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Indian Express
3 days ago
- Politics
- Indian Express
How campus violence has marred ‘Oxford of the East' Patna University
For the last few days, the 19-year-old student of Patna's BN College has been both scared and furious. It's been two weeks since two crude bombs hurled on the campus killed a fellow student and sparked massive protests, and the student is now worried about his own safety. 'Studying at Patna University was once a dream of many. Now, it's a nightmare,' the student says. The incident that has shaken the 19-year-old and many of his fellow students occurred on May 13, fatally wounding Sujeet Kumar Pandey, a second-year history honours student. According to the police, the bombs, hurled at 12:45 pm, was a result of a student rivalry and led to the detention of two people. The bombing has once again brought into focus the turbulent – and often violent – nature of Patna University's student politics. Once referred to as 'Oxford of the East', Patna University has seen at least five incidents of campus violence in the last two years – three of these in the last three months alone. 'Good, genuine students still avoid the hostels and find accommodation outside campuses due to this atmosphere,' one police officer says. 'Every now and then, we find sticks, rods, hockey sticks, and even firearms and materials for making crude bombs during raids at the college hostels.' The incidents led Bihar Governor Arif Mohammed Khan — the Chancellor of Patna University – to make scathing remarks on the need for discipline on campus. In a speech made during a visit to the campus, Khan made particular mention of 'outsiders illegally occupying hostel rooms' as a key factor in the university's 'antisocial' environment. Both students and professors The Indian Express spoke to appear to endorse this. 'Various political parties have been misusing university students – some of whom no longer study here – as pawns for their own political gains, even using them for criminal purposes. There's a nexus involving these antisocial elements and political leaders,' N.K. Chaudhary, a retired professor and a former principal of Patna College, tells The Indian Express. Calls and text messages to Patna University Vice-Chancellor Ajay Kumar Singh, Registrar Shalini and Dean of Student Welfare Anil Kumar went unanswered. 'Antisocial elements' Founded in 1917, Patna University is India's seventh oldest and Bihar's first university that counts several of Bihar's most prominent leaders – from chief ministers such as S.K. Sinha, Lalu Prasad Yadav and the incumbent Nitish Kumar to diplomats such as former foreign secretary Muchkund Dubey and former Chief Justice of India Bhuvaneshwar Prasad Sinha — among its alumni. Since the first student election at the university in 1959, the Patna University's student body, the Patna University Student Union (PUSU), has been known as a vibrant forum for debate. But it was the 1970s – right around the time of the Bihar movement, also known as the JP Movement – that marked its true coming of age. Led by the veteran Gandhian socialist Jayaprakash Narayan, the student movement in 1974 was aimed at protesting corruption and misrule in the state of Bihar, although it eventually spread to the central government under Prime Minister Indira Gandhi as well. At Patna University, where the protests first began, Lalu Prasad Yadav, then president of the PUSU, was one of those driving the movement, along with Sushil Modi, who would later become deputy chief minister of Bihar, and Ravi Shankar Prasad, who would eventually go on to become a Union minister. 'Politics has always been at the core of Patna University,' a college professor tells The Indian Express. But by the 1980s, the general mood of the campus had changed, with escalating caste conflicts and student clashes prompting the university's authorities from banning PUSU elections. This ban was lifted only in 2012, when the All India Students' Federation (AISF), the students' wing of the Communist Party of India won two of five key posts in the student body. The absence of elections, however, didn't stop political tensions from rising in the university — according to former professors and officials, caste lines began to be drawn here, allowing 'criminal elements to entrench themselves on campus and use college hostels for antisocial activities'. 'During that time, many non-students and antisocial elements backed by politicians made university hostels their safe houses,' one former professor claims. These problems persisted even after student elections resumed in 2012 – according to students and former professors, political patronage began to turn the PUSU elections into proxy battles for political parties, who viewed the campus as a training ground for future leaders. This eventually took the form of student clashes, violence and even bombings. For instance, in 2013, a mob of students barged into the Dalit Bhimrao Ambedkar Welfare Hostel armed with hockey sticks, bricks, stones, firearms and crude bombs, and assaulted residents. Three Dalits were injured in these clashes. These tensions came to a head in May last year, when a 22-year-old student of BN College was beaten to death at the Patna Law College. The incident, allegedly over the student union election, led to then Governor Rajendra Vishwanath Arlekar ordering the closure of all university hostels. This year too has seen at least three instances of campus bombings – including the incident on May 13. On March 5, days before the Patna University Students' Union (PUSU) elections, a bomb that went off near the university's Darbhanga House allegedly damaged a professor's car. Then on April 26 – just after the university announced it was reopening its hostels to students – four crude bombs exploded near Cavendish and Minto hostels after a clash between students. Police detained 13 students over this incident and allegedly found bomb-making materials in a room in Minto. Violence marred this year's PUSU polls too, leaving a journalist and a student wounded. According to students and professors, political parties 'openly' support student groups in defiance of the Lyngdoh Committee guidelines, which recommends against external interference in student body elections. The guidelines, submitted by a panel under former Chief Election Commissioner JM Lyngdoh in 2006, state that no person who is not a student on the rolls of the college or university 'shall be permitted to take part in the election process in any capacity'. Caste equations – always a permanent fixture in Bihar's social fabric – further fuel these student rivalries, which take the shape of hostel turf wars, as authorities struggle to enforce rules out of fear of retaliation from 'antisocial elements and politically connected groups', students and former professors allege. 'Different hostels are dominated by specific caste groups, and if a student is assigned a room in a hostel that does not align with their caste, they are often not permitted to stay,' Hritik Raushan, one of the presidential candidates for this year's PUSU elections, says, adding that these hostels have been left 'orphaned by the PU administration'. Former IPS officer Shivdeep Wamanrao Lande, who has previously served as Patna city's superintendent of Police, says hostel administrators 'are often too afraid to confront or to deal with these groups'. 'When I first joined, there were reports of clashes among boarders… Use of crude bombs was frequent even in the past at Patna University. Some hostel residents had as many as 20-25 criminal cases against them,' he says. For students, all of this means fear of returning to the campus. 'We have to think twice before seeking admissions here),' one student at BN College says, while another adds that he has chosen not to live on campus because 'it's unsafe'.
Time of India
5 days ago
- General
- Time of India
Tana Bhagat woman transforms barren land into orchard
1 2 Chatra: A widow and disabled woman, Jatari Tana Bhagat (45), from Thethangi village in Bahera panchayat of Tandwa block in Chatra district, has become a source of inspiration for others in her village by earning Rs 25,000 to Rs 30,000 per month from her mango orchard as well as by growing green vegetables. Jatari's community, Tana Bhagats, is a small tribal group in Jharkhand which follows Gandhian principles. D espite facing all odds after the death of her husband in 2009, Jatari, who has an underdeveloped right hand by birth, is now emerging as an inspiration for others in her community. Just after the death of her husband, she was left with no other option but to do household work in the neighbourhood to earn a living. Her fate changed when she planted 112 mango saplings on one acre of her land, which was lying unused and termed barren by all. "Now, I am earning every week by selling mangoes in the local market," she said. Speaking to TOI, Jatari said, "I developed the barren land into a mango orchard after I got a well dug under the MGNREGA scheme. The scheme solved the problem of water scarcity here, too." She further said every year, she grows garlic, onion, tomato, chilli, peas, coriander and other vegetables under the horticulture scheme of the state govt. "Soon, I will also take up fishing in the pond constructed in my field from the MGNREGA scheme," she said. Jatari said her daughter Shanti Devi is married, and her son Dharamdev Tana Bhagat is studying in a school. "I am happy with whatever I have achieved and am able to provide a good life to my children though my husband is no more," she added. Seeing the passion of Jatari towards MGNREGA schemes, a pump set was given as a gift by the Tandwa block workers so that irrigation and farming could be made even easier. Seeing Jatari and her success story, residents of her village are now approaching the block office to take advantage of the horticulture scheme and set up mango orchards. Tandwa block development officer Devlal Oraon said the contribution of the entire team of the block has been excellent in making the MGNREGA scheme successful. "MGNREGA workers have played an important role in ensuring that the schemes are taken up at the right places and payments are made on time," he said, praising Jatari for her hard work. Block programme officer of MGNREGA in Tandwa, Subodh Paswan, said they would schemes of public and environmental interests. Junior engineer Prince Bakshi said they keep motivating the beneficiaries to provide them with employment. "MGNREGA has proved to be effective in bringing greenery to the barren land along with employment in Tandwa block," he said.
Indian Express
5 days ago
- Politics
- Indian Express
Much need not be read into recent defections from AAP. Every political party goes through such churn
Written by Saumya Gupta On May 17, as many as 13 MCD Aam Aadmi Party (AAP) councillors left the party to start a new organisation: Indraprastha Vikas Party (IVP). This political blow comes right in the wake of AAP's defeat in the Delhi assembly elections. This again raised a crucial question: Is AAP a post-ideological party? Many scholars attribute its defeat and defection to the absence of ideology. However, one must go beyond such a limited understanding to unpack AAP's politics. My argument here rests primarily on three ideas that shape its politics. First, its commitment to Directive Principles of State Policy (DPSP); second, the party stands for welfare, rooted not in the structural inequalities; and finally, the party attempts to be principally against any form of political violence. The provision of DPSP in the Indian Constitution reflects socialist, Gandhian, and liberal ideals, guiding the vision of a just, welfare-oriented state. AAP's governance, as evidenced in its mohalla clinics, legal aid drives, public schooling, and free bus services for women, embodies these principles. Critics argue this focus on efficient public service lacks ideological depth. Yet, when viewed through the DPSP lens, AAP's model aligns with a form of 'actionable ideology' rooted in addressing material needs. Its politics of citizen-centric delivery gained popular support, though some feared it would become merely transactional. Its weakness lies not in the absence of ideology, but in the lack of a language that could articulate it. Drawing from Antoine Destutt de Tracy's notion of ideology as a 'science of ideas' tied to material conditions, AAP's actions can be seen as ideological. Since coming to power in Delhi, AAP has focused exceedingly on economics and public finance. However, a lack of a deeper understanding of structural inequalities in India, predominantly caste, has been a consistent lack in its politics. Arvind Kejriwal's emphasis on state efficiency was a recalibration of politics, implying that administrative push is enough to fight inequality, without resorting to caste politics or social engineering. AAP achieved 'national party' status in the shortest time. Notably, it is also one of the very few national parties without any history of political violence. It breached the conventional political space of identity-based, caste/class-based or regional rhetoric-based politics and found a new space to redefine conventional understandings. Scholars like Sacha Kapoor and Arvind Magesan have stated that if there is a regional party rule, the chance of political violence increases. This argument, however, doesn't hold for AAP, which started its journey through satyagraha and has remained aligned with Gandhian philosophy, at least on the question of violence. Kejriwal's rise reshaped opposition politics in India, pushing traditional left-of-centre parties to reassess their approaches in light of AAP's tangible public service delivery. While critics accused him of 'soft Hindutva', his appeal lies in effective governance and bold political manoeuvres. His instincts for timely political action have made his political performance different from that of other political parties. Defeats and defections are part of the political game. So, discarding it as a non-ideological party amounts to a misreading of its political trajectory. The writer is a political consultant who was earlier with Centre for Legislative Research and Education, FLAME University
The Hindu
24-05-2025
- General
- The Hindu
With books for company
Back in the late 1970s, our small town was proud to have a fairly large government-run public library. Nestled in one corner of our school premises, it operated from eight in the morning until eight in the evening, with a four-hour break in between. The library was presided over by a highly respected librarian — a reserved Gandhian in his mid-fifties, always dressed in a neatly pressed white kurta and dhoti. Whenever he had free time, he would be found deeply engrossed in a book at his desk. Periodically, he would rise and patrol the aisles, as if invigilating an examination. Even the faintest whispers seemed to catch his attention, so we children were compelled to maintain absolute silence — quite an unnatural state for us. The adults, absorbed in newspapers and magazines, had little inclination for conversation, so the library was naturally quiet. We school-aged boys, often sent by our parents to the library, struggled to keep still and silent. Sometimes, we were tasked with borrowing books on our parents' behalf, armed with a small chit listing the titles to be borrowed or returned. My friends and I used to feel as though we were being punished whenever our parents insisted that we spend weekends or holidays at the library. They wanted us there for obvious reasons, but at that age, we would have much preferred the playground. Skipping the library was not an option, as we feared the librarian or his assistant would report our absence to our parents — or even to the school headmaster. At times, it seemed the librarian and his assistant took their roles a bit too seriously; even the slightest noise would earn us a stern glare. Occasionally, we forgot ourselves and spoke a little too loudly, much to their annoyance and that of the other readers. Being young, we were easily distracted, especially when tasked with reading biographies of great men, hand-picked by the librarian. The library itself was spacious but appeared cramped, with gunny sacks stuffed under the benches — some containing new arrivals, others books destined for disposal. The walls were adorned with portraits of freedom fighters and intellectuals, lending the place an air of sanctity. I sometimes imagined the figures in those portraits would frown upon me if I wasted time there; my innocent mind nurtured its own peculiar fears. As I graduated from primary to high school, I began visiting the library of my own accord. By then, it had become a joyful habit, thanks to the encouragement of my parents and the librarian. My respect for the librarian and his assistant grew — not out of fear, as before, but from genuine admiration. When I discussed books with them, their passion and insights inspired me. It was there that I learned never to let go of the joy of reading. The specific books recommended by the librarian that changed my reading habits were primarily biographies of great men. These selections, though challenging at first, gradually drew me into the world of reading and helped me develop a lasting appreciation for literature. The librarian's choices exposed me to stories of resilience, leadership, and moral courage, which not only broadened my perspective but also instilled in me the discipline and curiosity essential for lifelong learning. The library and its staff played a crucial role in enriching my knowledge and shaping my character. Today, I can say with conviction that I revere a library as much as a place of worship.
Scroll.in
22-05-2025
- Entertainment
- Scroll.in
Jyoti Bhatt: The Gandhian whose expressive artwork is an archive of India
Jyoti Bhatt was born in Gujarat's Bhavnagar on March 12, 1934 – the fourth anniversary of the Dandi March led by Mohandas Gandhi. This coincidence always felt meaningful to him. Bhatt's father was deeply influenced by Gandhi. That association may have shaped the outlook of the printmaker, photographer and teacher indirectly – and sometimes more directly, such as his decision to always wear khadi. Bhatt, now 91, was especially struck by Gandhi's advice to writers to use language so simple that even unlettered farmhands engaged in agricultural tasks could understand it. Bhatt says that he has always tried to follow this principle, especially in his writing. The nonagenarian's prolific artistic career and philosophies are being showcased at an exhibition titled Through the Line & the Lens at Gallery Latitude 28 in New Delhi. It has been curated by artist Rekha Rodwittiya. This is the largest retrospective in recent years of the art and practice of Jyotindra Manshankar Bhatt, popularly known as Jyoti Bhatt. The exhibition offers a new reading of the enduring influence of Bhatt on an entire generation of post-independence visual art practitioners. Also on display are his personal writings in diaries and letters. Bhatt's lifelong vocation to document India's living traditions, rural artistic practices and vernacular art forms has contributed significantly to preserving India's visual heritage, says curator Rodwittiya. 'Bhatt understood that rural social practices were not going to remain intact and unimpaired from the changing economic and socio-political situations that India was encountering,' she said. 'His travels brought him into contact with folk traditions, where art was practiced as part of the everyday occurrences of the lives of the people in rural India.' While this could be viewed as a process of archiving and documenting, Bhatt's keen creative approach makes them works of art in their own right, as well as a tool for preservation of the memory and a belief system he saw as slowly vanishing. In 1967, Bhatt began using the camera to replace his sketchbook during travels, allowing him to record images immediately. Led by curiosity and experimentation, Bhatt used opportunities to explore new techniques, processes, and even technology. Image making through the camera began as an act of documentation and a cerebral exercise, but gradually evolved into a medium of expressing emotions. A Gandhian at heart, he approached his work with empathy and humanism. His documentation of living traditions was far deeper than a mere record of events and scenes. Bhatt's practice straddled various disciplines. As an artist, he created a unique pictorial language that permeated many media in an era of seminal change within Indian contemporary art. He was educated at Bhavnagar's Home School, where the teaching philosophy was influenced by Rabindranath Tagore. 'The environment was liberal, even progressive, for its time,' Bhatt recalled. 'Music, dance and the arts were given as much importance as subjects like mathematics or science.' Since he was not particularly strong in academics, his interests grew naturally towards the arts. This led him to the newly established Faculty of Fine Arts at the MS University of Baroda in 1950. Here, Bhatt assisted his teachers, first NS Bendre and later KG Subramanyan, on their personal mural projects. 'Those experiences were formative and gave me confidence in my own ability to handle collaborative and large-scale work,' Bhatt said. Attending events such as a fresco workshop at the Banasthali Vidyapith in Rajasthan in 1953 and his exposure to mandana, a traditional form of rangoli, gave Bhatt a familiarity with the form and a curiosity about it that later lead to his photo-documentation of similar living traditions in rural and tribal India. He was exposed to printmaking during his college years. An exhibition of Krishna Reddy's prints left a deep impression on him. Later, in 1964, when he received a Fulbright Scholarship, he studied the subject at the Pratt Institute in New York. Bhatt began teaching at his alma mater in 1959. With limited resources and minimal access to information, it was a challenge for a teacher to open up the minds of young students. 'Looking back, I think I was playing a pretend game, like the ones young children play, by simply imitating how my teachers shared their knowledge of art,' he said. 'Even then, and perhaps always, I preferred not to advise students on what they should do. Instead, I tried to make them aware of various possibilities, often drawn from the past.' Situating India's rural and tribal traditions within contemporary processes, as well as viewing Indian creative expressions in the context of Western and larger global discourses made Bhatt a unique bridge transcending the two worlds. While his work remained deeply rooted in the ethos of India's history and heritage, it examined critically the dichotomies and ironies of Independent India. At a time when most artists of his generation were aligning themselves with positions that reflected either Western or Eastern influences within their vocabulary, Bhatt did not conform. 'He deliberately becomes a tightrope-walker and juxtaposes his need to view both these territories as historical ancestries that accommodate him,' said Rodwittiya. Positioned at the cusp between tradition and modernity, his work referenced cubistic attitudes and pop culture before arriving at the deeply rooted Indian folk characteristics. It reflects the socio-political environment and harmony and discord of Indian society. His engagement with the complexities of modern India can be seen in his pictorial narratives, where image and text are often of equal importance to the cohesiveness of the image. His work is still relevant, asserted Bhavna Kakar, the founder of Latitude 28. 'Bhatt's practice is foundational to many conversations that today's younger artists are engaging with – whether it's around identity, craft, documentation, or politics.'
