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IOL News
12 hours ago
- Business
- IOL News
Budget 3. 0 will be supported, confirms Mashatile
Deputy President Mashatile assures Parliament of budget 3.0's passage Image: GCIS Deputy President Paul Mashatile has announced that the partners of the Government of National Unity (GNU) have reached a consensus to coalesce around budget 3.0, affirming its imminent support in Parliament. sion, which took place at the Sefako Makgatho Presidential Guesthouse in Pretoria on Friday. The high-profile assembly featured an array of stakeholders, including ministers, deputy ministers, premiers, and director-generals. 'In the Government of National Unity (GNU), we all agreed to support the budget, so there won't be a problem. The budget will go through as presented,' asserted Mashatile, reflecting an optimistic outlook for the budget's acceptance. Last week, Finance Minister Enoch Godongwana presented his budget speech in the National Assembly, marking the third attempt to establish the Fiscal Policy Framework for 2025 after two previous failures to deliver a balanced budget. This year's financial overview transcends the mere presentation of figures; it critically illustrates South Africa's developmental priorities, financial prudence, and the state of political stability within the nation. Video Player is loading. Play Video Play Unmute Current Time 0:00 / Duration -:- Loaded : 0% Stream Type LIVE Seek to live, currently behind live LIVE Remaining Time - 0:00 This is a modal window. Beginning of dialog window. Escape will cancel and close the window. Text Color White Black Red Green Blue Yellow Magenta Cyan Transparency Opaque Semi-Transparent Background Color Black White Red Green Blue Yellow Magenta Cyan Transparency Opaque Semi-Transparent Transparent Window Color Black White Red Green Blue Yellow Magenta Cyan Transparency Transparent Semi-Transparent Opaque Font Size 50% 75% 100% 125% 150% 175% 200% 300% 400% Text Edge Style None Raised Depressed Uniform Dropshadow Font Family Proportional Sans-Serif Monospace Sans-Serif Proportional Serif Monospace Serif Casual Script Small Caps Reset restore all settings to the default values Done Close Modal Dialog End of dialog window. Advertisement Video Player is loading. Play Video Play Unmute Current Time 0:00 / Duration -:- Loaded : 0% Stream Type LIVE Seek to live, currently behind live LIVE Remaining Time - 0:00 This is a modal window. Beginning of dialog window. Escape will cancel and close the window. Text Color White Black Red Green Blue Yellow Magenta Cyan Transparency Opaque Semi-Transparent Background Color Black White Red Green Blue Yellow Magenta Cyan Transparency Opaque Semi-Transparent Transparent Window Color Black White Red Green Blue Yellow Magenta Cyan Transparency Transparent Semi-Transparent Opaque Font Size 50% 75% 100% 125% 150% 175% 200% 300% 400% Text Edge Style None Raised Depressed Uniform Dropshadow Font Family Proportional Sans-Serif Monospace Sans-Serif Proportional Serif Monospace Serif Casual Script Small Caps Reset restore all settings to the default values Done Close Modal Dialog End of dialog window. Next Stay Close ✕ The backdrop to this agreement has been fraught with challenges, particularly following the controversial reversal of a planned 0.5% increase in Value Added Tax (VAT). Godongwana has faced considerable pressure since this retraction, especially as the initial VAT hike, though supported by Parliament, was met with fierce opposition from political parties such as the Democratic Alliance (DA) and the Economic Freedom Fighters (EFF), who contested the decision in court. With this reversed policy, South Africa's national budget now grapples with a troubling R75 billion deficit. As the Minister for Finance, Godongwana is tasked with bridging this fiscal gap without resorting to additional borrowing or igniting further political disputes. IOL


Eyewitness News
a day ago
- Business
- Eyewitness News
Parties in GNU have all agreed to support the budget
JOHANNESBURG - Deputy President Paul Mashatile said that parties in the Government of National Unity (GNU) had all agreed to back Finance Minister Enoch Godongwana's budget. The fiscal framework will be subject to Parliament's scrutiny in June, as MPs are set to vote for its adoption. This is going to be the second time the fiscal framework is voted on, as the previous one was set aside by the courts. ALSO READ: • Mashatile not worried by EFF's decision to challenge fuel levy increase in court • Mashatile: Many govt challenges a result of political leaders & administrative leadership not pulling together • Mashatile leads governance discussion, says corruption hinders service delivery Mashatile spoke to journalists about the budget on the sidelines of a government event at the presidential guesthouse in Pretoria on Friday. It's been an unprecedented time in South African politics, as for the first time, the African National Congress (ANC) has struggled to get the budget over the line. Despite leading a ten-party coalition government, the ANC had to lobby opposition parties to secure support for the fiscal framework. The deputy president was optimistic that this situation would not arise again, saying that budget 3.0 aligned well with the interests of all GNU members. "In the Government of National Unity, we have all agreed to support the budget. So there won't be a problem. The budget will go through as presented." The Western Cape High Court nullified the adoption of the previous fiscal framework, ruling that it had been passed unlawfully.
Yahoo
a day ago
- Business
- Yahoo
Turkey and Russia Hold the Keys to Libya's Future
Recent clashes between pro-government militias in Tripoli once again threatened to unravel Libya's tenuous frozen conflict. Yet beyond the headline-grabbing instability, a quieter power struggle is unfolding, one in which Turkey and Russia are emerging as the most consequential actors, with both Ankara and Moscow utilizing the country's stalemate to entrench their own influence. From a domestic perspective, the risk of that frozen conflict heating back up became clear in May, when clashes erupted between rival militias aligned with the Government of National Unity, or GNU, under Prime Minister Abdul Hamid Dbeibah, killing at least eight people. The fighting broke out when a militia known as the 444th Brigade turned on Dbeibah, who relies on a coalition of armed groups to stay in power. Pro-GNU security forces managed to subdue the revolt, but amid the fighting, Abdel Ghani al-Kikli—the leader of the 444th Brigade—was assassinated. Dbeibah announced a 'ceasefire' two days after the fighting began, but anti-GNU protests broke out in the capital, marking one of the largest such demonstrations since the fall of Muammar Gaddafi in 2011 and further highlighting the fragility of Libya's status quo. Indeed, speculation loomed that forces loyal to Gen. Khalifa Haftar and the House of Representatives, or HoR—a rival government based in Tobruk, in eastern Libya—might also intervene, which would further destabilize the capital. Still, the political and military fault lines that divide Libya are increasingly shaped by Turkey and Russia, who have settled into what analysts characterize as a 'managed rivalry' or 'adversarial collaboration,' as previously seen in other theaters where their interests simultaneously collide and overlap, such as Syria and the South Caucasus. To get more in-depth news and expert analysis on global affairs from WPR, sign up for our free Daily Review newsletter. The two powers backed opposing sides during Libya's civil war, with Turkey supporting the Tripoli-based Government of National Accord until it was superseded by the GNU in March 2021, while Russia backed Haftar's self-styled Libyan National Army, LNA, which fought in support of the Tobruk-based government. Nevertheless, Ankara and Moscow ultimately reached a tacit agreement not to escalate the conflict, despite deepening their economic and military engagement with their respective camps. Turkey's military intervention in 2020 decisively shifted the balance in Libya's civil war, repelling an offensive on Tripoli launched by Haftar in April 2019 and setting the stage for the United Nations-brokered ceasefire that ended the fighting between the Tripoli and Tobruk governments later that year. Since then, Turkey has remained the GNU's key patron, supplying military equipment such as Turkish-made armored vehicles, drones, air defense systems and artillery. The Turkish parliament has continued to renew the military mandate for its forces in Libya, with President Recep Tayyip Erdogan citing risks to Turkish interests if the GNU were to come under renewed assault. That deep level of support was almost certainly the decisive factor allowing Dbeibah and the GNU to retain the upper hand amid the recent unrest in Tripoli. While Turkey's military intervention had guaranteed it a seat at Libya's political table, Ankara has also secured oil and gas exploration deals with successive Tripoli-based administrations, beginning with a Memorandum of Understanding signed with the GNA in 2019 and later ratified by Dbeibah's government in October 2022. Although the Tripoli Court of Appeal ruled against the deal in February 2024, the GNU ultimately overrode the court's decision. That underscores how Ankara's outreach to Tripoli's powerbrokers has advanced its maritime and energy interests in the Eastern Mediterranean, even as Turkey's offshore territorial claims sparked tensions with Greece and Egypt, which said they infringed upon their own sovereignty. Moreover, Turkey's decision to side with Dbeibah in a spat with former Interior Minister Fathi Bashagha, who was previously a key Turkish ally, demonstrated Ankara's willingness to recalibrate quickly to maintain its influence. Indeed, beyond securing Tripoli, Ankara has also set its sights on improving its position in eastern Libya. After Storm Daniel and the collapse of Derna's dams in September 2023—described as 'Libya's 9/11'—Turkey provided swift humanitarian assistance, opening channels of communication with authorities in the East. In April, too, Turkey hosted Saddam Haftar—the son of Khalifa Haftar—for meetings with the Turkish defense minister and other military officials in Ankara, where they discussed supplying equipment and providing training to LNA forces. This marked a striking shift, considering that only a few years earlier, Khalifa Haftar denounced Turkish involvement in western Libya as an 'occupation.' Yet, with Khalifa Haftar now 81, Ankara appears to be hedging its bets by cultivating ties with Saddam, who has positioned himself as his father's successor. Evidently, Turkey is complementing its military power in the West with soft power and defense ties in the East, which would mean that any future political solution to Libya's divisions would almost certainly necessitate Turkish engagement. Russia's engagement in Libya has also been consequential, but was previously subtler. Moscow had initially maintained a modest military presence in the form of Wagner mercenaries and Syrian fighters aligned with Haftar's LNA. Since the October 2020 ceasefire, Russia has deepened its footprint, while cementing considerable influence in Libya's South and East. Moscow has become more open in its ties to Haftar, particularly following the fall of former dictator Bashar Al-Assad's regime in Syria. In May, both Khalifa and Saddam Haftar traveled to Moscow for Russia's World War II Victory Day celebrations, where they met senior officials and discussed expanding military cooperation, for which the elder Haftar expressed his gratitude. The deepening relationship comes at a time when Moscow is looking to reassert its Mediterranean presence following its loss of influence in Syria, which had guaranteed it an Eastern Mediterranean naval base in Tartus. In February, satellite imagery showed Russia's development of the Maaten Al Sarra airbase in southern Libya, where it had shipped S-300 and S-400 air defense systems. Around 1,000 Russian military personnel have also relocated to Libya from Syria. The added forces complement the former Wagner mercenaries—officially incorporated into Russia's military as the Africa Corps following Yevgeny Prighozin's death in 2023—who are already embedded within the LNA. Moreover, Russia reportedly seeks a naval base in Libya, with Tobruk itself cited as a potential location. Russia's growing influence with the LNA would likely make approval for building a naval base easier. Haftar's forces depend on Russia for their logistical networks and reportedly even require Russian approval to use certain military installations, indicating how much leverage Moscow has established over him. Yet rather than being an unconditional ally, Russia arguably views Haftar as a means to an end, a tool to maintain influence in Libya and extend its reach into Africa. Still, the fact Haftar and his son have engaged with Ankara, too, shows that the family is willing to leverage the competing powers to gain recognition. Thus, Russia and Haftar's ties can be deemed a 'marriage of convenience.' Indeed, like Turkey, Russia has also looked to the rival camp to hedge its bets. Moscow's outreach to Tripoli has gained momentum over the past two years, with a delegation traveling to Tripoli to meet with GNU officials—including Dbeibah—as recently as April. Beyond potentially allowing Moscow to use western Libya as a launchpad for power projection deeper into Africa, this balancing act advances Russia's energy interests, as Russian firms are now in talks with the Tripoli-based Presidential Council, which is aligned with the GNU, for exploration deals. Russia's entrenched role serves as a geopolitical bargaining chip, compelling European powers to engage with Moscow and advancing President Vladimir Putin's stated vision of a multipolar world order. There is also a potential risk of Russia of weaponizing Libya's energy sector; Haftar has previously blockaded oil facilities to pressure Tripoli, a tactic Moscow could exploit to disrupt or manipulate European energy supplies. Even short of active sabotage, a future Russian naval base in Libya would almost certainly raise alarm in European capitals. Yet all of this would likely be consolidated within a frozen conflict, one increasingly sustained by competing Russian and Turkish involvement. Still, the balance is increasingly tilting in Ankara's favor. That's showcased by how European states, which have remained reactive to events in Libya, have shifted their approach toward Turkey, especially in light of U.S. President Donald Trump's shaky support for NATO and Ukraine. While France was long a vocal critic of Turkish influence in the Eastern Mediterranean, it has softened its criticism of Ankara's foreign policy moves in recent years. Moreover, under Prime Minister Giorgia Meloni, Italy has deepened engagement with Turkey, viewing Ankara as indispensable to securing its goals in Libya of stemming migration and securing energy contracts. This was highlighted in Meloni's meeting with Erdogan on April 30, which also saw the two sides strengthen defense ties. Meanwhile, Washington has largely disengaged from Libya's conflict, aside from recent inflammatory suggestions that it would relocate migrants and even displaced Palestinians from Gaza to Libya. Both proposals were swiftly condemned, in part due to the country's lack of security and high risk of human trafficking. With Western involvement waning, any U.N.-backed efforts to unify the rival administrations under a single government, push for domestic reform or hold elections will almost certainly require Turkish buy-in. Persuading Moscow to scale back support for Haftar and relinquish its strategic foothold in the Mediterranean and Africa, will prove far more difficult. One pragmatic antidote to the stalemate could be deeper Western coordination with Turkey on Libya, aimed at forging a political solution. Yet with European Union member states showing varying appetites for engaging with Ankara, combined with Washington's continued detachment, Turkey is likely to maintain its 'adversarial collaboration' with Moscow. Turkey and Russia will likely continue their delicate balancing act and avoid risking direct confrontation. After all, the May 26 meeting in Moscow between President Putin and Turkish Foreign Minister Hakan Fidan underscored their shared interest in maintaining communication, particularly over Ukraine and Black Sea stability, and avoiding a deeper rupture in ties. As for Libya, a continued stalemate risks entrenching the country's divisions rather than resolving them. If so, May's clashes, like last year's tensions in Tripoli that rattled oil markets and threatened Libya's banking system, may end up being a preview of even worse instability ahead. Jonathan Fenton-Harvey is a British analyst and journalist whose work has focused largely on Gulf Cooperation Council affairs, as well as geopolitical and economic issues pertaining to the wider Middle East and Indo-Pacific. He has worked with or written for a wide range of think tanks and publications based in the U.S., the U.K. and the Middle East. The post Turkey and Russia Hold the Keys to Libya's Future appeared first on World Politics Review.

IOL News
a day ago
- Business
- IOL News
Budget 3. 0 will go through, we agreed, Mashatile confirms
Deputy President Paul Mashatile has confirmed that budget 3.0 will be supported in Parliament. Image: Independent Media Archives Deputy President Paul Mashatile has confirmed that the Government of National Unity (GNU) partners have agreed to support budget 3.0. Mashatile said on the sidelines roundtable aimed at strengthening the political and administrative structures. This was held at the Sefako Makgatho Presidential Guesthouse in Pretoria on Friday. The high-level discussion was attended by ministers, deputy ministers, premiers, and director-generals. 'In the Government of National Unity (GNU) we all agreed to support the budget so there won't be a problem. The budget will go through as presented,' Mashatile. Last week, Finance Minister, Enoch Godongwana, delivered his budget speech in Parliament in Cape Town. This was the third attempt at tabling the Fiscal Policy Framework for 2025 after failing twice to deliver a balanced budget. Video Player is loading. Play Video Play Unmute Current Time 0:00 / Duration -:- Loaded : 0% Stream Type LIVE Seek to live, currently behind live LIVE Remaining Time - 0:00 This is a modal window. Beginning of dialog window. Escape will cancel and close the window. Text Color White Black Red Green Blue Yellow Magenta Cyan Transparency Opaque Semi-Transparent Background Color Black White Red Green Blue Yellow Magenta Cyan Transparency Opaque Semi-Transparent Transparent Window Color Black White Red Green Blue Yellow Magenta Cyan Transparency Transparent Semi-Transparent Opaque Font Size 50% 75% 100% 125% 150% 175% 200% 300% 400% Text Edge Style None Raised Depressed Uniform Dropshadow Font Family Proportional Sans-Serif Monospace Sans-Serif Proportional Serif Monospace Serif Casual Script Small Caps Reset restore all settings to the default values Done Close Modal Dialog End of dialog window. Advertisement Next Stay Close ✕ Ad loading The budget for this year was more than just a financial summary; it is a crucial indicator of South Africa's social priorities, budgetary responsibility, and political stability. After a controversial 0.5% VAT rise was reversed, Godongwana has been under a lot of strain. Despite being first accepted by Parliament, opposition parties such as the Democratic Alliance (DA) and the Economic Freedom Fighters (EFF) swiftly contested the increase in court. The national budget now faces a significant R75 billion deficit as a result of the reversal; the minister must close this gap without taking on more debt or stirring up further political turmoil. All GNU parties welcomed the minister's budget but emphasised that it should work for the people, especially the poor. IOL Politics


The South African
2 days ago
- Politics
- The South African
South Africa marks one year of GNU
Minister in the Presidency, Khumbudzo Ntshavheni, announced that South Africa is commemorating one year since the National and Provincial Elections in 2024, which resulted in no political party winning an outright majority. 'The period created much uncertainty for South Africa and her people. Today, as the Government of National Unity (GNU), we are proud that we were able to form a government within 14 days, an outstanding achievement given the period taken by some first world countries to form a government in similar situations,' the Minister said on Thursday. Briefing the media following the Cabinet meeting on Wednesday, Ntshavheni outlined the outcomes of the gathering and stated that this milestone represents a renewed commitment to stability, collaboration, and inclusive governance. Ntshavheni emphasised that this historic partnership, which includes 10 political parties, showcases the importance of prioritising the needs of South Africa and its people, by placing the nation first. 'Through constructive dialogue and compromise, the parties have worked together to address pressing issues, fostering a sense of unity and shared purpose, despite our different ideological outlook.' Unprecedented in the history of the country's democracy Announcing his new Cabinet last year, President Cyril Ramaphosa said the establishment of the GNU in its current form was unprecedented in the history of the country's democracy. The President said: 'We have had to consider how to form the new government in a manner that advances the national interest, that gives due consideration to the outcome of the election and that makes use of the respective capabilities within each of the parties.' The President added that all the political parties who were members of the GNU had committed to respecting the Constitution, promoting accountable and transparent governance, evidence-based policy and decision-making, as well as the professionalisation of the public service, integrity and good governance. Let us know by leaving a comment below, or send a WhatsApp to 060 011 021 1 Subscribe to The South African website's newsletters and follow us on WhatsApp, Facebook, X and Bluesky for the latest news.