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After Jhansi ki Rani, another queen fought the British
After Jhansi ki Rani, another queen fought the British

Time of India

time5 days ago

  • Politics
  • Time of India

After Jhansi ki Rani, another queen fought the British

Tired of too many ads? Remove Ads Start of Rani Gaidinliu's journey Tired of too many ads? Remove Ads Rise of Gaidinliu and her capture Tired of too many ads? Remove Ads 'Rani' and the Road to Freedom After Independence: A lonely struggle While everyone knows about Jhansi ki Rani Laxmibai, who fought with British forces in the battlefield, sword in hand and fire in her eyes, very few know about another Indian queen who too fought the British. Far from the spotlight, a 'rani' from the misty hills of the North East rallied her people, challenged the Crown's might, and ignited a centuries, powerful dynasties in India's Northeast stood as unyielding guardians, keeping at bay wave after wave of invaders -- from the Delhi Sultanate to the mighty Mughals, and even the early British. But that long-standing shield finally cracked when Burma stormed in, seizing control of Assam and Manipur. What followed was a brutal clash of empires -- a high-stakes power struggle between the Burmese and the British. The British, relentless in their imperial ambitions, ultimately crushed Burma after a series of bloody confrontations known as the Anglo-Burmese Wars, changing the fate of the region annexation of the Ahom kingdom by the East India Company in the early decades of the nineteenth century has loomed large as an important moment in the establishment of the British Raj in Assam. The Treaty of Yandabo (1826) gave the British East India Company an opportunity to establish its commercial and political interests in the frontier region of India. Amid the waves of the Civil Disobedience Movement and rising resistance across India, a fiery seventeen-year-old from the Northeast was quietly shaking the foundations of the British Raj. Leading a defiant tribal uprising, Rani Gaidinliu , a Naga, played a key role in the Indian freedom Gaidinliu's journey began when her cousin and spiritual mentor, Jadonang, claimed to have seen a divine vision from a revered god of the hills. The message was powerful: revive the ancient faith of their ancestors and resist the soon found himself surrounded by tribal communities desperate for hope amid fears of crop failure. His growing spiritual authority and anti-colonial message quickly caught the attention of British authorities by 1927 who arranged for a meeting with him, which also led to brief arrest of the Naga leader. As his influence grew strong, inspired by Mahatma Gandhi's Civil Disobedience Movement, he urged his followers to withhold British taxes and instead pay him, positioning himself as a liberator of the Nagas. But in February 1931, with whispers of rebellion in the air, the British arrested him on flimsy grounds. Failing to produce solid evidence, they falsely accused him of murdering Manipuri traders and hanged him publicly at the banks of the Nambul River in his death, Nagas hoped that another messiah would rise to lead them. The prophecy came true sooner than expected -- this time in the form of a seventeen-year-old girl, the British had met her during Jadonang's arrest and dismissed her as a 'sullen little unmarried girl of seventeen,' clearly underestimating her potential. However, this mere dismissal soon turned to be a grave mistake for the colonisers in the North East. With the followers of Jadonang regarding her as a goddess figure, Gaidinliu's revived spiritual movement had spread like wildfire across the Naga Hills, Manipur and the North Cachar Hills. Mirroring Gandhi's defiance, she urged her people to stop paying house taxes and reject British authority. However, with her growing influence, the British were on alert, launching an all-out operation under the Deputy Commissioner of the Naga Hills. Just like Jadonang's arrest, they resurrected an old case -- accusing Gaidinliu of murder, human sacrifice and cult arrest, Gaidinliu moved like a shadow across villages with her militia. Her bottled healing potion, famously called "Gaidinliu water," became a symbol of hope and February 16, 1932, a brutal clash erupted in Hangrum village. Assam Rifles stormed the area, killing villagers, burning homes, destroying granaries, and torching fields. A month later, another fierce encounter near Hangrum left heavy casualties. But once again, Gaidinliu slipped away. Frustrated by repeated failures to capture the teenage rebel, the British unleashed brutal retaliation, torching entire villages, destroying crops and torturing innocent villagers for information. Even Gaidinliu's native village, Lungkao, was not spared from this mid-1932, 29 guns were confiscated and Rs 2,920 collected in fines. British patrols tightened their grip, cutting off village communication and movement. Her name became a threat. The colonisers went so far as to harass girls who shared Gaidinliu's name, pushing many to abandon it out of fear. Even Gaidinliu herself adopted the alias 'Dilenliu' to stay hidden from British the flame of resistance flickered on. Her story echoed through whispered prayers, rebel songs and the dreams of a free Naga nearly five months, Gaidinliu and her band of rebels roamed the jungles of the trans-Barak basin, moving camp constantly. Disguised, she even visited her own village. Eventually, she chose Pulomi village as her base. Nestled between Zemi, Rongmei and Liangmei Naga tribes, her strongest support, Pulomi offered hope. But the village was also home to Christianised Nagas who had turned away from tribal prophecies and aligned with British colonialism. Converted by American Baptist missionaries and educated in mission schools, many now served the these loyalists was Dr. Haralu, a well-educated physician from the Liangmai tribe and native of Pulomi. An ardent supporter of British rule and an ideological critique of Gaidinliu's movement, he volunteered to help track her down. Ironically, his own younger brother, Jinyi, was one of Gaidinliu's closest a desperate bid to tame the fiery rebel, the British turned to a subtler tactic -- marriage. They persuaded Haralu, a well-regarded bachelor, to propose to Gaidinliu, dangling the promise of freedom if she gave up rebellion for domesticity. But Gaidinliu saw through the ruse and she vanished into the forest once more. However, Haralu continued writing to her, promising a personal meeting, but she never let herself be caught between love and she stayed at Pulomi longer than usual, awaiting his arrival, it proved to be a fatal error. Haralu came, not with love, but with armed forces. Though Gaidinliu had begun fortifying Pulomi, the defenses were incomplete. A British spy and village elder, Ishejungbe, had earned her trust, only to betray her. He leaked plans for a final attack to Haralu, who coordinated with the avoid detection, the army misled villagers about their destination. On October 16, 1932, a hundred riflemen marched for Pulomi, while another force of Nagas, Kukis and Gorkhas prepared for backup. They regrouped at Dzulki and surrounded Pulomi before dawn. After capturing a few guards, they learned she was hiding in Hailung's was arrested and brought to trial, not for rebellion, but on similar charges that targeted her sibling, murdering four Meitei traders at Kambiron. She was sentenced to life imprisonment. Initially locked in Imphal jail, she was later transferred to Shillong and Lushai Hills. The British kept moving her from place to place, fearful of the legend that she would return in another form to continue her in prison, her myth lived on. Rumours of her reincarnation sparked minor uprisings led by those claiming to be her avatars and continued until the outbreak of World War 1937, five years into her imprisonment, a turning point arrived. Jawaharlal Nehru, then President of the Indian National Congress, visited Assam for an entirely different reason. But wherever he went, he kept hearing one name, Gaidinliu. Intrigued, he visited her in Shillong was so moved by her courage and unwavering belief in her cause that he pledged to fight for her release. In a powerful article for the Hindustan Times in December 1937, he christened her 'Rani'. The name stuck — and so did her would take another decade and countless appeals, but when India finally gained independence in 1947, one of the first acts of Prime Minister Nehru was to sanction Rani Gaidinliu's freedom came with fresh battles. Two political forces had emerged in the region — the extremist Naga National Council (NNC), which wanted a separate country, and the moderate Naga Peoples' Convention (NPC), which called for a Union supported her Gaidinliu envisioned a separate administrative unit for the Zeliangrong people within India. But her dream clashed with geography, it would mean redrawing boundaries across Nagaland, Manipur and Assam. Her vision conflicted with the agendas of both NNC, NPC as well as the Indian these tensions, Gaidinliu remained a respected figure. She was honoured with the Tamrapatra (1972), Padma Bhushan (1982), Vivekananda Sewa Summan (1983), and the Bhagwan Birsa Munda Puraskar posthumously in her memory, India issued a commemorative stamp in 1996. On her birth centenary in 2015, commemorative coins were released, and in 2016, the Indian Coast Guard commissioned the 'ICGS Rani Gaidinliu'. A museum named the Rani Gaidinliu Tribal Freedom Fighters Museum has also been sanctioned at her birthplace in Manipur.

An Open Letter: ‘I Have Small Eyes, Mr Prime Minister'
An Open Letter: ‘I Have Small Eyes, Mr Prime Minister'

The Wire

time28-05-2025

  • Politics
  • The Wire

An Open Letter: ‘I Have Small Eyes, Mr Prime Minister'

Menu हिंदी తెలుగు اردو Home Politics Economy World Security Law Science Society Culture Editor's Pick Opinion Support independent journalism. Donate Now Society An Open Letter: 'I Have Small Eyes, Mr Prime Minister' Sangeeta Barooah Pisharoty 35 minutes ago It doesn't behove the stature of an Indian prime minister to deploy such racist language about any community, whether Indian or not. Why you could consider a course correction. Illustration: Pariplab Chakraborty. Real journalism holds power accountable Since 2015, The Wire has done just that. But we can continue only with your support. Contribute now Dear Mr Prime Minister, I saw a video from a public speech delivered by you in your home state of Gujarat on Tuesday, May 27. To say the least, I, as a person from Northeast India, am still numb at your references to 'small eyes' and with 'eyes that don't even open'. Before I come to why, let me take this opportunity to convey to you that far from Gujarat, in my family home in Assam, ever since my school days, I have seen a sizeable photo of a certain Gujarati hanging on a wall of the drawing room. Every godhuli (dusk), an incense stick is stuck on to the photo frame by my father, just after he finishes the same ritual on all the frames containing various gods and goddesses hung across the house, while reciting his evening mantras. I am proud to say here, that the Gujarati prayed in my family is none other than the Mahatma – Mahatma Gandhi. My father, now 93, still continues the daily ritual; also never forgets to tell any first-time visitor with a tinge of pride that the Mahatma, during his maiden trip to Assam in 1921, had also paid a short visit to his now over-a-century-old family house. My grandfather was one of the first in that upper Assam town to have signed up for Congress membership at the call of the Mahatma then to fight the foreign powers; yes, to refuse the foreign goods too. Prime Minister, I am sure you are aware of the great Naga freedom fighter Rani Gaidinliu. When there was no advocate to fight the case mounted against her by the British, my grandfather had traveled a challenging path all the way to the Rangoon high court with a set of fellow Nagas to fight for her release from jail. In a country under foreign powers then, it was no surprise that the advocate was also jailed along with Gaidinliu, a young accused then who had the gumption to stand up to the colonial powers for converting fellow Nagas to Christianity from their religion, Heraka. That fight, by the way, had made our first prime minister Pandit Jawaharlal Nehru bestow Gaidinliu the prefix to her name, Rani (queen), as we know her today, and call her a freedom fighter. These references, particularly to the Father of the Nation here, are only to underline that such connections that we form with powerful leaders and change-makers who may belong to another region or community, just keeps alive the unity and solidarity of the people of this huge country that we are all part of, and so proud of. Tiny, daily rituals carried out in houses like mine also acknowledge that we may know little about a region that the leader/the change-maker comes from or their people, but, as the constitution says, we are the same people – no matter how large or small the size of our eyes are (irrespective of race and creed, remember?). Prime Minister, like several from the Northeast, I too had lived on those lines; happen to choose a partner from outside the region. I never looked at the size of his eyes, and am sure, he didn't either. Let me tell you, what we saw in each other's eyes was the same – love and respect. * In your May 27 speech, even if you had made an indirectly referred to the Chinese when you had referred to Ganesha with 'small eyes' and 'eyes that don't even open', the remark cannot be overlooked; cannot be not seen to apply to 'small-eyed' Indians like me; those who come from the region I call home. Prime Minister, even in the national capital, many from the Northeast (that includes me too) face racism and discrimination on the streets almost every day. Often in central Delhi, I am stopped by random strangers while walking, to ask in English which country I belong to; whether I am looking for a currency exchange booth; a cheaper hotel room, a taxi for sightseeing. For those who may ask, what clothes were you wearing then: Well, no 'Indian' dress has been able to help me ward off such casual street racism in Delhi yet. I am sure this must be the case in various other cities. Also, I speak for many northeastern women living in mainstream cities if I say that I never step out of my house without using kajal on my eyes, just because we don't want to be on the streets with 'small eyes'; eyes that are seen by others as 'barely open'. Sir, I am not sure if you are aware, it is also well documented in the report of the Bezbaruah Committee, set up by the central government after the tragic death of an Arunachali youth, Nido Tania, in Delhi's Lajpat Nagar, that the racist terms used on people from the Northeast in mainstream cities includes words like 'Chinky' and 'Chinese'. 'Small eyes' too is a term used for us. At times, no words are needed but finger tips are used to press the corners of the attacker's eyes to send us the message that we have 'small eyes'; 'eyes that barely open' – the same gesture you used in your speech. Exactly like that China-made Ganesha idol you had referred to in your speech. * Prime Minister, it is also well documented that during the Covid-19 pandemic, many from my region were thrown out of stores and rented accommodations, some even attacked physically and spat at, just because they looked 'Chinese' and the epidemic had stemmed from China. In such a dark reality, if you, as the prime minister, lampoon 'small eyes' publicly, in our eyes, you are seen backing those nameless people in many mainstream cities who call us 'Chinky' and Chinese'. Anyway, it doesn't behove the stature of an Indian prime minister to deploy such racist language about any community or set of people, whether Indian or not. What I understood also from your speech is that India's contest is economic and versus China, and rightly so. In such a fight, there should be no space for the size of the eyes. Like it didn't matter in diplomacy, when you set your big eyes on the 'small-eyed' Chinese premier Xi Xingping while sitting on a swing and chuckling together by the Sabarmati some years ago. Prime Minister, let me remind you here, that even in your own cabinet, there are ministers with 'small eyes'. I am referring to Sarbananda Sonowal and Kiren Rijiju. In 2018, when your government, reportedly due to Chinese insistence, kept Rijiju out of an official function in New Delhi, many in my region were upset and sad that New Delhi didn't stand up to the Chinese pressure. Arunachal Pradesh, Rijiju's home state, is an Indian state, and shall remain so. Also, doesn't at least one of your important cabinet ministers, who is in the CCS, have a partner whose eyes are 'small' due to her race? Personal preferences aside, racist outbursts by the country's top leader should have no space in a public speech in today's day and time; they are bad for both domestic and international optics. Remember how US president Donald Trump was chided by the world for having questioned the attire of Ukrainian president V Zelenskyy. * Prime Minister, here is something about Lord Ganesha having 'small eyes'. If you take into account the fact that Ganesha is also a Buddhist deity, revered across South Asia where people have 'small eyes'. Even in several Indian monasteries, say, Alchi, said to be the oldest monastery in Ladakh, Ganesha exists in miniature paintings on its walls – and yes, with small eyes! The Vinayaka or the Ganapati cult within various sects of Buddhism exists beyond India, across the South and South-East Asia's geography. Finding a Ganesha sculpture in a museum, therefore, in these countries where Buddhism has been a strong religious influence, is not a rarity. By the way, Ganesha is the only Hindu god regarded as Boddhistava. Even in China, there have been Ganapati rituals. French Buddhism expert Robert Duquenne in his publication, 'Ganapathi Rituals in Chinese', had pointed out that 'Not less than twelve texts in the Chinese Buddhist Canon are dedicated to Vinayaka or Ganapati.' The author had noted, 'The alternative and more usual name Ganesa never occurs here.' Here, let me also inform you that some of our goddesses may in all likelihood have 'small eyes'. Assam's revered goddess Kesaikhati is a tribal goddess. We don't often draw Ma Kamakhya, but as per new research, she too might have a tribal (Khasi) origin. In Assam, we also celebrate the annual arrival of the monsoons, no less than that of a goddess. We call her Bordoisila. Every monsoon, we keep out a small mirror, a bottle of hair oil and a comb, for her to look at; the belief is, the rains are strong because she is rushing home to see her mother. Since the name Bordoisila has been drawn from the Bodo community, of Tibeto Burman origin, that goddess also, racially speaking, should have 'small eyes'. * Prime Minister, I fully agree with you that a country which is aspiring to become a developed nation by 2047, must start its self-sufficiency journey on a war footing. You had implied China in your speech and I agree that we must stay away from using not just cheaper Chinese goods like Diwali lights and Holi colours and Lakshmi and Ganesha idols, but also all foreign goods that have a decent equivalent which is Made in India. This country had seen a time when people had booked their HMT watches and waited for months to be delivered; same with India-made cars and scooters. But should that journey not start with you? Like it did with Gandhi when he gave a call to quit using foreign goods? Therefore, if you still wear that Movado watch; that pair of Mayback sunglasses; that Mont Blanc pen, etc., which several media reports speak of regularly, please replace them with Made in India equivalents. Show the path. * And that western hat you wear while visiting a wildlife park? I have a suggestion for its replacement too. In the Northeast, each community has its own hat; you can truly promote indigenous traditions and Made in India products if you choose to replace that cowboy-like hat with one from my region. The choices are too many, I promise. Before I end, I must also say why I took the liberty to write an open letter to you. This is in keeping with my understanding of what you often say, India is not just the world's largest democracy but the mother of all democracies. In such a democracy, a common citizen must then have the right to question her elected Prime Minister. So have I here, just as a common citizen who comes from the Northeast. I have questioned you about a sensitivity that you clearly overlooked in your May 27 public speech, and as a 'small eyed' Indian, I am offended. I hope you ponder over it and course correct, because India's prime minister must not be seen just talking about the need for fellow Indians to treat people from the Northeast without discrimination; but must be seen doing so too, both in his words and deeds so that he becomes an example for others to emulate. With best regards, Yours Sincerely, Sangeeta Barooah Pisharoty A humble citizen of India who is never allowed to forget that she has 'small eyes', but she manages to keep them open and look clearly ahead. (Post script: Sir, looking at the times that we are in, I hope I don't get arrested for writing an open letter to you; getting trolled on social media would anyway follow, and who knows, fellow north-easterners belonging to your party may also be sent after me for taking umbrage at your comment, and I may eventually end up being called a 'China sympathiser'.) Make a contribution to Independent Journalism Related News 'Nation's Army Bowing at Modi's Feet': BJP Leader Sparks Row With Remarks on Operation Sindoor Stalin Urges Non-BJP CMs to Oppose Reference Sought by the President Before the Supreme Court Modi is Maun: How the Sudden Ceasefire Marred the Prime Minister's PR Script 'Army Bowing at Modi ji's Feet': Why a Deputy CM's Gaffe Doesn't Bode Well Modi Says 'Not Blood, Hot Sindoor' Flows In His Veins In First Public Address Since Op Sindoor Postponement of Election of the New BJP chief: A Breather For Modi-Shah Gandhi's and Modi's Reflections on 'Sindoor' Are Poles Apart From Flowers to Sarees, A Story of PM Modi's Communication Imagery Post-Operation Sindoor Modi's Search for Global Solidarity Rings Hollow Amid Rising Domestic Intolerance in India About Us Contact Us Support Us © Copyright. All Rights Reserved.

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