Latest news with #GaribiHatao
Time of India
10-07-2025
- Business
- Time of India
Middle class dilemma: Investor explains how the ‘car, AC' mindset keeps them stuck in same bracket, reveals solution to break free
A portfolio manager recently started a debate on the middle class of India, that makes up nearly 30% of the world's most populous country, by saying that its the mindset that stems more from limiting beliefs than financial limitations. 'They refuse to think about what could help them break free from the middle-class mindset,' Shyam Sekhar said. Check full text here: Why do middle class families stay middle class? It is because they refuse to think of what will make them break out of the middle class mindset . What is the middle class mindset? It is something which stops you from dreaming of what you feel is beyond your present reach. You always think of the next thing to get in life. I recall families dreaming of having an air conditioner at home. Or , about having a car. These aren't even worthy dreams of many given their potential. They ought to be thinking of far bigger goals. When you set your sights on goals that are built on the vision of compounding, you start seeing life very differently. I told a person who was reaching 1 crore that he could actually reach 20 crore easily. He must have almost fallen off his chair. But, i wanted him to believe in compounding and work towards creating an investment flywheel that compounds very actively for a long, long time. The good news is that the personal investment flywheel once built keeps working for a very long time. The bad news is that most people fail to build that flywheel. Instead, they are always hitching rides from others on their flywheels, often hanging precariously on to others' weaknesses. The greater irony is that those who cannot break free from the middle class mindset are very successful in marketing their failing mindset to others. This is so ridiculous at many levels. A middle class person must learn what it takes to break free from the middle class mindset, to liberate himself from the limiting thinking on personal finance and to work diligently to build a vision that can be realised in reasonable time. Been thinking hard about this and will be coming out with something interesting. Watch this space! How did people react? "Middle class mindset is to brood over the bad times in the weak dasas which they underwent. Instead when the good dashas manifest in their horoscope, they should work their ass off, take personal and professional risks and believe in their Ishta Devata and their horoscope," said one user. "For years we were soaked in the Garibi Hatao mentality and only now have we moved to the Ameeri Badhao side of things. This is the biggest shift that middle class folks needed to make to become rich!" said another user. Economic Times WhatsApp channel )
Indian Express
25-06-2025
- Politics
- Indian Express
Suhas Palshikar writes on 50 years since Emergency: When we remember 1975
Besides political repression, the Emergency of 1975-77 was characterised by comical news bulletins reporting how everything was in good shape. Today, as the Emergency is being remembered, the name and image of the Leader are as ubiquitous as 50 years ago. From vikas to the well-being of cheetahs, everything happens thanks to the Leader. This similarity should make us sombre about commemorating the 50th anniversary of that moment. Indira Gandhi's Emergency was, in most part, for the sake of her personal authority. However, as we remember that episode — and we should indeed remember it — stopping at the personal level would be a mistake. Democracies often operate within the dialectic of the personal (political leadership) and the institutional, hanging perilously between an expression of popularity and that abstract thing called the rule of law. Therefore, the act of 'remembering the Emergency' should go beyond criticism of the past to introspection about the present. For one, we should ask what made the Emergency possible — how was it possible to persecute citizens? We should also ponder over the possibility of democracy being suspended again: Has the experience made our democracy more sabotage-proof? Or does the memory help us make sense of the politics of undermining democracy — a more contemporary purpose? Any analysis of the Emergency must begin with 1971. Election outcomes in a democracy are often enigmatic. The voter and the victor diverge in the meanings they attach to the outcomes. In 1971, Mrs Gandhi won a handsome victory. The slogan Garibi Hatao caught the imagination of a country whose economic growth had stagnated and failed to deliver. But following that victory and more so after the Bangladesh War, Mrs Gandhi must have concluded that the voters looked upon her as a benefactor, a saviour and, more particularly, as indispensable. This feeling was at odds with the protests that erupted in Bihar and Gujarat. The overall gloom that took over the country post-1973 was also in stark contrast to Mrs Gandhi's idea of her destined role. The vagueness of the constitutional provision made it possible to formally declare an 'emergency'. The organisational weakness of her 'new' Congress and the concentration of power in the office of the Prime Minister also facilitated the declaration. While the media's timidity has been commented on, we do not give adequate attention to the swiftness with which the civil and police bureaucracies succumbed to the logic of authoritarianism, rejecting the rule of law in favour of rule by diktat of the popular leader. That's not to mention the Supreme Court, which acquiesced to the interpretation of the Constitution dished out by the political executive. Here was a template for a diversion away from democracy. Mrs Gandhi's defeat and the subsequent amendment to the emergency provision created an impression that 'democracy' had won — or, less poetically, that possible sabotage in the future was now averted. And true enough, India has not seen another such amateur attempt to divert the political process away from democracy. In other words, the Emergency template has been discarded — but has it really? Conflating partisan interests with the national interest, pushing the judiciary to fall in line and above all, converting the police and the bureaucracy into weapons against citizens are the core pathways copied from the 1975-77 template. There are striking similarities between then and now. The over-reading of election outcomes — not just in 2014 but subsequently, too — is one. There is no doubt the outcome was a clear rejection of Congress. No doubt each election since 2014, but 2014 in particular, was a spectacular victory for Narendra Modi. But these facts are understood and presented as a second Independence and are being etched into history as the dawn of Amrit Kaal. Megalomania apart, the texture of politics and public contestations has altered dramatically since 2014 — all protests are labelled anti-national or urban naxal, and like the foreign hand of the Emergency, the hand of Soros has become the pretext to attack any difference of opinion. These labels are used to liberally invoke draconian laws, particularly the UAPA. As they did during the Emergency, the bureaucracy and the police have happily joined the battle on behalf of the political executive. Above all, more than during the Emergency, the judiciary has submerged itself in the logic of the political executive. In conceptual terms, the short moment of 1975-77 and the current long moment manifest similarities in the downgrading of rights, a contempt for federal polity, disdain for protest movements and the mutilation of institutions. Together, they amount to reducing democracy to an anti-people instrument of power. The Constitution and its core principles are the main casualty. No wonder we hear today echoes of 'parliamentary sovereignty', which made much noise 50 years ago. But India today is marked by one grotesque and one deeply troubling distinction from the Emergency. The grotesque is the politics of vigilantism. Anyone who can lay claim to some elements of the establishment's pet ideas has the licence to punish. A parallel system of identifying and cleansing 'wrongdoers' seems to be almost institutionalised. Personalised authority, a vengeful state and vigilantes overlap in today's politics and governance. More worryingly, unlike the Emergency, the present moment is guided by a larger purpose: Of undermining the national movement's legacy and rejecting the constitutional imagination. Operational wrongs can be corrected through institutional efforts but normative or ideological departures are not easy to stall once they are imposed on a society and crowned as the true ideas the nation should uphold. When a gigantic media machine joins the ruling party in legitimising Hindutva and when mobs are unleashed to delegitimise difference and opposition, you have a thoroughly new template of controlling government, politics and popular sentiment. From Mrs Gandhi's somewhat ad-hoc attempts to divert democracy in order to retain power, India seems to be moving into a very different terrain of using formal democratic mechanisms to undermine both democracy and Indianness. If the Emergency was a dark moment when democracy was suspended, the essence of that Emergency is being normalised in India's current moment. The writer, based in Pune, taught political science
Arabian Post
20-06-2025
- Politics
- Arabian Post
Fifty Years After Emergency, The Present Modi Regime's Authoritarianism Is No Less Stifling
By P. Sudhir It may appear rather unusual to recall the inglorious sequence of events that began at midnight on June 25, 1975, with the declaration of the Internal Emergency. However, we are reminded of those immortal words of wisdom: 'those who tend to forget the lessons of history are condemned to repeat them.' These words compel us to revisit that dark chapter in the history of Indian democracy. The late 1960s had dealt a blow to the Congress party's monopoly on power, with opposition parties securing victories in several states. In response, Mrs Indira Gandhi repositioned herself through a series of progressive-sounding slogans such as Garibi Hatao, bank nationalisation, and the abolition of the privy purse. Departing from traditional political practice, she concentrated power in herself, bypassing strong state-level leaders and directly appealing to the masses at the grassroots. This approach yielded some gains for Mrs Gandhi. However, what truly bolstered her bid for political hegemony was India's intervention in support of the Bangladesh liberation struggle. The eventual establishment of an independent Bangladesh and the decisive defeat of Pakistan significantly enhanced her stature. The presence of the Soviet Union also played a crucial role in deterring potential US intervention aimed at rescuing Pakistan's military regime. This reinforced Mrs Gandhi's stature and ensured her victory in the 1971 general elections. Nevertheless, this overall picture could not stop the CPI(M), which emerged as the single largest party in the West Bengal Assembly. But, this was not allowed to progress naturally. The 1972 assembly elections were thoroughly rigged, paving the way for nearly half a decade of semi-fascist repression. This period of authoritarianism seamlessly merged with the declaration of the Emergency on the midnight of June 25, 1975. During much of the Emergency, Gandhi's political opponents were imprisoned, and the press was censored. Over 10,000 political opponents, journalists, and activists were jailed under her regime. Meanwhile, the country was grappling with a series of economic challenges stemming from the recent war with Pakistan, droughts, and the global oil crisis of 1973. Rising unemployment and inflation further fuelled public discontent and political opposition. These growing pressures, coupled with Mrs Gandhi's sense of personal insecurity and legal setbacks – particularly the threat of losing her Lok Sabha membership – contributed to the decision to impose Emergency. In essence, the Emergency of 1975 was declared due to a combination of political, social, and economic factors. The government invoked Article 352 of the Constitution, which permits the declaration of an Emergency in the event of war, external aggression, or internal disturbance. The official justification cited threats to national security and public order, leading to the suspension of fundamental rights and the concentration of power in the executive. Exposing the political dynamics that led to the Emergency, A K Gopalan, leader of the CPI(M) group in the Lok Sabha, stated during the debate on the Statutory Resolution for Approval of the Emergency proclamation on July 21, 1975:'The warning given by our Party about the rise of the tendency towards totalitarian and one-party dictatorship over the last three years has proved true with the sudden declaration of the new Emergency.'He went on to say that this abrupt move by the ruling party to extricate itself and its leader from a deepening personal and political crisis was a sign of weakness, not strength. It was designed to crush opposition voices and people's movements. He also exposed the false narrative that this Emergency was aimed against the extreme Right and Left adventurists. The inevitable followed, and the Congress, along with Indira Gandhi, could not avert political defeat. The eighteen-month Emergency has gone down in contemporary Indian history as a grave aberration and a sordid disruption of democracy. A broad coalition of forces ensured the restoration of democracy following the 1977 Lok Sabha elections. Today, Narendra Modi invokes the Emergency era, describing its imposition on June 25, 1975, as a 'black spot on the Constitution' of India. He has declared, 'These 50 years since the Emergency remind us to protect our Constitution and democracy with pride. The countrymen must resolve that such a travesty will never be allowed to happen again. We commit ourselves to ensuring a vibrant democracy and fulfilling the common man's dreams as outlined by the Indian Constitution.' However, this posturing is increasingly turning into a great hoax – an attempt to camouflage the RSS-BJP's own most obnoxious assault on Indian democracy, as it has unfolded over the past eleven years. Looking back fifty years later, the Emergency can be seen as the first major onslaught on India's democratic system – one that severely curtailed civil liberties and democratic rights. But it is a mistake, as many tend to do, to draw a direct comparison between the Emergency of 1975 and the present situation. The past decade under Modi is often referred to as an 'undeclared Emergency,' but such a comparison is misplaced on several counts. The current scenario has emerged against the backdrop of a global resurgence of the ultra-right, amidst a changed correlation of political forces in favour of imperialism. This phase has ushered in an era of finance capital driven global economies, marked by sharp inequality, rampant unemployment, and overwhelming corporate dominance. Accompanying this are unprecedented levels of identity-based polarisation and a relentless hate campaign, fostering the 'othering' of fellow citizens in both economic and social spheres. Thus, the present assault on democracy and constitutional principles is far more insidious. It has led to the rise of institutionalised authoritarianism – or what some observers term 'electoral autocracy.' In the Indian context, this authoritarian shift has been spearheaded by the RSS, injecting the toxic ideology of Hindutva, which seeks to fundamentally transform the very idea of India. This idea of India – born from the anti-colonial struggle – was anchored in a democratic, secular, socially just, and federal republic. The current onslaught is therefore more pervasive and stifling, aimed at dismantling the foundational principles of Indian citizenship. In hindsight, the 1975 Emergency now appears almost amateurish compared to the full-fledged authoritarianism we are experiencing today. While the current regime may seem harder to dislodge, the experience of fighting back against the Emergency in the 1970s should inspire confidence. A people united, with the will to resist the pernicious ideology of the RSS and reclaim democracy, can still meet and overcome today's challenge. (IPA Service)
Hans India
10-05-2025
- Politics
- Hans India
Will the Dravidian model rule work for DMK in 2026?
As an effective campaign tool, there is hardly anything better than promising 'social welfare'. Over five decades and more, from the time Mrs Indira Gandhi announced 'Garibi Hatao' as one of her policies to alleviate the misery of the masses in the turbulent 1970s, political parties in India have effortlessly sailed on this bandwagon to hit the bull's eye most of the times at the hustings. The DMK government, which as expected, announced its completion of four years of Dravidian model rule last week in a grand way, highlighted its work in this regard. Three notable schemes – financial assistance scheme to women, free bus rides for the fair sex and breakfast schemes for government-aided schools are already being spoken about as game changers for the oldest regional party in south India. Tamil Nadu, which has firmly been a pocket borough of both DMK and AIADMK for close to six decades is a standout example of 'intensely local' mode of governance in this phase. It has dealt with the Centre on its own terms, not always successful, but has riled the Delhi establishment many a time with its insular and Tamil-first approach on many issues. On the face of it, with the next Assembly elections due in May 2026, the party does not seem to have a real competitor to challenge it as it aims for a repeat performance. History may not be on its side as DMK has never returned to power despite ruling from Fort St George for the first time since 1967 as the State faced 16 elections in this period. Interestingly, Jayalalitha bucked the trend as AIADMK stormed to power, to enable her stay on as the CM till her demise in 2016. Stalin, having served for long under his mercurial and successful Dravidian politician father, M Karunanidhi got his due in 2021 after effectively dethroning the wobbling rival, the AIADMK. Having resorted to the standard campaign which regional party heads have adopted, he had kept the limelight on his party and political performance by challenging Delhi and taking on the NDA on contentious issues like NEET abolition and recently, the NEP. While this has given him better visibility in the anti-BJP bloc, which is now in a battered shape, it has alerted the alliance partners who find themselves to be in a better position to bargain and bag more seats for themselves from either of the two formations. While the caste element is at the core of any such arrangements as described above, the AIADMK, which would be forced to enter into a tight ropewalk as far as its big ally BJP is concerned may end up being a comforting factor for its opponents. The saffron party has been quick to make the appropriate noises and also take decisive action by removing the popular state chief, Annamalai to keep the alliance on track. Analysts are quick to point out despite the Tamil media grudgingly acknowledging it, the BJP has grown from what it was to touch a decent 11 per cent vote share in the Lok Sabha polls and has kept the youth interested. DMK is still being critically assessed for its patchy track record on law and order, corruption charges against in the upper echelons of bureaucracy and a few ministers who have been jailed and a worrisome industrial relations scenario with the Samsung strike posing a few uncomfortable questions. Unemployment too is an issue which has bothered the state youth and the government is on the defensive in this case. Hence, a year, as of now, may seem too long, but politics is a strange animal. Regional politics, even stranger.
