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Arabian Post
16 hours ago
- Politics
- Arabian Post
Fifty Years After Emergency, The Present Modi Regime's Authoritarianism Is No Less Stifling
By P. Sudhir It may appear rather unusual to recall the inglorious sequence of events that began at midnight on June 25, 1975, with the declaration of the Internal Emergency. However, we are reminded of those immortal words of wisdom: 'those who tend to forget the lessons of history are condemned to repeat them.' These words compel us to revisit that dark chapter in the history of Indian democracy. The late 1960s had dealt a blow to the Congress party's monopoly on power, with opposition parties securing victories in several states. In response, Mrs Indira Gandhi repositioned herself through a series of progressive-sounding slogans such as Garibi Hatao, bank nationalisation, and the abolition of the privy purse. Departing from traditional political practice, she concentrated power in herself, bypassing strong state-level leaders and directly appealing to the masses at the grassroots. This approach yielded some gains for Mrs Gandhi. However, what truly bolstered her bid for political hegemony was India's intervention in support of the Bangladesh liberation struggle. The eventual establishment of an independent Bangladesh and the decisive defeat of Pakistan significantly enhanced her stature. The presence of the Soviet Union also played a crucial role in deterring potential US intervention aimed at rescuing Pakistan's military regime. This reinforced Mrs Gandhi's stature and ensured her victory in the 1971 general elections. Nevertheless, this overall picture could not stop the CPI(M), which emerged as the single largest party in the West Bengal Assembly. But, this was not allowed to progress naturally. The 1972 assembly elections were thoroughly rigged, paving the way for nearly half a decade of semi-fascist repression. This period of authoritarianism seamlessly merged with the declaration of the Emergency on the midnight of June 25, 1975. During much of the Emergency, Gandhi's political opponents were imprisoned, and the press was censored. Over 10,000 political opponents, journalists, and activists were jailed under her regime. Meanwhile, the country was grappling with a series of economic challenges stemming from the recent war with Pakistan, droughts, and the global oil crisis of 1973. Rising unemployment and inflation further fuelled public discontent and political opposition. These growing pressures, coupled with Mrs Gandhi's sense of personal insecurity and legal setbacks – particularly the threat of losing her Lok Sabha membership – contributed to the decision to impose Emergency. In essence, the Emergency of 1975 was declared due to a combination of political, social, and economic factors. The government invoked Article 352 of the Constitution, which permits the declaration of an Emergency in the event of war, external aggression, or internal disturbance. The official justification cited threats to national security and public order, leading to the suspension of fundamental rights and the concentration of power in the executive. Exposing the political dynamics that led to the Emergency, A K Gopalan, leader of the CPI(M) group in the Lok Sabha, stated during the debate on the Statutory Resolution for Approval of the Emergency proclamation on July 21, 1975:'The warning given by our Party about the rise of the tendency towards totalitarian and one-party dictatorship over the last three years has proved true with the sudden declaration of the new Emergency.'He went on to say that this abrupt move by the ruling party to extricate itself and its leader from a deepening personal and political crisis was a sign of weakness, not strength. It was designed to crush opposition voices and people's movements. He also exposed the false narrative that this Emergency was aimed against the extreme Right and Left adventurists. The inevitable followed, and the Congress, along with Indira Gandhi, could not avert political defeat. The eighteen-month Emergency has gone down in contemporary Indian history as a grave aberration and a sordid disruption of democracy. A broad coalition of forces ensured the restoration of democracy following the 1977 Lok Sabha elections. Today, Narendra Modi invokes the Emergency era, describing its imposition on June 25, 1975, as a 'black spot on the Constitution' of India. He has declared, 'These 50 years since the Emergency remind us to protect our Constitution and democracy with pride. The countrymen must resolve that such a travesty will never be allowed to happen again. We commit ourselves to ensuring a vibrant democracy and fulfilling the common man's dreams as outlined by the Indian Constitution.' However, this posturing is increasingly turning into a great hoax – an attempt to camouflage the RSS-BJP's own most obnoxious assault on Indian democracy, as it has unfolded over the past eleven years. Looking back fifty years later, the Emergency can be seen as the first major onslaught on India's democratic system – one that severely curtailed civil liberties and democratic rights. But it is a mistake, as many tend to do, to draw a direct comparison between the Emergency of 1975 and the present situation. The past decade under Modi is often referred to as an 'undeclared Emergency,' but such a comparison is misplaced on several counts. The current scenario has emerged against the backdrop of a global resurgence of the ultra-right, amidst a changed correlation of political forces in favour of imperialism. This phase has ushered in an era of finance capital driven global economies, marked by sharp inequality, rampant unemployment, and overwhelming corporate dominance. Accompanying this are unprecedented levels of identity-based polarisation and a relentless hate campaign, fostering the 'othering' of fellow citizens in both economic and social spheres. Thus, the present assault on democracy and constitutional principles is far more insidious. It has led to the rise of institutionalised authoritarianism – or what some observers term 'electoral autocracy.' In the Indian context, this authoritarian shift has been spearheaded by the RSS, injecting the toxic ideology of Hindutva, which seeks to fundamentally transform the very idea of India. This idea of India – born from the anti-colonial struggle – was anchored in a democratic, secular, socially just, and federal republic. The current onslaught is therefore more pervasive and stifling, aimed at dismantling the foundational principles of Indian citizenship. In hindsight, the 1975 Emergency now appears almost amateurish compared to the full-fledged authoritarianism we are experiencing today. While the current regime may seem harder to dislodge, the experience of fighting back against the Emergency in the 1970s should inspire confidence. A people united, with the will to resist the pernicious ideology of the RSS and reclaim democracy, can still meet and overcome today's challenge. (IPA Service)
Hans India
10-05-2025
- Politics
- Hans India
Will the Dravidian model rule work for DMK in 2026?
As an effective campaign tool, there is hardly anything better than promising 'social welfare'. Over five decades and more, from the time Mrs Indira Gandhi announced 'Garibi Hatao' as one of her policies to alleviate the misery of the masses in the turbulent 1970s, political parties in India have effortlessly sailed on this bandwagon to hit the bull's eye most of the times at the hustings. The DMK government, which as expected, announced its completion of four years of Dravidian model rule last week in a grand way, highlighted its work in this regard. Three notable schemes – financial assistance scheme to women, free bus rides for the fair sex and breakfast schemes for government-aided schools are already being spoken about as game changers for the oldest regional party in south India. Tamil Nadu, which has firmly been a pocket borough of both DMK and AIADMK for close to six decades is a standout example of 'intensely local' mode of governance in this phase. It has dealt with the Centre on its own terms, not always successful, but has riled the Delhi establishment many a time with its insular and Tamil-first approach on many issues. On the face of it, with the next Assembly elections due in May 2026, the party does not seem to have a real competitor to challenge it as it aims for a repeat performance. History may not be on its side as DMK has never returned to power despite ruling from Fort St George for the first time since 1967 as the State faced 16 elections in this period. Interestingly, Jayalalitha bucked the trend as AIADMK stormed to power, to enable her stay on as the CM till her demise in 2016. Stalin, having served for long under his mercurial and successful Dravidian politician father, M Karunanidhi got his due in 2021 after effectively dethroning the wobbling rival, the AIADMK. Having resorted to the standard campaign which regional party heads have adopted, he had kept the limelight on his party and political performance by challenging Delhi and taking on the NDA on contentious issues like NEET abolition and recently, the NEP. While this has given him better visibility in the anti-BJP bloc, which is now in a battered shape, it has alerted the alliance partners who find themselves to be in a better position to bargain and bag more seats for themselves from either of the two formations. While the caste element is at the core of any such arrangements as described above, the AIADMK, which would be forced to enter into a tight ropewalk as far as its big ally BJP is concerned may end up being a comforting factor for its opponents. The saffron party has been quick to make the appropriate noises and also take decisive action by removing the popular state chief, Annamalai to keep the alliance on track. Analysts are quick to point out despite the Tamil media grudgingly acknowledging it, the BJP has grown from what it was to touch a decent 11 per cent vote share in the Lok Sabha polls and has kept the youth interested. DMK is still being critically assessed for its patchy track record on law and order, corruption charges against in the upper echelons of bureaucracy and a few ministers who have been jailed and a worrisome industrial relations scenario with the Samsung strike posing a few uncomfortable questions. Unemployment too is an issue which has bothered the state youth and the government is on the defensive in this case. Hence, a year, as of now, may seem too long, but politics is a strange animal. Regional politics, even stranger.
