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Time Magazine
07-08-2025
- Politics
- Time Magazine
History Can Teach Modern Activists About Coalition Building
In an era of doomscrolling and political anxiety, collective action and grassroots political organizing remain a powerful antidote to despair and disempowerment, and a force for change and progress. That has helped spur opponents of President Donald Trump to take to the streets. Protests throughout the spring and summer have demonstrated significant (and even international) opposition to the Trump Administration's agenda, particularly its attempts to consolidate power and undermine key institutions and services. And many marginalized populations (including migrants, the poor, people of color, women, and LGBTQIA+ folks) have been disproportionately impacted. Yet, commentators also have noted that, like many protests during Trump's first presidency, participants at protests such as the "No Kings" protest were overwhelmingly white (and older). This is problematic because history suggests that collective action is far more durable and effective when it transcends racial, class, age, and gender boundaries. From the Mississippi Freedom Movement to various Rainbow Coalitions, collaboration and coalition-building across social positions—despite the challenges and potential for tension—attract participants with a wider toolkit of resources, opportunities, and tactics. Multiracial and cross-class coalitions may be underemphasized in the historical record, but they existed and had a profound impact in the 1960s. In Chicago, for example, white working-class migrants from the South, known as the Young Patriots Organization, worked closely with the Illinois Black Panther Party and the Puerto Rican Young Lords Organization to fight against racism and poverty through protests and community programs. Drawing on the blueprint from Black and Latino community organizing, the Young Patriots successfully involved previously disenfranchised poor whites in their activism. The group developed free health clinics that treated thousands of people in the Uptown neighborhood, which was then known as 'hillbilly haven.' The Young Patriots' work demonstrated the power of organizing across social boundaries to create new, more powerful blocs that could bolster communities. Yet, cultivating such coalitions often presented difficult challenges. No group epitomized this better than the Mississippi Freedom Movement during the southern civil rights push. This effort emerged from the activism on college campuses that produced the creation of groups such as the Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee (SNCC), which was formed in 1960 and was known for organizing sit-ins and the Freedom Summer voter outreach project in 1964. Though Black college students founded SNCC and largely led the group, their organizing enabled them to recruit over 1000 Northern white college students to the cause. In 1964, the group turned its focus to Mississippi, where, despite the apparent dismantling of overt racial restrictions thanks to the newly passed federal Civil Rights Act, state and local laws empowered white officials to erect barriers to voter registration. Further, whites used the threat of racist violence, tacitly approved by elites, to stifle efforts to empower the Black population. SNCC allied with other national Civil Rights organizations to form the Council of Federated Organizations (COFO). COFO's voter registration efforts catalyzed the Mississippi Freedom Movement and helped build the Mississippi Freedom Democratic Party (MFDP). Working-class African Americans from Mississippi led the MFDP. The party advocated for political representation of Blacks in Mississippi and challenged the white supremacist 'Dixiecrat' politics of the state Democratic Party. Between 1961 and 1966, the coalition of SNCC and the MFDP pamphleteered and organized both on northern college campuses and in impoverished Southern communities. It mobilized and brought into the movement two disparate populations: working-class and poor Southern Black people, as well as white middle- and upper-class Northern college student activists recruited through SNCC. Each group brought unique and robust experiences and tactics. The leaders of SNCC and the MFDP recognized that holding together such a diverse coalition required intentional steps to communicate the stakes of their efforts in language that would resonate with the interests and moral ideology of both groups. The MFDP focused on outreach to working-class and poor Black people in the South by emphasizing how Black political rights directly shaped their quality of life and mattered for the advancement of their interests. The group's pamphlets didn't present the gaining of political rights as a moral good in and of itself, but rather as a means to obtain greater security, resources, and influence. One pamphlet, 'The Congressional Challenge,' argued plainly, 'Congress does not do the things we want because we do not have anyone in Congress to speak for us.' Simultaneously, SNCC helped northern white students understand Black political rights as a matter of moral injustice. Many whites were aware of a lack of Black voter participation in the South but often lacked a deeper understanding of its causes and consequences. The pamphlets the group distributed on Northern college campuses covered the historical and legal aspects of this problem. It explained racial inequality by emphasizing the racism of southern white elites and the rank moral injustice of violence and discrimination. In 1964, the MFDP challenged the all-white Mississippi delegation to the Democratic National Convention, and while it failed to gain seats for its own delegation, the group helped transform the Democratic agenda by cultivating support for Black political rights from liberal Democrats and alienating segregationists. This push and pull reshaped the Democratic voting base and helped force the party to advocate for additional civil rights legislation. These efforts also shone a national spotlight on how the Democratic Party in the South disenfranchised Black people from the political process. In doing so, it permanently shifted the racial politics in the U.S. Yet, despite its major success, MFDP's efforts to coordinate actions between groups with vastly different approaches and interests posed a significant challenge for organizers and participants. Disagreements between white and Black participants about tactics and goals fractured the coalition and eventually SNCC itself. In contrast to other, more mainstream Civil Rights organizations, SNCC leaders began to emphasize Black separatism, which alienated white participants. In 1966, the group banned white members altogether, which undermined its stability, collaborative potential, and impact in the following years. The work of the MFDP and the Young Patriots shows the promises and perils of diverse coalitions as opponents of the Trump Administration look to effectuate change. Their history offers a blueprint for how a good communications strategy, and intentional collaborative outreach can enable the construction of such broad coalitions. Yet, this history also reveals how coalitions between groups with disparate world views and social positions can be as fragile as they are powerful. My own research suggests that too often today, progressive organizers are highly educated whites who fail to build bridges with diverse communities and activists of color. Instead, they frequently direct the burgeoning movement around their assumptions and habits—without cultivating and supporting the people most impacted by the Trump Administration. Even in ostensibly multiracial coalitions, this approach leads to burnout and disengagement for activists of color. This blind spot threatens to torpedo activists' success. But the nuanced collaboration and communications strategy employed by groups like the MFDP and the Young Patriots offers a solution, one that could dramatically increase the chances of achieving activists' goals. Adopting such tactics won't guarantee success or unity. But they offer a far better possibility than many of the methods being employed today. Michael L. Rosino is assistant professor of sociology at Molloy University, studying racial politics, democracy, and media. His most recent book, Democracy is Awkward, is available from the University of North Carolina Press.' Made by History takes readers beyond the headlines with articles written and edited by professional historians. Learn more about Made by History at TIME here. Opinions expressed do not necessarily reflect the views of TIME editors.
BBC News
05-08-2025
- Politics
- BBC News
'It shocked white middle America': How the Mississippi Burning murders sparked landmark change in the US
Because of the febrile atmosphere at the time, if Core staff did not return when they were expected, it was procedure to ring around local police stations and hospitals. But despite Core's phone records showing the police station was called at around 17:30, Minnie Herring, the jailer's wife, denied that anyone inquired about the three men. At around 22:30, the three civil rights workers were finally allowed to pay the fine, and were released from custody. Price told them to leave the county. They were not heard from again. Mystery sparks huge response Bond believed that the disappearance was designed to spread fear among the people working on Freedom Summer. And while it did cause a couple of volunteers to have second thoughts, he said that for many of the activists it served to underscore the importance of what they were trying to achieve: getting black people registered to vote. "They are determined they are going to continue doing what they are doing… and the disappearance of those three just shows them exactly what they are up against," Bond told the BBC in July 1964. "That there are people in this country who will do anything to stop democracy from becoming a reality." Unlike previous victims of racial violence, the missing men prompted a huge response from the US Justice Department. Attorney General Robert Kennedy classified the case as a kidnapping so it came under federal jurisdiction, and he ordered some 150 FBI agents from the New Orleans office to comb the area to find them. They were joined in the search by troops from a nearby naval airbase, and on 23 July the men's burnt-out car was discovered near a swamp. But there was no sign of the three civil rights workers. The investigation was codenamed Miburn – short for Mississippi Burning. As it gathered momentum, it began to attract widespread interest from the press. "It was huge, there were news reporters camped out in front of our apartment building," David Goodman, the younger brother of Andrew Goodman, told BBC Witness History in 2014. "The police were there 24 hours a day just to control the crowds. It was very hard to focus on anything." He believed that the difference between the law enforcement response to the Mississippi Burning case and the response to previous attacks on civil rights workers was that two of the missing men were white. "It shocked white middle America and the sense was, how could this happen to white people? This is a part of the story that's not told that often, when a majority sees their own being hurt. They sit up and say, 'Jesus this could happen to my kids or me,'" he said. Schwerner's wife Rita, who also worked for Core, told reporters at the time: "It is only because my husband and Andrew Goodman were white that the national alarm has been sounded."
Yahoo
04-06-2025
- Politics
- Yahoo
FDOT says raising of Main Street Bridge was not intended to stop Pride March
We're getting new answers from the Florida Department of Transportation on why the Main Street Bridge was raised ahead of a planned Pride March on Sunday. The bridge lighting battle has been going on for at least two years, after Gov. Ron DeSantis ordered all state-run bridges be lit red, white and blue last year for the so-called Freedom Summer. The move prevented cities like Jacksonville from lighting some bridges in rainbow colors for Pride month. In response, protestors in 2024 held their own lighting of the Main Street Bridge using flashlights. This year, after FDOT announced all state run bridges would again be lit red, white, and blue for the county's 250th birthday, Pride activists wanted to repeat last year's Main Street Bridge lighting. But an hour before they'd been told they would need to clear off the bridge ahead of scheduled maintenance, the bridge was raised. [DOWNLOAD: Free Action News Jax app for alerts as news breaks] Hampton Ray with FDOT told Action News Jax the bridge was briefly lifted to get workers into position, and was lowered after marchers had already moved on. He claimed work still began at 9 p.m. as scheduled. 'We did have to have our crews in place. And this was performed every single night from Thursday night till actually Monday evening. Crews were performing this same high lift from between 7:30 and 8:30 in order to access the point,' Ray said. [SIGN UP: Action News Jax Daily Headlines Newsletter] In response to the explanation given by FDOT, March Organizer Matt McAllister sent Action News Jax this statement: 'I thank Mr. Ray for his detailed and professional explanation. Given our intention to fully comply with 9:00 pm scheduled closure, the 20 minute delay would have made it impossible to place 146 people in precise locations to shine for 20 minutes and then safely and completely evacuate the bridge. When we asked city officials if our 8:00 pm entrance would, for any reason, be impeded, we were assured it would not be,' McAllister said. 'In the end, the bureaucratic lemons served to us made a particularly sweet lemonade. It was important to return Pride lighting, however briefly, to its rightful place on the Acosta Bridge.' The FDOT spokesperson also said generally, it's helpful for groups to have permits to ensure situations like this can be avoided. McAllister noted permits are not required for gatherings in public spaces with fewer than 500 participants. Click here to download the free Action News Jax news and weather apps, click here to download the Action News Jax Now app for your smart TV and click here to stream Action News Jax live.
Yahoo
23-05-2025
- Politics
- Yahoo
Pride lights, and most other colors, no longer allowed on Florida bridges
No matter what the cause or its associated color, lighting a state bridge to recognize it is now against Florida policy — with, of course, a big patriotic exception. In a policy quietly adopted in February and playing out around the state this Memorial Day weekend, the Florida Department of Transportation says lighting on state-managed bridges 'shall be a default scheme of red, white and blue' and 'limited to the recognition, commemoration and or promotion of government holidays.' It effectively makes a standard practice out of the 'Freedom Summer' lighting rule declared by FDOT last year. And it squelches, without express state permission, options such as rainbow colors for LGBTQ+ Pride Month in June, or even orange for National Gun Violence Awareness Month, also in June, or red in September for Sickle Cell Awareness Month. Recent history suggests that special permission for some causes would be tough to get. Last year's freedom summer declaration came about after the state overruled a practice in Tampa of deploying rainbow lighting during Pride Month. For three years the Sunshine Skyway Bridge over Tampa Bay had sported such lighting, but in 2024 a Manatee County Commissioner objected. In prior years, creative bridge lighting had been fairly common in some locales. In 2016 the Central Florida Expressway Authority lit up the Lake Underhill Bridge on State Road 408 in Orlando with rainbow colors after the June 16 mass shooting at the Pulse nightclub. CFX — created by the state in 2014 — said by email that it follows the city of Orlando's specialty lighting schedule. However, the city has no bridges or roads that it lights up in color for special occasions. Orlando does illuminate the Lake Eola fountain, City Hall and public art displays. The city's specialty lighting schedule includes red, white and blue illumination for Memorial Day. Orlando also used specials colors for other occasions such as red on Nurse's Day (May 6) and pink, purple and yellow on Mothers Day (May 12). Tatiana Quiroga, executive director of Come out with Pride Orlando which is behind the city's LGTBQ + parade and the region's biggest celebration, said her organization has never made any special lighting requests of the state. Quiroga said the city uses rainbow lights at the Lake Eola fountain for the Pride celebration. She said Orange County and the city have a long history of supporting Pride. 'We have a great relationship with the city but it speaks volumes that we don't have one with the state,' Quiroga said. 'It illustrates a lack of support from the state for LGBTQ. 'They don't support pride but also what happens to the breast cancer community who want pink lights or showing support for the immigrant community or the Black community?' she asked. The holidays stipulated by the state are New Year's Day, Martin Luther King Jr. Day, Memorial Day, Independence Day, Labor Day, Veterans Day, Thanksgiving Day, the Friday after Thanksgiving and Christmas Day. The state has approved at least one exception to its policy so far: In the city of Sarasota, the community requested aqua blue as the default color on the Ringling Bridge when it isn't lit up in red, white and blue for the holidays observed by the state. With permission, those colors lit up the bridge earlier this month. FDOT said the policy is part of the Salute to America 250 Task Force, a group created by President Donald Trump that's planning a full year of festivities starting Memorial Day and running through July 4, 2026 — when the U.S. celebrates 250 years since the Declaration of Independence was signed. In a post on X, FDOT Secretary Jared Perdue said state bridges and highways will be lit with red, white and blue beginning Friday through 2026 'in commemoration of #America250.' 'Doing so reinforces how lucky we are to live in the Free State of Florida, USA,' Perdue said in the post. The Tampa Bay Times contributed to this report
Yahoo
22-05-2025
- Politics
- Yahoo
FDOT bans custom bridge lighting on state-owned bridges
The Brief State-owned bridges across Florida will no longer light up in support of various causes, following a new policy from the Florida Department of Transportation. Under the new rules, bridges can only be lit in red, white, and blue to mark federal holidays. It expands a policy first put in place last year as part of FDOT's "Freedom Summer" initiative, which covered Memorial Day through Labor Day. TAMPA, Fla. - The Sunshine Skyway Bridge and other state-owned bridges across Florida will no longer light up in support of various causes, following a new policy from the Florida Department of Transportation (FDOT). In recent years, the iconic bridge has been lit up with rainbow colors during Pride Month or with blue and yellow in solidarity with Ukraine, and dozens of other causes throughout the year. But now, those colorful displays are gone for good — at least through 2026. Follow FOX 13 on YouTube Big picture view FDOT Secretary Jared Perdue announced the decision this week, stating in a tweet: "FDOT is proud to showcase patriotic colors on our state bridges and highways beginning this Friday through 2026." Under the new rules, bridges can only be lit in red, white, and blue to mark federal holidays. That expands a policy first put in place last year as part of FDOT's "Freedom Summer" initiative, which covered Memorial Day through Labor Day. What they're saying St. Pete Pride President Byron Green-Calisch criticized the move, saying it erases visibility for many communities. READ: Pinellas County could bring Cross Bay Ferry service back by buying two of their own boats "Every set of colors that could be used to signal to other Floridians, 'hey, we see you, you belong here' — if that is breast cancer survivors, if that is people that celebrate Juneteenth... if that is people celebrating Pride — whatever that might be," he said. Green-Calisch believes the new policy sends the wrong message just weeks before Pride events begin. "Having colors displayed across the Skyway as this beacon of resilience and being able to highlight communities that are facing tough times is a moment to say, 'hey, wow, what better place to signal you can come back better. You are welcome here,'" he added. The other side However, not everyone disagrees with the decision. Manatee County Commissioner Mike Rahn supports the restriction, citing an overwhelming number of requests. MORE: 'Do Not Disturb' phone settings can save lives on the roads, experts say "I think the FDOT has made the right decision," he said. "The requests that were coming in were just… some of them were just really ridiculous. I just took a stand to say, look, the bridge should be lit for national holidays and that's it." FDOT did not respond to requests for comment about the specific reasons behind the policy change. For now, the Skyway Bridge and others like it will continue to shine — but only in red, white, and blue. The Source The information in this story was gathered by FOX 13's Evyn Moon. WATCH FOX 13 NEWS: STAY CONNECTED WITH FOX 13 TAMPA: Download the FOX Local app for your smart TV Download FOX Local mobile app:Apple |Android Download the FOX 13 News app for breaking news alerts, latest headlines Download the SkyTower Radar app Sign up for FOX 13's daily newsletter
