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India Today
4 days ago
- Politics
- India Today
Why Pakistan-fired PL-15E missile's debris in India is China's worry
On the intervening night of May 6-7, India and Pakistan engaged in a high-stakes aerial stand-off, a non-conventional confrontation wherein neither side crossed the other's airspace. This clash, sparked by escalating tensions following the April 22 terror attack in Kashmir's Pahalgam, saw both nations deploy advanced fighter jets and missiles in a display of military under Operation Sindoor, fielded over four squadrons of its air force, including Rafale, Su-30 MKI, MiG-29 and Mirage 2000 jets, armed with BrahMos and SCALP-EG cruise missiles, AASM Hammer guided bombs for ground strikes, and Meteor missiles for air-to-air countered with more than 40 jets, including the US-supplied F-16 Vipers and Chinese J-10C and JF-17 Thunder fighters, firing PL-15E air-to-air missiles acquired from China and Fatah-II rockets at Indian is clear now how China cast a long shadow over the conflict. Indian military officials have accused Beijing of bolstering Pakistan with air defence and satellite systems, which apparently fell short in performance against the Indian aerial offensive. Amidst the three days of intense missile and drone exchanges between India and Pakistan, debris from a Chinese PL-15E missile, launched by a J-10C or JF-17 jet of the Pakistan air force, was found near Kamahi Devi village in Punjab's Hoshiarpur portions of the missile, including its propulsion, data-link, inertial unit and advanced active electronically scanned array (AESA) seeker, were found to be intact. The debris find has drawn global attention, with the Five Eyes alliance (United States, United Kingdom, Canada, Australia and New Zealand), Japan and South Korea having requested access to study its dual-pulse motor and AESA technology. This reflects global concerns about China's advancing military defence scientists now possess this debris, leading to speculation about potential reverse-engineering to bolster India's own beyond-visual-range missile programmes, such as the upgraded Astra missile, and to probably rule out technical glitches in its defence ministry spokesperson Zhang Xiaogang, during a briefing on May 29, sidestepped questions about the efficacy of these systems, instead urging India and Pakistan to exercise restraint. 'India and Pakistan are neighbours who cannot be moved. We hope both sides will remain calm to avoid further complicating the situation,' he said, adding that China was willing to play a constructive role in regional acknowledged the PL-15E's use—for the first time by China in the conflict—noting it as an exported weapon showcased at multiple defence exhibitions, including the Zhuhai air show in November 2024. Developed by the Aviation Industry Corporation of China (AVIC), the PL-15E is a long-range, active radar-guided air-to-air missile. The recovery of its debris in India has sparked concerns in Beijing about technological military arsenal heavily relies on Chinese equipment, with the Stockholm International Peace Research Institute (SIPRI) reporting that 81 per cent of its arms imports in 2020-24 came from China, up from 74 per cent in 2015-19. This includes over half of Pakistan's 400-plus fighter jets, notably the JF-17 and J-10C, alongside systems such as the HQ-9 air defence and PL-15E media posts have pegged this figure at as high as 82 per cent for 2019-23, underscoring Pakistan's dependence on Chinese arms, including co-developed platforms such as the JF-17. Reports also suggest China rushed additional PL-15E missile deliveries to Pakistan at the peak of tensions with India, highlighting Beijing's strategic support to its the debris of PL-15E offers India a rare opportunity to study cutting-edge Chinese technology, the incident also points to the complex interplay of regional rivalries and global arms dynamics. While India's defence research community may gain insights to refine its missile technology, a broader question remains: will this clash, marked by advanced weaponry and restrained borders, lead to de-escalation or further fuel South Asia's volatile fault lines?Subscribe to India Today MagazineMust Watch
Yahoo
02-03-2025
- Politics
- Yahoo
How Chinese warships encircled Australia – without Canberra even noticing
It was a Virgin Australia pilot who first raised the alarm. At 9.58am on Friday Feb 21, the pilot intercepted a warning from the Chinese navy: a flotilla of warships were conducting live-fire drills in the Tasman Sea, some 300 nautical miles off the eastern coast of Australia. The message – broadcast on the 121.5 MHz emergency radio channel used by commercial pilots to communicate – was relayed to the air traffic controller, who then passed it to the military. 'At that stage we didn't know whether it was a potential hoax or real,' Peter Curran, deputy chief executive of Airservices Australia, told a parliamentary hearing this week. But the message was not a hoax. In a highly unusual move, three Chinese naval vessels dubbed Task Group 107 – including a Jiangkai-class frigate, a Renhai-class cruiser and a Fuchi-class replenishment vessel – were conducting exercises in Australia's exclusive economic zone. This area is beyond Australia's territorial waters, but it has exclusive economic rights. To avoid any incidents, 49 flights were diverted. Canberra is in a difficult position as it is keen not to damage improved diplomatic relations. Australia was hit hard by trade restrictions when it led the Five Eyes alliance to ban Huawei, the Chinese tech corporation, and later when it called for an investigation into the origins of the coronavirus pandemic. Although Australia has rebuked Beijing for providing such short notice, the government stressed the naval exercises were not illegal. China has countered that all criticism is 'deliberately overhyped'. But a week after the first exercises, as details drip out in senate hearings and the warships continue to circumvent Australia, the saga is continuing to dominate headlines Down Under. And it has raised critical, uncomfortable questions. What were China's intentions? Are Australia or New Zealand prepared to counter the Asian superpower? On the first point, analysts say that Beijing was delivering a message: we are a great military power. Veerle Nouwens, executive director of the International Institute for Strategic Studies Asia, told The Telegraph that the live-fire exercises were a sign not just to Australia, but also to the US and its allies, that 'China is capable of deploying at distance'. 'It's a sign that China's military capabilities shouldn't be underestimated,' Ms Nouwens said. He added that China is showing that 'its ambitions over the past 10 years to evolve into a blue-water navy is coming to fruition'. Beijing has certainly transformed its capacity at sea in the last decade. In 2015, its navy battle force stood at 255 vessels, according to the US Congressional Research Office – by 2025, that figure had jumped to 400. 'The growth and modernisation of China's navy has gone hand-in-hand with an increasingly expeditionary strategy,' said Jennifer Parker, a former principal warfare officer in the Royal Australian Navy. Writing in the Australian Financial Review, she said: 'Chinese naval deployments to the Indian and Pacific oceans are on the rise, marked by the establishment of a naval base in Djibouti in 2017 and increasingly common Pacific port visits, including stops in Vanuatu and Papua New Guinea as well as hospital ship deployments to the South Pacific. 'Against this backdrop, Australia shouldn't be shocked to see a Chinese navy task group off our east coast. 'It's rightly considered an uncommon occurrence, particularly since Australia's east coast isn't exactly on the way to anywhere … but we should expect it to become increasingly common.' But China's actions are likely also a 'symbolic gesture of 'equal treatment'', according to Ms Nouwens. Amid the mounting battle for influence in the Indo-Pacific, Beijing may want to remind the US and its allies: if you poke us in our backyard, we'll poke you back. China considers both the Taiwan Strait and large chunks of the South China Sea as its own territorial waters. 'China likely wants to signal that if Australia and others can sail through and conduct exercises in what China considers its waters and neighbourhood, then China will do the same,' Ms Nouwens said. 'Australia and New Zealand continue to engage in and build their defence partnerships in the Asia-Pacific through diplomacy and exercises. 'This has included the South China Sea, while New Zealand made its first naval transit through the Taiwan Strait in seven years in October last year together with Australia. 'China often views these with suspicion, and sees them as confrontational and symbolic of part of wider US competition with China.' Still, she added that it is significant that Beijing conducted the drills in the exclusive economic zone. It suggests the live-fire drills and long trek south were a show of strength, not an attempt to escalate. Events over the past week were also an important test of how prepared Australia and New Zealand are to respond to Chinese aggression in the Indo-Pacific region. According to Matthew Knot, The Sydney Herald's national security correspondent, 'the results so far look like a failure'. He argued that Anthony Albanese, Australia's prime minister, downplayed the situation, while both the Australian Defence Force and the New Zealand Navy initially missed that the exercise was even happening. Others have stressed that overreacting could be counterproductive, potentially undermining arguments used by the US and its allies around access to waters such as the Taiwan Strait and the South China Sea. Australia has also recently stabilised diplomatic relations with China, allowing the resumption of trade of goods including wine, beer and barley – a popular policy Mr Albanese will not want to jeopardise. But analysts said this should not be a 'straitjacket' that prevents criticism of Beijing. However, an uncomfortable truth should not be ignored: Australia's core vulnerabilities lie at sea. Australia's navy has just 16 battle force vessels, 'its smallest and oldest in decades' after 'underinvestment by successive governments'. 'In a crisis or conflict, an adversary wouldn't need to invade our shores to bring Australia's economy – and by extension, our defence– to its knees,' said Ms Parker. 'All it would have to do would be to cut off our critical seaborne supplies.' She added that Australia cannot hope to match China's naval might, and its security should continue to rely on strong alliances and partnerships. But even so, the country is coming up short. Ms Parker said: 'China's naval demonstration on Australia's east coast should serve a reminder of our vulnerability, and a warning that addressing this vulnerability requires Australia to truly recognise its place as a maritime power.' Broaden your horizons with award-winning British journalism. Try The Telegraph free for 1 month with unlimited access to our award-winning website, exclusive app, money-saving offers and more.
Telegraph
02-03-2025
- Politics
- Telegraph
How Chinese warships encircled Australia
It was a Virgin Australia pilot who first raised the alarm. At 9.58am on Friday Feb 21, the pilot intercepted a warning from the Chinese navy: a flotilla of warships were conducting live-fire drills in the Tasman Sea, some 300 nautical miles off the eastern coast of Australia. The message – broadcast on the 121.5 MHz emergency radio channel used by commercial pilots to communicate – was relayed to the air traffic controller, who then passed it to the military. 'At that stage we didn't know whether it was a potential hoax or real,' Peter Curran, deputy chief executive of Airservices Australia, told a parliamentary hearing this week. But the message was not a hoax. In a highly unusual move, three Chinese naval vessels dubbed Task Group 107 – including a Jiangkai-class frigate, a Renhai-class cruiser and a Fuchi-class replenishment vessel – were conducting exercises in Australia's exclusive economic zone. This area is beyond Australia's territorial waters, but it has exclusive economic rights. To avoid any incidents, 49 flights were diverted. Canberra is in a difficult position as it is keen not to damage improved diplomatic relations. Australia was hit hard by trade restrictions when it led the Five Eyes alliance to ban Huawei, the Chinese tech corporation, and later when it called for an investigation into the origins of the coronavirus pandemic. Although Australia has rebuked Beijing for providing such short notice, the government stressed the naval exercises were not illegal. China has countered that all criticism is 'deliberately overhyped'. But a week after the first exercises, as details drip out in senate hearings and the warships continue to circumnavigate Australia, the saga is continuing to dominate headlines Down Under. And it has raised critical, uncomfortable questions. What were China's intentions? Are Australia or New Zealand prepared to counter the Asian superpower? 'Shouldn't be shocked' On the first point, analysts say that Beijing was delivering a message: we are a great military power. Veerle Nouwens, executive director of the International Institute for Strategic Studies Asia, told The Telegraph that the live-fire exercises were a sign not just to Australia, but also to the US and its allies, that 'China is capable of deploying at distance'. 'It's a sign that China's military capabilities shouldn't be underestimated,' Ms Nouwens said. He added that China is showing that 'its ambitions over the past 10 years to evolve into a blue-water navy is coming to fruition'. Beijing has certainly transformed its capacity at sea in the last decade. In 2015, its navy battle force stood at 255 vessels, according to the US Congressional Research Office – by 2025, that figure had jumped to 400. 'The growth and modernisation of China's navy has gone hand-in-hand with an increasingly expeditionary strategy,' said Jennifer Parker, a former principal warfare officer in the Royal Australian Navy. Writing in the Australian Financial Review, she said: 'Chinese naval deployments to the Indian and Pacific oceans are on the rise, marked by the establishment of a naval base in Djibouti in 2017 and increasingly common Pacific port visits, including stops in Vanuatu and Papua New Guinea as well as hospital ship deployments to the South Pacific. 'Against this backdrop, Australia shouldn't be shocked to see a Chinese navy task group off our east coast. 'It's rightly considered an uncommon occurrence, particularly since Australia's east coast isn't exactly on the way to anywhere … but we should expect it to become increasingly common.' A show of strength But China's actions are likely also a 'symbolic gesture of 'equal treatment'', according to Ms Nouwens. Amid the mounting battle for influence in the Indo-Pacific, Beijing may want to remind the US and its allies: if you poke us in our backyard, we'll poke you back. China considers both the Taiwan Strait and large chunks of the South China Sea as its own territorial waters. 'China likely wants to signal that if Australia and others can sail through and conduct exercises in what China considers its waters and neighbourhood, then China will do the same,' Ms Nouwens said. 'Australia and New Zealand continue to engage in and build their defence partnerships in the Asia-Pacific through diplomacy and exercises. 'This has included the South China Sea, while New Zealand made its first naval transit through the Taiwan Strait in seven years in October last year together with Australia. 'China often views these with suspicion, and sees them as confrontational and symbolic of part of wider US competition with China.' Still, she added that it is significant that Beijing conducted the drills in the exclusive economic zone. It suggests the live-fire drills and long trek south were a show of strength, not an attempt to escalate. Trade becoming a 'straitjacket' Events over the past week were also an important test of how prepared Australia and New Zealand are to respond to Chinese aggression in the Indo-Pacific region. According to Matthew Knot, The Sydney Herald's national security correspondent, 'the results so far look like a failure'. He argued that Anthony Albanese, Australia's prime minister, downplayed the situation, while both the Australian Defence Force and the New Zealand Navy initially missed that the exercise was even happening. Others have stressed that overreacting could be counterproductive, potentially undermining arguments used by the US and its allies around access to waters such as the Taiwan Strait and the South China Sea. Australia has also recently stabilised diplomatic relations with China, allowing the resumption of trade of goods including wine, beer and barley – a popular policy Mr Albanese will not want to jeopardise. But analysts said this should not be a 'straitjacket' that prevents criticism of Beijing. However, an uncomfortable truth should not be ignored: Australia's core vulnerabilities lie at sea. Australia's navy has just 16 battle force vessels, 'its smallest and oldest in decades' after 'underinvestment by successive governments'. 'In a crisis or conflict, an adversary wouldn't need to invade our shores to bring Australia's economy – and by extension, our defence– to its knees,' said Ms Parker. 'All it would have to do would be to cut off our critical seaborne supplies.' She added that Australia cannot hope to match China's naval might, and its security should continue to rely on strong alliances and partnerships. But even so, the country is coming up short. Ms Parker said: 'China's naval demonstration on Australia's east coast should serve a reminder of our vulnerability, and a warning that addressing this vulnerability requires Australia to truly recognise its place as a maritime power.'
