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How New England built the Plains
How New England built the Plains

Boston Globe

time2 days ago

  • Politics
  • Boston Globe

How New England built the Plains

Advertisement But something shifted quickly and irrevocably that night he wrote about in 1854. It began with a man named Anthony Burns. Get The Gavel A weekly SCOTUS explainer newsletter by columnist Kimberly Atkins Stohr. Enter Email Sign Up Burns had stowed away for weeks in the belly of a ship to escape enslavement in Virginia. By the time he stepped ashore in Boston, he had become both free and criminal — property that had, under the Fugitive Slave Act of 1850, escaped its rightful owner. When federal marshals arrested him on false pretenses, hoping to sneak him back into bondage before the public noticed, Boston erupted. The courtroom became a spectacle. The public was barred. Burns's own lawyer was rendered powerless — forbidden to object, speak, or protect his client in any meaningful way. And in a final insult, a government agent tricked Burns into dictating a letter affirming his status as an enslaved person. The judge empathized with Burns but nonetheless ruled against him. Advertisement Slavery, it turned out, didn't need Southern soil. It could be enforced right in the cradle of abolition, in close proximity to the Boston Common. Amos A. Lawrence in 1880. Wikimedia Commons The city's Black residents, who had always known the fragility of their freedom, mobilized first. The pastor of the Twelfth Baptist Church in Roxbury demanded Burns's release. Protests filled the streets. Fearing an uprising, the federal government fortified the courthouse even before the trial had concluded. President Franklin Pierce ordered troops to secure the building. Soldiers lined the entrances, and chains were fastened across the courthouse doors. What changed wasn't just policy. It was perception. The moral quarantine in which elite white New Englanders had sequestered themselves failed. Slavery had entered their bubble. Henry David Thoreau, speaking just weeks after Burns's trial, demanded that his fellow citizens choose moral clarity over legal comfort. 'Is it not possible that an individual may be right and a government wrong?' he asked. 'Are laws to be enforced simply because they were made?' Amos Lawrence and others like him — well-heeled, genteel, cloistered — took notice. Eventually they also took action, albeit moderated and carried out on their own terms. Calls for a more direct confrontation with slavery were not only imaginable at the time — they were already echoing through New England's streets, pulpits, and newspapers. In the wake of Burns's arrest, some abolitionists demanded open defiance of the Fugitive Slave Act. Many had supported similar efforts just three years earlier, when Shadrach Minkins, who had fled enslavement in Norfolk, Va., was forcibly rescued from a Boston courthouse by Black activists and white allies. With the help of the Boston Vigilance Committee, Minkins escaped via the Underground Railroad and reached safety in Canada. Figures like Wendell Phillips and William Lloyd Garrison urged moral suasion and civil disobedience; others, including activists in Boston's Black community, proposed disrupting the legal process altogether. In this atmosphere of mounting urgency, even violence in the name of freedom was discussed. Advertisement But rather than confronting slavery where it stood and calling for direct abolition or cutting off commercial interaction with the American South, Lawrence chose to abolish only the chances for slavery's expansion. He became treasurer of the New England Emigrant Aid Company, a joint-stock corporation chartered by the Massachusetts Legislature with one aim: to raise funds to send free-soil settlers west to Kansas, in order that they might outnumber pro-slavery forces and tip the future of the American West toward freedom. A war New England hoped to fund, not fight Boston didn't send revolutionaries out west. It sent Congregationalists. Missionaries. Schoolteachers. Families armed with shovels, hymnals, rifles, and righteous intent. The Emigrant Aid Company raised funds through an exhaustive network of some 3,000 churches, many of them Quaker or Congregationalist. 'For Religion,' their circulars promised. 'For Education. For Temperance.' They were advocating a version of abolition that didn't disturb Boston's own social order. It was freedom as export. Righteousness at a distance. The ask was modest — $20 per settler, roughly $700 today. Enough to transport and equip a family to settle Kansas on behalf of abolition. Donations flooded in. The Rev. Horace James from Worcester sent $23.37, boasting of his congregation, 'Never did fingers and thumbs move more nimbly in the performance of any good work.' To him that meant that 'verily there is hope for Kansas.' Others weren't so flush with cash. The Rev. W.C. Jackson from Lincoln, Mass., whose flock scraped together $15, reported, 'Your circular for the Emigrant Aid Society came rather inopportunely for us farmers.' Some ministers like Jonathan Lee from Salisbury, Conn., apologized for the frugality of their flock: 'From my scanty purse a single dollar must be accepted in testimony of my interest in the cause of truth and freedom,' because, Lee wrote, 'I am without pastoral charge or salary.' Others enclosed neat bundles of cash with effusive letters, grateful for a moral cause that could be joined without leaving home. Lawrence threw himself into the effort. He wrote President Pierce — his cousin by marriage — to chide him for failing to protect free-staters. He tracked weapons shipments. He personally funded churches, schools, and armories. He, along with many others, made Kansas a proxy battlefield, a place to perform conviction while sidestepping a harder reckoning with what could be done to stop slavery entirely. Advertisement And Kansas, as it turned out, bled. Missourians — armed and incensed — flooded across the border. Ballot boxes were stuffed. Pro-slavery militias burned pressrooms. In 1856, just as the violence crested, Senator Charles Sumner of Massachusetts delivered a searing speech comparing Kansas to a raped virgin and accusing Southern politicians of barbarism. In a more familiar scene, days later, a South Carolina congressman, Preston Brooks, stormed into the Senate chamber and beat Sumner unconscious with a metal-tipped cane. This was the war New England had hoped to fund rather than fight. But the borders were dissolving. Eventually, the South seceded. And when Kansas did enter the Union as a free state in 1861, its fate had been sealed not by New England idealism but by the absence of Southern senators in Congress. Advertisement When the Civil War gave way to a fractured Reconstruction, Kansas endured not as a solution crafted by New England elites but as a promise seized by Black Americans themselves. As Reconstruction's guarantees faltered, many formerly enslaved people fled the South for the Plains, becoming known as Exodusters. Others, like Edward McCabe, envisioned Kansas not just as a sanctuary but as a staging ground — a terrain on which to build something autonomous and Black. For McCabe, Kansas — and later, Oklahoma — offered a second chance. Edward P. McCabe, circa 1883-1887. Kansas State Historical Society via National Park Service And the names live on. The college town of Lawrence, Kan., bears Amos A. Lawrence's name, a monument to abolitionism at arm's length. In Langston, Okla., the Black town McCabe helped found, street names like 'Massachusetts' signaled to Black settlers that they were heirs to a longer freedom struggle — one rooted in, but no longer dependent on, New England's conscience. The limits of New England's good intentions The West that New England built was funded by abolitionists who had converted not to revolution but to strategy. They filtered their moral convictions through propriety. It's worth asking what their legacy means now. We live in a moment when the very institutions Amos Lawrence once stood for — elite philanthropy, intellectual inquiry, and cautious reform — have come under fire. Harvard, a beacon of New England liberalism, finds itself besieged by accusations from both right and left. Elsewhere, DEI offices are shuttered. History curricula are rewritten. Librarians contend with what books to put on their shelves. Even here, in the bluest of blue states, there's talk of 'indoctrination,' 'wokeness,' and 'elites out of touch.' And here too, migrants are detained often without the norms and sorts of protections we assumed would be durable. Advertisement In the 1850s, Lawrence and his cohort were shaken into action by a single courtroom scene on Court Street. But their response came with a caveat: They would confront injustice without addressing it at home. Today, Court Street is quieter, humming more predictably with foot and car traffic — but the moral decisions we must make haven't gotten easier. Who we detain, whose histories we erase, which freedoms we underfund — all still happen in that old Boston bubble. The difference now is that there's no Kansas to send our convictions to.

Charleston bishop rebukes Trump's 'harsh' deportations, cites George W Bush's 'acceptable' plans
Charleston bishop rebukes Trump's 'harsh' deportations, cites George W Bush's 'acceptable' plans

Fox News

time4 days ago

  • Politics
  • Fox News

Charleston bishop rebukes Trump's 'harsh' deportations, cites George W Bush's 'acceptable' plans

Print Close By Charles Creitz Published August 07, 2025 President Donald Trump received a rare rebuke from the Catholic Church after the Bishop of Charleston released a lengthy public statement condemning the U.S. immigration system, slamming the president's mass deportation efforts while crediting former President George W. Bush's "acceptable" plans. Bishop Mark Brennan, who presides over the Diocese of Wheeling-Charleston encompassing all of West Virginia, said America was "built on the backs of men and women who came from other countries, whether freely or in chains." "Now we see our government adopting harsh measures to deport as many immigrants as possible, often without distinguishing between true criminals and law-abiding persons." "A government that says it wants to help families is willing to separate immigrant parents from their children. A government that oversees the economy wants to expel millions of workers upon whom the economy depends," Brennan went on. DEMOCRATS ATTEMPTING TO VISIT BROOKLYN ICE FACILITY REPORTEDLY TRAPPED AFTER BEING REBUFFED BY AGENTS The prelate said some parishioners have spoken to him about their support for Trump during the 2024 campaign over his pledge of a secure border that is now waning due to a "wholesale assault on the majority of immigrants…" "You expected a laser beam approach, not a floodlight," Brennan said. The bishop compared some immigrants' plight to Matthew 2, which describes how Mary and Joseph fled Israel with an infant Jesus Christ. "Get up and take the child and his mother and flee to Egypt, and remain there until I tell you. For, Herod is about to search for the child to destroy him," that Scripture reads. "Our Church looks at the person, not his or her legal status, and, following Christ's teaching and example, reaches out to help the immigrant," Bishop Brennan continued. DEMS WANTED TO DRAW EVERY REPUBLICAN OUT OF MARYLAND BUT NOW LAMBAST TEXAS REDISTRICTING "A person is more important than legal status. Even prisoners in jail are fed, clothed and have their health problems addressed, at least in well-run prisons." He went on to praise the work Catholic Charities does to help migrants, adding that illegal entry into the U.S. is on the same misdemeanor statutory level as loitering and shoplifting. Hearkening back to the 19th century, Brennan noted the Fugitive Slave Act had been used to "calm tensions" between the states and that the northern states refused to cooperate because they saw it as an unjust law. "It is Catholic teaching that an unjust law does not bind in conscience. But one must be willing to accept the consequences of civil disobedience. Martin Luther King, Jr., was willing to go to jail rather than acquiesce in unjust laws, a willingness shared by pro-life activists and people protesting nuclear arms," Brennan added. CLICK HERE TO GET THE FOX NEWS APP The bishop, however, added that both political parties have failed to substantively address immigration reform. "Republican President George W. Bush presented an acceptable if imperfect plan to reform immigration laws, but his own party shot it down," he said. "Democratic President Barack Obama said he would act on immigration reform but, with Democrats in control of Congress his first two years, he did not do so," Brennan added. "Our politicians have failed us." The White House called the statement "rife with inaccuracies and misinformation. It's wrong and offensive to conflate ILLEGAL (sic) immigrants with legal immigrants who have followed the law and entered the country the right way." "Anyone who has broken the law and entered the United States illegally is, by definition, not a 'law-abiding person.' President Trump is keeping his promise to the American people to carry out the largest mass deportation operation in history, and unlike prior failed leaders like Joe Biden, he is empowering federal law enforcement officers to do their job and enforce the law. And without laws we are not a nation at all," said White House spokeswoman Abigail Jackson. Print Close URL

Charleston bishop rebukes Trump's 'harsh' deportations, cites George W. Bush's 'acceptable' plans
Charleston bishop rebukes Trump's 'harsh' deportations, cites George W. Bush's 'acceptable' plans

Fox News

time4 days ago

  • Politics
  • Fox News

Charleston bishop rebukes Trump's 'harsh' deportations, cites George W. Bush's 'acceptable' plans

President Donald Trump received a rare rebuke from the Catholic Church after the Bishop of Charleston released a lengthy public statement condemning the U.S. immigration system, slamming the president's mass deportation efforts while crediting President George W. Bush's "acceptable" plans. Bishop Mark Brennan, who presides over the Diocese of Wheeling-Charleston encompassing all of West Virginia, said America was "built on the backs of men and women who came from other countries, whether freely or in chains." "Now we see our government adopting harsh measures to deport as many immigrants as possible, often without distinguishing between true criminals and law-abiding persons." "A government that says it wants to help families is willing to separate immigrant parents from their children. A government that oversees the economy wants to expel millions of workers upon whom the economy depends," Brennan went on. The prelate said some parishioners have spoken to him about their support for Trump during the 2024 campaign over his pledge of a secure border that is now waning due to a "wholesale assault on the majority of immigrants…" "You expected a laser beam approach, not a floodlight," Brennan said. The bishop compared some immigrants' plight to Matthew 2, which describes how Mary and Joseph fled Israel with an infant Jesus Christ. "Get up and take the child and his mother and flee to Egypt, and remain there until I tell you. For, Herod is about to search for the child to destroy him," that Scripture reads. "Our Church looks at the person, not his or her legal status, and, following Christ's teaching and example, reaches out to help the immigrant," Bishop Brennan continued. "A person is more important than legal status. Even prisoners in jail are fed, clothed and have their health problems addressed, at least in well-run prisons." He went on to praise the work Catholic Charities does to help migrants, and added that illegal entry into the U.S. is on the same misdemeanor statutory level as loitering and shoplifting. Hearkening back to the 19th Century, Brennan noted the Fugitive Slave Act had been used to "calm tensions" between the states and that Northern states refused to cooperate because they saw it as an unjust law. "It is Catholic teaching that an unjust law does not bind in conscience. But one must be willing to accept the consequences of civil disobedience. Martin Luther King, Jr., was willing to go to jail rather than acquiesce in unjust laws, a willingness shared by pro-life activists and people protesting nuclear arms," Brennan added. The bishop, however, added that both political parties have failed to substantively address immigration reform. "Republican President George W. Bush presented an acceptable if imperfect plan to reform immigration laws, but his own party shot it down," he said. "Democratic President Barack Obama said he would act on immigration reform but, with Democrats in control of Congress his first two years, he did not do so," Brennan added. "Our politicians have failed us." The White House called the statement "rife with inaccuracies and misinformation. It's wrong and offensive to conflate ILLEGAL (sic) immigrants with legal immigrants who have followed the law and entered the country the right way." "Anyone who has broken the law and entered the United States illegally is, by definition, not a 'law-abiding person.' President Trump is keeping his promise to the American people to carry out the largest mass deportation operation in history, and unlike prior failed leaders like Joe Biden, he is empowering federal law enforcement officers to do their job and enforce the law. And without laws we are not a nation at all," said White House spokeswoman Abigail Jackson.

ICE Is Overplaying Its Hand. We've Seen It Happen Before.
ICE Is Overplaying Its Hand. We've Seen It Happen Before.

Politico

time26-07-2025

  • Politics
  • Politico

ICE Is Overplaying Its Hand. We've Seen It Happen Before.

Out of this breach emerged the Compromise of 1850, a grand bargain designed to preserve the Union. Under its provisions, California entered the Union as a free state, but the citizens of other former Mexican territories were left to make their own determinations about slavery. Congress abolished the slave trade, but not slavery, in Washington, D.C. And, in return for these concessions, Southern politicians secured what would prove to be the most incendiary component of the deal: the Fugitive Slave Act (FSA) of 1850. The new act inspired widespread disgust throughout the North. The law stripped accused runaways of their right to trial by jury and allowed individual cases to be bumped up from state courts to special federal courts. As an extra incentive to federal commissioners adjudicating such cases, it provided a $10 fee when a defendant was remanded to slavery but only $5 for a finding rendered against the slave owner. Most obnoxious to many Northerners, the law stipulated harsh fines and prison sentences for any citizen who refused to cooperate with or aid federal authorities in the capture of accused fugitives — much in the same way the Trump administration has threatened to jail persons who impede its immigration raids. Before the FSA, formerly enslaved people were able to build lives for themselves in many northern communities. They found homes, took jobs, made friends, started families, formed churches. But after the FSA, they were permanent fugitives — and anyone who employed them, associated with them or provided them housing were accomplices. Early enforcement made immediate martyrs of ordinary people and pierced the illusion that slavery was just a Southern problem. In 1851 federal agents in Boston arrested Thomas Sims, who had escaped enslavement in Georgia, and marched him to a federal courthouse under guard by more than 300 armed soldiers to prevent a rescue. For Boston, a city whose history was steeped in the struggle against King George's standing army, it was an ominous display. Sims' hearing was, just as the law intended, shambolic, and he was ultimately returned to Georgia. (He would later escape a second time during the Civil War.) Want to read more stories like this? POLITICO Weekend delivers gripping reads, smart analysis and a bit of high-minded fun every Friday. Sign up for the newsletter. That same year, Shadrach Minkins, a waiter who had also fled enslavement to Boston, was seized in broad daylight. This time, word traveled fast, and a local 'vigilance committee' — interracial groups formed to monitor and, when necessary, resist enforcement of the fugitive slave law — assembled, with an eye toward liberating the accused man. Awaiting a hearing in federal custody, Minkins was suddenly rescued in a dramatic confrontation witnessed by attorney Richard H. Dana, Jr. 'We heard a shout from across the courthouse,' Dana recalled, 'continued into a yell of triumph, and in an instant after down the steps came two negroes bearing the prisoner between them with his clothes half torn off, and so stupefied by his sudden rescue and the violence of the dragging off that he sat almost dumb, and I thought had fainted. ... It was all done in an instant, too quick to be believed.' Minkins made it to Montreal, where he lived the rest of his life in freedom.

Why New York's underrated Finger Lakes should be on your radar
Why New York's underrated Finger Lakes should be on your radar

National Geographic

time10-07-2025

  • National Geographic

Why New York's underrated Finger Lakes should be on your radar

While the bright lights and skyscrapers of the eponymous metropolis often come to mind when picturing New York, once you step beyond the five boroughs, the state is often overlooked for its diversity of magical scenery rivaling much bigger states out west. The Empire State, the only one in the country with both Atlantic and Great Lake coastline, also comes equipped with three majestic mountain ranges, countless enchanting verdant forests, and perhaps its most underrated treasure among its endless captivating bodies of water—the Finger Lakes. Etched into the terrain over eons of glacial activity, this corner of New York doesn't just promise a wealth of adventures in nature among four distinctively beautiful seasons; lively cities and some fascinating historical twists are also yours to discover. Start and end: Greater Syracuse, New York From Cortland/Homer: I-81N (30.2 miles) Within Syracuse's abundant Americana charms lie many surprises that are much more than they initially seem. Clinton Square's shallow pool and festive fountain make for pleasant ambiance downtown, but subtle clues in the perimeter reveal the landmark's origins as the worn remnants of the Erie Canal. An unassuming nearby plaque tells the tale of the Jerry Rescue of 1851, a famous event from the city's abolitionist past as the 'Great Central Depot' of the Underground Railroad. Outraged at the apprehension of a formerly enslaved local named William Henry (a.k.a. Jerry) due to the recent passage of the Fugitive Slave Act, a group of residents took up arms, forcibly stormed the jail adjacent to the plaza, liberated Jerry, and granted him safe passage to Canada where he lived the rest of his life in freedom. To the west in Liverpool, it might amaze spectators of the rainbows of flora, swooping birds, and picturesque twilights over Onondaga Lake to know that the idyllic waters were, until recently, considered among the most polluted in the country. The big surprises don't end there, either—this was also the birthplace of the archetype for American democracy. Onondaga Lake was the founding location of the Haudenosaunee Confederacy, a collective of tribes from Upstate New York whose union was characterized by checks and balances, separation of powers, and representative delegation. If that sounds familiar to the American system, that's no accident. In 1987, Congress formally acknowledged the direct influence of the Haudenosaunee on the fledgling United States government. (America has a hidden 740-mile river adventure that's finally being revealed) Onondaga Lake is hardly the only attractive outdoor space around Syracuse. Get lost in the shady forests of Beaver Lake Nature Center in Baldwinsville or Green Lakes State Park in Fayetteville, making sure to end your trek at the latter with a delightful waterfront lunch at Yards Grille. Syracuse is an excellent town for big appetites: Taste New York's Italian heritage in the succulent slices baked at Apizza Regionale, savor a tantalizing plate of noodles at Pastabilities, or indulge your inner carnivore at the original location of famed New York staple Dinosaur Bar-B-Que. Finally, don't forget to try the mouthwatering Peruvian fare and paninis of Hope Cafe, where the eatery's moniker is more than just a name—the profits go toward fighting hunger and funding humanitarian causes worldwide. Deer Haven Park (Romulus) From Syracuse: I-81N to I-90W to Rte. 414S (58.3 miles) Deer Haven Park is home to the Seneca white deer. Photograph by Deborah Egan, Deer Haven Park LLC. Crossing west into Seneca County—occupying a narrow isthmus between Cayuga and Seneca Lakes—uncovers a wonderland of gorgeous greenery and secluded lakefronts. There is also the occasional dose of the strange, beginning with a series of derelict weapon huts and clandestine government buildings, overgrown with vegetation and weathered walls after years of neglect, with grounds patrolled by ghostly, stark-white deer. While this scene sounds like something straight out of a post-apocalyptic film, this is just a typical day at Deer Haven Park in Romulus. The former Army depot ensnared a population of these otherworldly fauna when constructed during World War II, allowing their numbers to thrive in the subsequent decades of operation. While there is a choice for a self-guided auto tour, the weekly guided bus experience is recommended for the added historical context and glimpses into the remaining structures. Step into the silent and haunting liminal spaces behind the weighty doors of the imposing concrete bunkers, see the mysterious fenced-off 'Q' sector that once housed nuclear weapons, drive past dusty dirt patches used long ago for training exercises, and catch the sight of run-down outposts towering above the trees. Combined with the Seneca White Deer, this unique park makes for an unforgettable, can't-miss stop. D&K Ranch (Interlaken) From Romulus: Rte. 96S (12.9 miles) With rooms including a swanky converted grain silo and cozy wooden cabins, the D&K Ranch in Interlaken promises a fantastic place to take in the splendor of the Finger Lakes National Forest. Navigate the serene "Faerie Trail' lined with surreal art displays made up of figurines and other bits of lovely casual weirdness, or engross yourself deeper in the leafy canopies by taking a horseback excursion arranged by the property. Don't miss an atmospheric nightfall at the nearby Finger Lakes Cider House, where a colorful garden perfect for carefree strolling awaits with fiery sunsets best appreciated with a refreshing beverage in hand. Ithaca From Interlaken: Rte. 89S (18.9 miles) The Myers Lighthouse on Cayuga Lake has been in use since it was built in 1998. Photograph by Thomas Farlow, Alamy Stock Photo Leave Seneca County to find the offbeat vibes of Ithaca at the southern tip of Cayuga Lake. Post up at the shore and admire the shimmering waters or immerse yourself in them properly by hopping into a kayak from Paddle-N-More. Witness why "Ithaca Is Gorges," to borrow a local catchphrase, by taking in the misty spectacle of roaring Ithaca Falls or following your curiosity onto one of the many access points leading to the Cascadilla Gorge Trail. Running straight through the center of town, marvel at the craggy facades lining the walk that often feature mesmerizing cascades flowing down their earthen grooves. The gorge eventually leads to Cornell University. The treats from Cornell Dairy are more than splendid to the taste buds; the ingredients come locally sourced from the Veterinary College. Listen to the music fluttering in the treetops of the Sapsucker Woods, and use the app developed by the School of Ornithology to decipher what avian species were heard based on their songs. An unbeatable stay lies ahead at the student-run Statler Hotel, where peerless service, cozy quarters, incredible meals, and friendly bartenders exemplify an outstanding slice of the Hospitality School. Downtown Ithaca is a delight to explore with its pedestrian-friendly streets and quirky local businesses. Catch a flick at the funky Cinemapolis, browse the glamorous new conference center, or check out the delights of the charming Dewitt Mall, whose corridors conceal a music shop, a co-op grocery, the laid-back Cafe Dewitt, and the savory dishes of legendary vegetarian establishment Moosewood. The restaurant, recently celebrating its 50th anniversary, has been enjoyed by countercultural luminaries like Allen Ginsberg and the Grateful Dead over the years. Aspiring chefs should also snag a copy of Mollie Katzen's foundational cookbook, recently ranked as one of the most influential of the past century. End the evening at the Northstar Public House or the Ithaca Beer Company, where tasty concoctions pair fantastically with the live music lasting well past sundown. In the morning, bite into a doughy pastry fresh from the ovens of Ithaca Bakery. Cortland / Homer, NY From Ithaca: Rte. 13N (23.4 miles) The Hope Lake Lodge, part of Cortland's Greek Peak Mountain Resort, is a superb family-friendly attraction regardless of season. The colder months offer numerous ski routes, snow tubing, and an indoor water park, while summer unveils the thrilling zip line and riveting alpine coaster. Maintain your outdoor fix at the nearby Lime Hollow Nature Center, seeing how many surreal sculptures you can encounter within the inviting Art Meadow. Twist your fork in some spicy spaghetti from Rex's Pasta, satisfy your sweet tooth with a stop on the Cortland County Ice Cream Trail, greet the sunrise with a poached benedict breakfast from The Exchange Restaurant, or have dinner and drinks with a view over the endearing streets of tiny Homer from the hospitable Dasher's Corner Pub. Brew enthusiasts should make time for a visit to Homer Hops, where a compelling selection of craft beer lies in store alongside an expansive patio overlooking a lush meadow often hosting concerts in the warmer months. John Sizemore is an Austin-based freelance travel writer, photographer, yoga teacher, and visual entertainment developer. He loves covering road trips, parks, cities, off-the-beaten-path destinations, and the occasional strange one-off experience. In addition to exploring the world, he also enjoys immersing himself in the worlds of languages, music, games, cinema, cooking, and literature. Follow him on Instagram at @sizemoves.

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