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Civil.ge
9 hours ago
- Politics
- Civil.ge
Georgian Dream Resignation Streak: Who Left and Why
A string of high-level resignations in the Georgian Dream government since spring has raised questions and fueled speculation. Nearly ten senior officials have left their posts, including key ministers, the head of the State Security Service, the leaders of the Adjara and Abkhazia governments, the prosecutor general, and the ruling party chairman. Some exited the GD government or politics altogether, while others were reassigned to less prominent roles. Some of the officials who left their posts came from the personal or business circles of Georgian Dream's billionaire founder, Bidzina Ivanishvili. Part of those who resigned or were dismissed had also been sanctioned by Western governments. Some have linked the resignations to existing or anticipated Western sanctions, while others have speculated that the reshuffle comes as part of autocratic consolidation under GD Prime Minister Irakli Kobakhidze. However, recent scandals , including arrests and even shooting incidents involving former GD officials and business figures close to the party, suggest that the ruling party may be grappling with a deeper, more dramatic wave of internal conflict and retribution. Below, we compiled key resignations from the past months, along with the context surrounding each case: Resigned on: April 2, 2025 Replaced by: Anri Okhanashvili, ex-Justice Minister Context: Liluashvili, who had held the position since 2019, was initially removed by the GD Prime Minister Irakli Kobakhidze to lead the new Ministry of Regional Development, saying Liluashvili's term as head of the SSSG would be expiring in October. In a controversial move two days later , however, Kobakhidze dropped Liluashvili as a minister pick, citing disagreements about staffing and priorities. Before joining the Georgian Dream government, Liluashvili held senior positions in several businesses, including Bidzina Ivanishvili's Cartu Group, leading many to view him as part of Ivanishvili's inner circle. Sanctions: Ukraine , Lithuania , Latvia Resigned on: April 2, 2025 Replaced by: Sulkhan Tamazashvili, UK-sanctioned ex-head of Tbilisi Police Context: Rizhvadze, who had held the position since 2018, announced his resignation via Facebook post, saying that after seven years in office, 'it was time for something new.' In July, months after his resignation, he was hospitalized with a gunshot wound to his chest in what prosecutors described as a 'suicide attempt,' while pro-GD media circulated a note where he allegedly said he was accused of corruption and asked Irakli Kobakhidze and Bidzina Ivanishvili to protect his family. The incident followed rumors that Ivanishvili expected him to repay hundreds of millions in USD allegedly gained through corruption. Rizhvadze was later transferred to Turkey for treatment. Western Sanctions: Rizhvadze was on the list of Georgian officials whom European Parliament suggested sanctioning In a February 2025 resolution. Resigned on: April 24 Replaced by: Revaz Sokhadze Context: GD PM Irakli Kobakhidze announced in a briefing that Karseladze, who had held the post since 2021, resigned at his own request. Prior to entering government, Karseladze worked in business and international organizations, including a stint at Bidzina Ivanishvili's Cartu Group, placing him among the group of (former) officials associated with the billionaire's personal and business circles. Sanctions: Lithuania , Ukraine Resigned on: April 25 Replaced by: Irakli Kobakhidze, GD PM Context: Irakli Gharibashvili, a dominant figure in Georgian Dream's leadership for over a decade, announced on April 25 that he was stepping away from both party and politics entirely. In a press briefing, Gharibashvili said he had 'accomplished' his goals and planned to transition to the private sector to 'test' his abilities in other fields. He added that he wants to 'devote more time' to his family and no longer sees the need to remain in political life. Gharibashvili, who served as Bidzina Ivanishvili's close aide before Georgian Dream came to power, has held several high-ranking positions since 2012, including two terms as prime minister (2013–2015 and 2021–2024). He stepped down in 2024 to become the ruling party's chair but gradually retreated from the public eye. His exit from politics was preceded by rumors of internal tensions within Georgian Dream, including reports that he had been hospitalized with an injury. The party later claimed he had hurt his arm while exercising. Sanctions: Gharibashvili's name has not appeared on any public sanctions list, despite speculation that he may be among the officials subjected to U.S. visa restrictions , where the list remains anonymous. Resigned on: May 28 Replaced by: Gela (Geka) Geladze, ex-Deputy Minister of Justice during Anri Okhanashvili's tenure. Context: Gomelauri, who had served as interior minister since 2019, cited the toll of years in high-ranking positions among the reasons for his resignation . 'Being in high-ranking state positions for so many years is a very labor-intensive task and requires a lot of energy,' he said, noting that the country's current 'calm situation' made it an appropriate moment to step aside, allowing him more time with his family, including his newborn grandchild. Gomelauri was also among those who entered politics from the close personal circle of Georgian Dream founder Bidzina Ivanishvili, having spent years managing his personal security. He was the only GD minister who landed on the U.S. Global Magnitsky list over his role in the crackdown on 2024 demonstrations. Sanctions: U.S .(Global Magnitsky Act) , U.K. , Ukraine , Lithuania, Estonia, Latvia . Gomelauri's resignation was followed by a major reshuffle in the ministry, which eventually saw the departure of three other notorious officials. That included Zviad (Khareba) Kharazishvili , former Head of Special Tasks Department responsible for violent rally dispersal in spring and winter of 2024, as well as two of his deputies – Mirza Kezevadze and Mileri Lagazauri , all three also sanctioned by the UK as well as the U.S. under Global Magnitsky Act. Resigned on: June 2 Replaced by: Giorgi Jincharadze, ex-GD Deputy Education Minister of Georgia Context: Levan Mgaloblishvili announced his resignation in a Facebook post on June 2, stating the decision came after 'consultations with the team and the prime minister.' Mgaloblishvili had held the post since September 2024. Prior to that, he served as a member of Parliament during the 9th and 10th convocations (2019–2024). Further resignations: The resignation of Lasha Kardava, who served as health minister in the government-in-exile, followed in July. Resigned on: June 11 Replaced by: Giorgi Gvarakidze Context: The resignation occurred as part of a reshuffle in which Gabitashvili, who had held the post since 2024, was appointed as the country's new Chief Auditor, replacing Tsotne Kavlashvili, who took on the role of Deputy Finance Minister. When presenting Gabitashvili's nomination, Speaker Papuashvili emphasized the State Audit Office's crucial role in preventing the misuse of public funds. However, the move was widely perceived as a demotion for Gabitashvili, who had been subject to heavy sanctions by the United Kingdom. Sanctions: UK (Economic sanctions, Global Human Rights Sanctions Regulation), Estonia . Resigned on: June 24 Replaced by: Mariam Kvrivishvili, ex-deputy Minister of Economy Context: Davitashvili, who had held the position since 2022, was removed by Georgian Dream MP Irakli Kobakhidze and reassigned as Kobakhidze's chief adviser on economic affairs and Secretary of the Economic Council, a move widely viewed as a demotion. His reassignment came shortly after the arrest of former First Deputy Economy Minister Romeo Mikautadze, who served under Davitashvili, among others, on corruption-related charges Davitashvili had emerged as a key Georgian Dream official amid Tbilisi's growing international isolation, gaining attention for his perceived role in attempting to ease strained ties with Western partners. That included his May official U.S. visit , where he met with representatives of the U.S. State Department. Some critics viewed Davitashvili's removal as Georgian Dream's final abandonment of efforts to improve relations with the West, including the United States. Sanctions: None reported Weeks after Davitashvili's resignation, several Economy Ministry officials also left their posts, including Levan Gamkrelidze, head of the Land Transport Agency; Giorgi Chikovani, head of the Oil and Gas Corporation ; and Aleksi Akhvlediani, head of the Maritime Transport Agency . Akhvlediani resigned after being charged with negligent storage of the firearm in Tornike Rizhvadze's gunshot incident. Resigned on: June 30 Replaced by: Givi Mikanadze Context: Tsuladze, who had served as Minister of Education since October 2024, said resignation was a 'personal decision.' He was replaced by controversial GD lawmaker Givi Mikanadze, who had held offices under United National Movement administration, including serving as deputy justice minister in 2005-2008. Tsuladze's resignation occurred amid Georgian Dream's announced higher education reform, which critics fear is aimed at purging academia of personnel critical of the party. The details of the reform are expected to be revealed in the coming weeks. Nino Baindurashvili/
Civil.ge
a day ago
- Business
- Civil.ge
GD-Established Grants Agency Opens First Call for Applications
Georgia's State Grants Management Agency , established by a Georgian Dream government decree in April, issued its first call for grant applications on July 21, saying it 'aims to support civic initiatives through state funding.' Critics, however, have argued the ruling Georgian Dream party is seeking to fund loyal organizations – so-called government-organized non-governmental organizations (GONGOs), while continuing to cut western funding to independent civil society groups, including through legislative moves. The agency is headed by Tamar Zodelava, a former regional project manager with the German Society for International Cooperation (GIZ), who has also worked with the Council of Europe and the Eastern Partnership Regional Fund. 'Eligible applicants are non-commercial legal entities registered in Georgia whose founding documents reflect work in areas of state or public significance,' the agency said on July 21, adding that entities established by government bodies, municipalities, or other public institutions are not eligible. All grant proposals must align with one or more of 12 priority areas: (1) Democratic institutions, good governance, and human rights and fundamental freedoms; (2) Foreign policy and Georgia's integration into the EU; (3) Economic development; (4) Education, science, and youth; (5) Sports development; (6) Labor, health, and social welfare; (7) Defense and security; (8) Regional development and local self-government; (9) Environmental and natural resource protection; (10) Agriculture; (11) Legal and professional education; and (12) Reconciliation and civil equality. Applicants may request up to GEL 100,000 (approximately USD 37,000) per project, with a minimum project duration of three months from the signing of the grant agreement. A separate category of 'institutional development grants,' offering up to GEL 700,000 (USD 260,000), is also available for organizations seeking to 'strengthen organizational capacity and ensure long-term sustainability.' The application period runs from July 21 to August 11. The detailed guidelines are shared through a shared Google Drive folder as the agency currently lacks an official website and operates through a publicly listed email and phone number. Proposals will be evaluated by the Agency's council, with a quorum of at least 10 members required for any session. Decisions will be made by majority vote, with abstentions prohibited. In the case of a tie, the chairperson will cast the deciding vote. The state grant call comes as GD targets western funding for non-governmental organizations with repressive laws, including adopting Georgian interpretation of Foreign Agents Registration Act (FARA), and introducing amendments to grant laws requiring foreign donors to obtain government approval before disbursing funds. The legislative crackdown was followed by further moves against media outlets and watchdogs through public agencies, including the Anti-Corruption Bureau targeting several civil society organizations with inspection requests, and the Revenue Service seizing accounts of media organizations citing outstanding debts. Also Read:
OC Media
2 days ago
- Politics
- OC Media
In Georgia, the EU's commitment to democracy is being tested — and it may be failing
Sign in or or Become a member to unlock the audio version of this article Join the voices Aliyev wants to silence. For over eight years, OC Media has worked with fearless journalists from Azerbaijan — some of whom now face decades behind bars — to bring you the stories the regime is afraid will get out. Help us fuel Aliyev's fears — become an OC Media member today Become a member Georgian Dream's response to the 11 July joint statement by the foreign ministers of 17 European democracies and the EU High Representative provoked widespread disbelief. For many in Georgia, the letter — issued by the party's Political Council on 13 July — was a reckless outburst, the kind expected from a dictator out of touch with reality. But for others, it was something more calculated: a deliberate, strategic move that reflects a sober assessment of today's international landscape and a growing confidence that authoritarianism can go unpunished. Indeed, the tone and content of the regime's response — delivered in the name of Georgian Dream but widely understood to be orchestrated by party founder and billionaire Bidzina Ivanishvili — reveal a bold wager: that Western democracies, despite their alarm, will issue no meaningful consequences. That even if they protest, they will ultimately prioritise geopolitical interests over democratic values. The joint statement by the European officials expressed clear concern over the dismantling of democracy in Georgia and warned of the country's transformation into a fully autocratic state. For many inside Georgia, this was interpreted as a final warning to the regime. Logically, such a message should have triggered a re-calibration from any regime still seeking Western legitimacy. Instead, Georgian Dream's reply resembled less a political rebuttal and more a declaration from a mafia council — escalating the confrontation and rejecting the West's concerns with contempt. Georgian Dream's response portrayed the EU statement as a coordinated attack by the 'deep state controlled governments', accused Western officials of spreading disinformation, and advised them to look for signs of authoritarianism in their own governments. In its final paragraph, the regime went further, urging European countries to abandon the democratic framing of their relationship with Georgia altogether. Rather than discussing democracy and human rights, the letter implied, the European democracies and the EU should approach Georgia through the lens of 'bilateral interests'. 'It is important for everyone to realise that just as Georgia needs Europe, no less does the European Union need Georgia', the statement concluded. This is not the language of a government retreating under pressure. It is the posture of a regime betting on impunity. So, what gives Ivanishvili this confidence? Is it irrational hubris — or a reasoned assumption that the West, fatigued by global crises, lacks the will to act decisively? Advertisement Tragically, it may be the latter. The regime seems to believe that today's Western democracies are overstretched — distracted by war in Ukraine, rising populism at home, and the erosion of consensus within the EU. It is betting that while Western leaders may condemn Georgia's democratic collapse, they will stop short of taking any step that could endanger the country's geopolitical alignment or risk driving it closer to Russia. If Ivanishvili's gamble proves correct, the implications are devastating — not just for Georgia, but for the credibility of the democratic world. Because this is more than a Georgian crisis. It is a test. Georgia today stands as one of the starkest examples in Europe of democratic backsliding unfolding in full view of the international community. In just a few years, a country once considered a front-runner in democratic reform has veered sharply toward authoritarian consolidation. In this sense, Georgia has become a litmus test for whether the West is still capable of defending democratic values in real time, or whether those values have been eclipsed by the pragmatism of transactional diplomacy. And what do democracy defenders in Georgia ask for? Not charity. Not special treatment. Only that Western democracies remember that human rights and freedom are not the monopoly of any one nation, but the collective inheritance of humankind. That when those values come under attack — in Georgia or elsewhere — they deserve active, courageous defence. Today, Georgians take to the streets every day. They are civil society leaders, journalists, lawyers, students, workers — those who still believe that their country belongs in the democratic world. Their faith is being tested. Ivanishvili is also watching. He believes, or has been led to believe, that the Georgian people's faith will not be rewarded. That Western democracies no longer have the resolve to support the struggle for freedom in countries that do not sit at the centre of the geopolitical chessboard. That they will blink first. If that turns out to be true, the damage will echo far beyond Georgia. It will tell authoritarian leaders around the world that democracy is negotiable — that repression has no cost. But if the West chooses differently — if it listens to the voices of the Georgian people and acts boldly to defend their rights — it will send another message entirely: that democracy is not dead. That even in the face of strategic fatigue, its defenders will not walk away. The question is no longer what Ivanishvili believes. The question is what the democratic world will do.
Civil.ge
2 days ago
- Politics
- Civil.ge
Kobakhidze Downplays Concerns Over EU Visa-Free Suspension as Mere Fear of 'Visa Lines'
Georgian Dream Prime Minister Irakli Kobakhidze downplayed concerns about the potential suspension of the EU's visa-free regime with Georgia, saying that it would only mean people queuing at embassies for visas again, while claiming that the majority of the population cares about 'real national priorities.' He further claimed that, economically, visa-free travel encourages migration, which he described as a downside of the privilege Georgians have enjoyed since 2017. 'There is a part of the population for whom not having to stand in visa lines is the highest value and the highest priority,' Kobakhidze said on a late-night interview with pro-government Rustavi 2, when asked about possible public reaction if the EU suspends the visa-free regime. He said that only these people, whom he insisted 'cannot be the majority,' would take to the streets in protest. 'But the majority of the population has other priorities – they know very well what the real national priorities are,' Kobakhidze added. 'These are preserving peace, maintaining stability, preserving values, developing the economy, and so on.' Kobakhidze said the 'vast majority' of Georgians will stand for 'peace' and 'stability,' which Georgian Dream members often contrast with the visa-free regime. Georgia has until the end of August to address the European Commission's eight recommendations, as the bloc of 27 warns of suspending visa-free travel — a 'key milestone' in EU-Georgia relations since its introduction in 2017, which the Commission said has delivered 'tangible benefits' to Georgians. Among the recommendations is the repeal of legislation cracking down on civil society and LGBT rights , a step the ruling government appears unwilling to fulfill. 'This process is extremely unfair towards the Georgian people,' Kobakhidze said in the same July 21 interview, expressing hope that the 'European bureaucracy' will not suspend visa-free travel with Georgia, a step he described as 'completely non-productive' and 'counterproductive' for the EU itself. He added that the EU, which he compared to the USSR in the 1990s, has become 'very unpredictable,' once again expressing hope that the bloc will make a 'pragmatic' decision to maintain the visa-free regime for Georgia. 'There is no connection between visa liberalization and economic growth,' Kobakhidze claimed in the interview. 'It's only about one thing: whether you have to stand in line for a visa or not,' he added. Economically, Kobakhidze said the downside of the visa-free regime is that it 'encourages migration.' 'In the absence of visa liberalization, many more of our citizens would remain in the country, which would correspondingly lead to a growth in the workforce. This would, of course, further contribute to faster economic development,' he argued. Unlike most EU foreign policy decisions, suspending visa-free travel does not require unanimity among all 27 member states. Instead, a qualified majority, at least 15 out of 27, with 65% of the population, can approve the move. The EU has already suspended visa-free travel for diplomatic travel holders. In June, Kobakhidze admitted he had to use a visa to travel to one of the European countries, but did not specify which country. Observers have noted that visa-free travel has been one of Georgia's key achievements, with its benefits extending far beyond tourism, boosting economic and labor exchange, improving access to healthcare for Georgians, and strengthening ties among families separated by economic migration. 42 Georgian CSOs said in a July 16 statement that the full responsibility for possible visa suspension 'lies with the [Bidzina] Ivanishvili government.' Also Read:
ABC News
2 days ago
- Politics
- ABC News
How Russia is bringing a tiny neighbour to heel without waging war
Zurab Japaridze has chosen to spend his last night as a free man standing outside an institution he loathes. The Georgian opposition politician has joined a throng of demonstrators in front of the country's parliament. Many are masked, trying to avoid the gaze of dozens of facial-recognition cameras. If identified, they're often fined more than $2,500 each. Donning only a baseball cap, a fine is the least of Zurab's worries — tomorrow, he's likely going to jail. "I had a feeling that sooner or later … they will start arresting politicians," says the 49-year-old father of three. The "they" he's referring to are the increasingly authoritarian Georgian Dream party, which won office last year in an election marred with allegations of vote rigging and intimidation. Until recently, Georgia, a former Soviet republic, had been a darling of Europe on a fast track to EU membership. Now it has passed a raft of draconian laws, pulled out of EU talks and started jailing dissenters. Zurab believes he knows exactly what is behind the abrupt volte-face. "It's Russia," he says. "It's Russia's playbook." Sandwiched between Europe and Asia on the edge of the Black Sea, Georgia has long had its fate determined by geography, sharing its northern border with Russia. After the fall of the Soviet Union, it gained independence only to be invaded by Russia in 2008. Moscow now controls 20 per cent of Georgian territory in the regions of Abkhazia and South Ossetia. But it's not just geography and history that connect Georgia to Moscow. The man behind the ruling Georgian Dream party is a billionaire oligarch named Bidzina Ivanishvili, who made his money in Russia by initially trading in electronics before moving into banking and metals processing. He's notoriously reclusive, owning a glass castle overlooking the capital Tbilisi and a private menagerie which allegedly once housed a kangaroo. Ivanishvili founded the Georgian Dream party on a pro-EU platform, but in 2022, when Russia invaded Ukraine, he turned on the EU and the West. He and his party started touting a conspiracy theory accusing a faceless so-called "Global War Party" of trying to push Georgia into a war with Russia, too. Georgian Dream has since refused to sanction Moscow over its Ukraine invasion and has passed a raft of draconian laws, some mimicking those in Russia. One is an anti-LGBTQ law that, among other things, prevents queer people from being portrayed in the media. Another is a foreign agents law that targets NGOs, the media and civil society organisations. Last December the US sanctioned Ivanishvili "for undermining the democratic and Euro-Atlantic future of Georgia for the benefit of the Russian Federation". Georgian Dream rejects all allegations that it's acting on behalf of Russia. "This question is not a serious one, it's part of a kind of propaganda," Georgian Dream MP Tea Tsulukiani tells Foreign Correspondent. But another senior political figure deeply disagrees. Salome Zourabichvili, Georgia's last popularly elected president, was head of state for six years until Georgian Dream replaced her with a far-right ally after the disputed election last October. But she has refused to step aside. She believes Russia has realised previous military interventions — like in Ukraine and Georgia — have not been successful at taking over a country, so it's trying something new. "They are experimenting [with] a new strategy, hybrid strategy … to control the country … through manipulation of elections, through propaganda through a proxy government," she says. "If it works here to the end, if it's completely successful, it can be applied anywhere." Georgian Dream's critics often compare Georgia's current trajectory to that of Belarus, a former Soviet republic led by a dictator who has become so close to Russia it let Moscow stage troops there for the invasion of Ukraine. "We see the same potentially happening here in Georgia," says Jelle Postma, a former Dutch intelligence officer and founder of the NGO Justice for Prosperity, an organisation he describes as "an intelligence service for good". "But they learned how to do it with Belarus, so the pace will be much faster here in Georgia and this will have a destabilising effect in the region," he says. What is happening in Georgia should alarm the entire Western world, says Jelle Postma. He and his team have spent years investigating how Russia has honed a playbook, which involves exploiting "family values" to influence societies, and ultimately benefit Moscow. "What we see in Georgia is what you could say [is] a laboratory of hate," he says. In the case of Georgia, to justify its pivot away from Europe, he says progressive, European values needed to be attacked. "If you want more power as a government, and to be given that power, you need real fear, fear in the streets," he says. "[A] fearmongering feeling and seeing riots — especially with some good photos in it — then you have your perfect playbook to get more votes and support to be allowed to become more dictatorial." In Georgia that came in 2021 and 2023 when far-right thugs hunted down and attacked LGBT activists during Pride Month. "Any group would do," says Jelle Postma, but "the LGBTQ community was the first" because they "are not well protected," he says. "There are only some NGOs who protect the LGBTQ community, which makes them just too easy of a target." Georgian Dream has since targeted the LGBTQ community, journalists, NGOs and the opposition with restrictive laws that critics say crush dissent and are anti-democratic. "It means that there's yet another confirmation that the playbook of hate works," he says. "That means that with more confidence and with higher skill level, it will be rolled out even further in Africa, in the Asia Pacific, in Latin America, even in the United States." As the sun sets behind the Tbilisi City Court, Zurab Japaridze ducks out for a quick smoke. His hearing has been going on for hours and it's not going well. "Whatever appeals we had, the judge said 'no' on every single [one] of them," he says, surrounded by reporters. "Whatever appeals the prosecutor's office had [the judge] just approves everything." There is a widespread belief that the judiciary in Georgia has been captured by Georgian Dream. A number of judges have been sanctioned by the UK and US. "This is what was expected," says Zurab. His wife Nata Koridze has been by his side all day. "I'm so proud of him," she says. "He's definitely a man of principles and that's what I love about him, but it makes it very difficult to live in this country." At nearly 6pm, the judge hands down his decision — Zurab is going into pre-trial detention. He is handcuffed and led to the cells. He's eventually sentenced to seven months in jail, the first of eight opposition figures to be jailed in the space of two weeks. He's barred from holding elected office for two years. In a letter written from prison, blue pen filling up every inch of an A4 piece of paper, Zurab has pleaded for European leaders to help Georgia. "The repression aims to crush resistance," he writes, "but it has only hardened our resolve." "Whether behind bars, or in the streets, we will not stop. No matter the cost we will continue on our own fight for freedom and democracy and we know that in the end, liberty will prevail." Watch Foreign Correspondent tonight at 8pm on ABC TV and ABC iview.
