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Business Recorder
19-05-2025
- Politics
- Business Recorder
Two-thirds of political parties lack functional websites: FAFEN
ISLAMABAD: Despite increasing digital engagement in Pakistan, nearly two-thirds of the country's political parties lack a fully functional website, revealed a report by the Free and Fair Election Network (FAFEN) on Sunday. Titled 'Assessing Web Presence of Political Parties in Pakistan,' the report finds that only 35 percent or 58 out of 166 registered political parties maintain fully or partially operational websites. Even among the 20 political parties currently represented in the Federal Parliament and/or Provincial Assemblies, just 14 (70 percent) have functional websites. This web presence is a prerequisite for compliance within the overall purview of Section 208(4) of the Elections Act, 2017, which mandates political parties to publish updated lists of their central office bearers and executive committee members on their websites. Among those political parties with functioning websites, only 40 parties (69 percent) comply with the legal requirement of publishing a list of central office bearers on the website, and just six (ten percent) with publishing the names of their executive committee members. While many parties maintain active social media profiles, they cannot serve as a substitute for an official website. The short-lived and algorithm-driven nature of social media feeds make them less suited for hosting structured and accessible information. FAFEN's assessment of political parties' websites found that those with parliamentary representation generally offer more content-rich digital platforms compared to other parties. Among them, Jamaat-e-Islami (JI) leads by providing on its website 18 out of 30 distinct types of information that FAFEN examined. It is followed by Pakistan Tehreek-e-Insaf (PTI) with a score of 15; however, its website is currently blocked in Pakistan and can only be accessed through a virtual private network (VPN). The website of Pakistan Peoples Party Parliamentarians (PPPP) scored 12; Pakistan Muslim League Nawaz (PML-N) 11; Awami National Party (ANP) nine; Haq Do Tehreek Balochistan (HDT) and Muttahida Qaumi Movement Pakistan (MQM-P) eight each; Sunni Ittehad Council and Pashtoonkhwa Milli Awami Party (PkMAP) seven each; Tehreek-e-Labbaik Pakistan (TLP) and Jamiat Ulama-e-Islam Pakistan (JUIP) six each; Majlis Wahdatul Muslimeen (MWM) five; Balochistan Awami Party (BAP) four; and Pakistan Muslim League Quaid (PML-Q) one. Among the parties without parliamentary representation, the highest score was 13 that was achieved by Pakistan Tehreek Shadbad (PTS). Thematically, most websites were more forthcoming in sharing contact information and general organizational details, while financial transparency remained the most under-reported area. The most consistently shared content was the aims and objectives of political parties, featured on 88 percent of websites. Section 201(1)(a) of the Elections Act, 2017 mandates the political parties to include this information in the party constitution. Contact details for at least one party office were present on 83 percent of sites, while 79 percent linked to official social media handles. The list of central office bearers (Section 208(4)) was available on 69 percent of the websites, although it was not always clear whether these reflected the most recent intra-party election results. Similarly, membership procedures (Section 203) were outlined on 69 percent of sites. The availability of foundational documents, campaign material, and financial disclosures varied considerably. Only 38 percent of parties shared their constitutions on websites, albeit with little to no information about any recent amendments. Moreover, while 62 percent posted at least one general election (GE) manifesto, only 12 percent uploaded their latest manifesto clearly mentioning their electoral promises for GE-2024. Notably, just one party published its consolidated financial statement, which is required to be submitted to the ECP annually under Section 210(1) of the Elections Act, 2017. Moreover, FAFEN found the statements of assets and liabilities of party office bearers on only one website. No website provided information about the party's elected general council(s), which is legally mandated to have at least one meeting per year under Section 207(2) of the Elections Act, 2017. Similarly, none of the websites had information about the procedure for selection of candidates for elective offices for which Section 206 of the Elections Act 2017 instructs the parties to adopt a transparent and democratic procedure. The method of electing office bearers (Section 201(1)(f)(i)), process of suspension or expulsion of members (Section 205), the tenure of office bearers (Section 201(1)(d)), or an explicit declaration of prohibition on foreign donations (Section204(3)) were each available on one website. Copyright Business Recorder, 2025
Express Tribune
18-05-2025
- Politics
- Express Tribune
Most parties off the digital radar
Despite increasing digital engagement in Pakistan, nearly two-thirds of the country's political parties lack a fully functional website, revealed a report by the Free and Fair Election Network (FAFEN) on Sunday. Titled "Assessing Web Presence of Political Parties in Pakistan", the report found that only 35 per cent or 58 out of 166 registered political parties maintain fully or partially operational websites. Even among the 20 parties currently represented in the parliament and provincial assemblies, just 14 (70 per cent) have functional websites. The web presence is a prerequisite for compliance within the overall purview of Section 208(4) of the Elections Act, 2017, which mandates political parties to publish updated lists of their central office bearers and executive committee members on their websites. Among those parties with functioning websites, only 40 parties (69 per cent) comply with the legal requirement of publishing a list of central office bearers on the website, and just six (ten per cent) with publishing the names of their executive committee members. While many parties maintain active social media profiles, they cannot serve as a substitute for an official website. The short-lived and algorithm-driven nature of social media feeds makes them less suited for hosting structured and accessible information. FAFEN's assessment of political parties' websites found that those with parliamentary representation generally offer more content-rich digital platforms compared to other parties. Among them, JI leads by providing on its website 18 out of 30 distinct types of information that FAFEN examined. It is followed by PTI with a score of 15. However, its website is currently blocked in Pakistan and can only be accessed through a VPN. The website of PPPP scored 12; PML-N 11; ANP nine; Haq Do Tehreek Balochistan (HDT) and MQM-P eight each; SIC and PkMAP seven each; TLP and JUI-P six each; MWM five; BAP four; and PML-Q one. Among the parties without parliamentary representation, the highest score was 13, which was achieved by Pakistan Tehreek Shadbad (PTS). Thematically, most websites were more forthcoming in sharing contact information and general organisational details, while financial transparency remained the most under-reported area. The most consistently shared content was the aims and objectives of political parties, featured on 88 per cent of websites. Section 201(1)(a) of the Elections Act, 2017 mandates the political parties to include this information in the party constitution. Contact details for at least one party office were present on 83 per cent of sites, while 79 per cent linked to official social media handles. The list of central office bearers (Section 208(4)) was available on 69 per cent of the websites, although it was not always clear whether these reflected the most recent intra-party election results. Similarly, membership procedures (Section 203) were outlined on 69 per cent of sites. The availability of foundational documents, campaign material, and financial disclosures varied considerably. Only 38 per cent of parties shared their constitutions on websites, albeit with little to no information about any recent amendments. Moreover, while 62 per cent posted at least one general election (GE) manifesto, only 12 per cent uploaded their latest manifesto clearly mentioning their electoral promises for GE-2024. Notably, just one party published its consolidated financial statement, which is required to be submitted to the ECP annually under Section 210(1) of the Elections Act, 2017. Moreover, FAFEN found the statements of assets and liabilities of party office bearers on only one website.
Express Tribune
28-04-2025
- Politics
- Express Tribune
Snail-paced tribunals
The clipped February 8, 2024 verdict is now literally questioning the independence of the judiciary. Even 14 months after the vote, it is heart-wrenching to note that more than two-thirds of the petitions challenging the results of national and provincial assembly constituencies remain undecided. This not only violates the constitutional dictum to settle such rows within a stipulated time period, but also comes to delegitimise the ruling edifice, apart from raising questions on the biases of the Election Commission. Adding to this is the outcome in the form of abject political instability that is reflected in a sense of disconnect with state-centrism. The Free and Fair Election Network (FAFEN), an independent think tank, maintains that the overall pace of decisions has been slow. It says between February 1 and April 20, 2025, election tribunals decided 24 petitions related to the general elections, bringing the total number of decided petitions to 136 of a total of 372 being heard across the four provinces. Of these, 26% relate to National Assembly seats and 42% to provincial assembly seats. Apparently, the intention is to deny justice to the PTI candidates, most of whom contested as 'Independent' and were declared successful as per Form 45, only to be declared otherwise under a jaundiced order of Form-47 by the electoral watchdog. One of the prime reasons behind this stalemate is the influence of the executive over the judiciary. The non-formation of tribunals in real time, an inordinate delay in hearing the cases and a biased approach from the state prosecution are the obstacles to dispensation of justice. Likewise, four tribunals remained largely dysfunctional during the reporting period, including two in K-P, one each in Punjab and the Islamabad Capital Territory. This dilemma is casting negativity: coupled with this is the phenomenon of an incomplete Senate, as K-P lacks representation in it, and the non-implementation of the Supreme Court's July 12 verdict on awarding of reserved seats for women and minorities.
Express Tribune
27-04-2025
- Politics
- Express Tribune
Over 37% of election petitions decided
Two supplementary resolutions were adopted by the house which were about paying tributes to the sacrifices of the armed forces on Defence Day and condemning terrorism in Quetta and Mardan. PHOTO: FAFEN Between February 1 and April 20, 2025, election tribunals ruled on 24 petitions related to last year's general elections, bringing the total number of decided cases to 136about 37 per cent of all petitions currently being heard across the four provinces. According to the Free and Fair Election Network (FAFEN), which has been systematically tracking 372 petitions filed with 23 election tribunals after the polls, decisions have been reached on 26 per cent of the challenges to National Assembly constituencies and 42 per cent of those concerning provincial assemblies. Of the 24 petitions decided, 21 were from Punjab, two from Balochistan and one from Sindh. In Punjab, two tribunals in Lahore decided eight cases, one in Rawalpindi decided seven, and one in Bahawalpur decided six. The two tribunals in Quetta disposed of one case each, while a tribunal in Karachi disposed of only one case. Meanwhile, no petitions from Khyber-Pakhtunkhwa were decided during this period. Despite an increase in the number of petitions decided in Punjab as compared to previous months, the overall pace of decisions slowed down. The network observed that the slower pace of decisions may be attributed to four largely dysfunctional tribunals during the reporting period, including two in K-P, one in Punjab and the sole tribunal in the Islamabad Capital Territory. To date, Balochistan's three tribunals have collectively decided 43 (83 per cent) of the total 51 petitions filed for National and provincial constituencies in the province. Punjab's eight tribunals have decided 66 (34 per cent) of 192 petitions. Sindh's five tribunals have decided 18 (22 per cent) of 83 petitions. KP's six tribunals have decided nine (21 per cent) of 42 petitions. Out of 124 petitions challenging the results of NA constituencies, 33 (26 per cent) have been decided so far. Of these, 19 were from Punjab, eight from Balochistan, four from Sindh, and two from K-P. Out of 248 petitions challenging the results of provincial assembly constituencies, 103 (42 per cent) have been decided. These include 47 from Punjab, 35 from Balochistan, 14 from Sindh and seven from K-P. Out of the 136 petitions decided so far, 133 were dismissed and three were accepted. Among the 133 dismissals, 52 were dismissed on the grounds of non-maintainability, including 10 related to NA constituencies and 42 to provincial assemblies' constituencies. Another 21 were dismissed because the allegations could not be proven during the trial. These 21 included two for NA and 19 for provincial assemblies. Nine petitions were withdrawn, including four for the NA and five for provincial assemblies.
Express Tribune
25-02-2025
- Politics
- Express Tribune
Ballot box representation
Listen to article Barely a quarter of all directly elected members of the National Assembly won more than 50% of the total votes cast in their constituencies, raising new questions about the mandates of our parliamentarians. Without delving into any rigging allegations, the data not only reflects the deep political divisions in society, but the unrepresentative nature of our current first-past-the-post (FPTP) election system, where a politician can, in theory, win with even less than 10% of the vote. Should such a victory constitute a legitimate mandate? Data from Free and Fair Election Network (Fafen) underscores the need to take a long hard look at major election reforms to ensure that the winning candidate is at least generally popular in their own constituency. One change suggested in several FPTP systems is a runoff system, where low vote-getters are eliminated and fresh polls held until somebody reaches a certain threshold, usually 50% of the vote. However, runoffs can be prohibitively expensive as they can require several stages of polling. This makes ranked choice voting - which lets people vote for several candidates while attaching a weightage to each name - more doable. This leads to an instant runoff, ensuring that the winner has at least some support from an outright majority of voters. It can also ensure that a generally unlikeable candidate with a strong base cannot win a split-vote election, and makes 'seat adjustment' between parties unnecessary. Some countries also have proportional representation, where votes are cast for parties, not candidates, and seats are allocated based on parties' own priority lists. But while this leads to strong governments, it opens the door for undemocratic parties to take regressive measures, making it a hard pass for Pakistan, where most major political parties lack internal democracy, and some have authoritarian leadership. Whatever the solution to better elections, it certainly is not FPTP in its current form.
