basements in government buildings?' the lobbyist asked sarcastically. Those who have pre-existing relationships with Musk — or lead companies large enough to command his attention — have found ways to reach him directly. One company wrongly targeted by Musk managed to correct the misunderstanding, convincing him that a different entity was responsible for the issue that triggered his scrutiny, according to a lobbyist with knowledge of the situation granted anonymity to speak freely. For everyone else, the options are limited. Many have opted to work the federal agencies, where there is still some semblance of process and recognizable Trump allies in senior positions. Others are turning to Capitol Hill, trying to extract morsels of information on DOGE's next moves from members of the DOGE caucus, including co-chairs Sen. Joni Ernst (R-Iowa), Rep. Pete Sessions (R-Texas), Rep. Blake Moore (R-Utah), and Rep. Aaron Bean (R-Fla.). While members of DOGE have taken the lead on identifying cuts, Trump has publicly stated that his Cabinet will have the final say , so Washington operatives are working to preemptively frame their clients' projects in a positive light before they land on the chopping block. 'Depending on what it is, you really have to go through the political channels of each agency and say, 'Hey, can we just talk about this factually first?'' said an in-house Fortune 50 lobbyist granted anonymity to discuss internal matters. 'I think there is value in that. If you can make a good case, they're happy to identify what it is…but it's not easy.' Another emerging strategy: leveraging Musk's online habits and vying for second-tier access. Given the billionaire's near-constant engagement on X, lobbyists are analyzing the accounts he follows, trying to influence him through the people he already interacts with. 'Everyone in town is analyzing that list, mapping out how to get to them,' the Republican operative said of the one thousand accounts that Musk follows. Among the influencers rumored to have a direct line to Musk is Ian Miles Cheong, a Malaysian right-wing commentator and social media personality who contributes to Rebel News and has previously worked with The Daily Caller and Russian state media RT. Others in Musk's orbit who are considered potential access points include people like Trump's eldest son, Donald Trump Jr., conservative activist Charlie Kirk and the right wing influencer Chaya Raichik, who runs the account Libs of TikTok. Some have found success by going through Musk's Silicon Valley allies who have been deputized to work within the agencies on DOGE. 'I've been able to get things in front of Musk that way, knowing that he will respond to them,' said a longtime D.C. lobbyist who has ties to two of Musk's business associates who are now in Washington. Short of direct access, other lobbyists are resorting to placing stories in right-wing media like Breitbart or The Daily Caller, hoping that staffers will read them and take notice. But no method is foolproof, and the new reality is difficult for some executives to accept. 'Just because you wrote a check, or because you know somebody, or you smoke cigars together, it's not changing the outcome of these decisions,' said one lobbyist. 'That's the hardest part for people to accept.'
