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USA Today
11-07-2025
- Sport
- USA Today
This week represented a historic date for the Commanders
This week was a historic one for the Commanders, in more than just uniforms. Yes, July 9 was the revealing of the alternate uniforms to be used for three games in 2025. The Commanders announced that the uniforms would be those worn during the team's four Super Bowl appearances under legendary head coach Joe Gibbs (1981-1992). July 9 is also a significant date in franchise history, as it marks the day the Boston Braves were launched in Boston, Massachusetts, as an NFL franchise under the ownership of George Marshall, Vincent Bendix, Jay O'Brien, and Dorland Doyle. An old business card from 1932 reads George Marshall, President, and lists Dorland Doyle as Treasurer. The center of the card reads, "The Braves, representing New England in the National Football League. The cards also include: Lone Star Dietz, Head Coach and Dennis Shea, General Manager. Boston in 1932 was home to the MLB Boston Braves, and now they would have the NFL Boston Braves. However, this would only last one season, as in 1933, Marshall moved the team to play in Fenway Park, which was home to the Boston Red Sox, another MLB team in Boston. Thus, in a marketing move to further differentiate themselves from the MLB Braves, the football Braves would change their name and play in a different stadium in 1933. Seeing Fenway housed the "Red Sox," it was determined the football team would change their name from the "Braves" to the "Redskins". Fenway would now be home to the "Red Sox" and the "Redskins." Following four seasons as the Boston Redskins (1933-36), the football team moved from Boston to Washington. In their first season in Washington, they won the NFL championship, led by quarterback, defensive back and punter Sammy Baugh. Wednesday, July 9 marked the 93rd anniversary of the launch of the Boston Braves (1932), who became the Boston Redskins (1933), the Washington Redskins (1937), the Washington Football Team (2020), and the Washington Commanders (2022).
Bloomberg
09-06-2025
- Business
- Bloomberg
America Cast Itself as the World's Moral Leader. Not Anymore
Over the past century, US foreign policy has been guided by the notion that as a country we'd do well by doing good—that there are dividends, both moral and material, from helping our friends and neighbors. Now the administration of President Donald Trump is unraveling that philosophy with startling speed. How other branches of the American government, countries and multinational companies respond in the months and years ahead will be the defining question of at least the rest of our lives. America's practitioners of altruistic statecraft were famous for their high-minded ideals and soaring rhetoric. 'I need not tell you gentlemen that the world situation is very serious,' said Secretary of State George Marshall in 1947 to students at Harvard University, in a speech still replete with historical resonance. He was introducing the Marshall Plan, the program to rebuild the war-torn countries of Western Europe. 'It is logical that the United States should do whatever it is able to do to assist in the return of normal economic health in the world, without which there can be no political stability and no assured peace.'
Yahoo
19-02-2025
- Business
- Yahoo
Opinion - How to lose friends and alienate nations: Trump is junking US soft power
Hard power uses material assets to compel and coerce others to bow to your will. War is not necessarily required; threats backed by economic and military assets may suffice to change how others behave. Payment for goods or services rendered can also be hard power. Soft power, by contrast, is noncoercive. It uses policies, culture and political values to persuade or co-opt others to follow your example or suggestions. It shapes what others do through appeal and attraction. To blend both material and intangible assets with skill and wisdom, we need smart power. America's debacles in Vietnam and the Middle East derived from mindless applications of hard power. The greatest U.S. success abroad, the Marshall Plan for Europe's reconstruction, employed America's wealth and wisdom for mutual gain — not for one-sided exploitation. In 1947, Secretary of State George Marshall asked Europeans, crushed by war, what they needed and how they could contribute to the common cause. Most European nations took part, but Stalin forbade his vassal states from opening their needs to outsiders. In just three years, Europe acquired a foundation for continued economic growth and political stability. The American input was less than 3 percent of national GDP, but Washington acquired solid trading partners and NATO allies. Foes in a horrible world war were reconciled. Young Europeans and Americans studied in each other's lands and got to know one another thanks to the Fulbright program, paid for in large part by whatever Europeans owed the U.S. When Europeans no longer needed Marshall Plan aid, early versions of the U.S. Agency for International Development assisted less developed countries. Whatever the costs of helping Europe and developing lands, they were modest for a country that produced half the world's goods and services and, even today, 26 percent of global GDP. Compared with fighting World War III, the outlays were trivial. Generating shared prosperity and solidarity was a value beyond calculation. The father of modern China — both in Taiwan and the mainland — was Sun Yat-sen, who learned about democracy in a Honolulu prep school in the 1890s. Symbols can reflect real convictions. Chinese students demonstrating for civil rights and political freedoms in 1989 mounted a replica of the Statue of Liberty. So, who needs soft power? Answer: the U.S. — its people, its producers and its government. For many decades Washington has invested in hard power — America's defense budget is the largest in the world. Probably some military priorities should be amplified, and others deceased. But President Trump is eroding America's ability to inspire, encourage and persuade others to act in ways that serve common goals. Does his 'art of the deal' suppose that any sovereign government or proud people — such as Palestinians, Panamanians, Greenlanders or Canadians — responds well to demands and threats that they give up what they value? The problems arising from the president's sheer ignorance are compounded by his disdain for empathy, his apparent pleasure in fostering and witnessing brutality and his frequent success at flouting any kind of law — municipal, national or international. Trump, his team and an acquiescent Republican majority in Congress are taking away a major facet of what once made America great. Walter Clemens is professor emeritus in the Department of Political Science at Boston University and associate at the Davis Center for Russian and Eurasian Studies at Harvard University. He is the author of 'The Republican War on America: Dangers of Trump and Trumpism.' Copyright 2025 Nexstar Media, Inc. All rights reserved. This material may not be published, broadcast, rewritten, or redistributed.
The Hill
19-02-2025
- Business
- The Hill
How to lose friends and alienate nations: Trump is junking US soft power
Hard power uses material assets to compel and coerce others to bow to your will. War is not necessarily required; threats backed by economic and military assets may suffice to change how others behave. Payment for goods or services rendered can also be hard power. Soft power, by contrast, is noncoercive. It uses policies, culture and political values to persuade or co-opt others to follow your example or suggestions. It shapes what others do through appeal and attraction. To blend both material and intangible assets with skill and wisdom, we need smart power. America's debacles in Vietnam and the Middle East derived from mindless applications of hard power. The greatest U.S. success abroad, the Marshall Plan for Europe's reconstruction, employed America's wealth and wisdom for mutual gain — not for one-sided exploitation. In 1947, Secretary of State George Marshall asked Europeans, crushed by war, what they needed and how they could contribute to the common cause. Most European nations took part, but Stalin forbade his vassal states from opening their needs to outsiders. In just three years, Europe acquired a foundation for continued economic growth and political stability. The American input was less than 3 percent of national GDP, but Washington acquired solid trading partners and NATO allies. Foes in a horrible world war were reconciled. Young Europeans and Americans studied in each other's lands and got to know one another thanks to the Fulbright program, paid for in large part by whatever Europeans owed the U.S. When Europeans no longer needed Marshall Plan aid, early versions of the U.S. Agency for International Development assisted less developed countries. Whatever the costs of helping Europe and developing lands, they were modest for a country that produced half the world's goods and services and, even today, 26 percent of global GDP. Compared with fighting World War III, the outlays were trivial. Generating shared prosperity and solidarity was a value beyond calculation. The father of modern China — both in Taiwan and the mainland — was Sun Yat-sen, who learned about democracy in a Honolulu prep school in the 1890s. Symbols can reflect real convictions. Chinese students demonstrating for civil rights and political freedoms in 1989 mounted a replica of the Statue of Liberty. So, who needs soft power? Answer: the U.S. — its people, its producers and its government. For many decades Washington has invested in hard power — America's defense budget is the largest in the world. Probably some military priorities should be amplified, and others deceased. But President Trump is eroding America's ability to inspire, encourage and persuade others to act in ways that serve common goals. Does his 'art of the deal' suppose that any sovereign government or proud people — such as Palestinians, Panamanians, Greenlanders or Canadians — responds well to demands and threats that they give up what they value? The problems arising from the president's sheer ignorance are compounded by his disdain for empathy, his apparent pleasure in fostering and witnessing brutality and his frequent success at flouting any kind of law — municipal, national or international. Trump, his team and an acquiescent Republican majority in Congress are taking away a major facet of what once made America great.
