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National Geographic
20 hours ago
- General
- National Geographic
Who was the first king of England?
A portrait of Aethelstan, who was King of England from 924 until 939 A.D, in a book commissioned for presentation to the community of St. Cuthbert. The famous presentation picture shows Æthelstan, with bowed head, presenting the book to St. Cuthbert himself, and is an important example of the revival of figure art in manuscript painting during Æthelstan's reign. It was written between 934 and 939. Although Aethelstan is generally agreed to be England's first true king, a number of other figures—and factors—make that designation complicated and historically rich. Image by CBW, Alamy Stock Photo Scholarly consensus positions Aethelstan as the first true king of England. But what makes a king? Is it authority over people? Over land? Is it some combination of the two? These are some of the key questions in assessing when and why any monarchy develops. At the same time, these same questions often serve to complicate the identification of the first king of any realm. We need not look further than England to understand why. Aethelstan was crowned King of the Anglo-Saxons in 925 A.D. However, understanding the other contenders for that title—and the history of the disparate kingdoms that became England—adds layers of complexity to answering the deceptively simple question: who was the first king of England? To really begin to locate the first king of England, one must start with the Angles. The name England, after all, derives from the Old English word Englaland, literally 'land of the Angles.' The arrival of these Germanic tribes to what was formerly the Roman province Britannia took place during the 5th century A.D. Alongside Jutes, Saxons, and Frisians, the Angles established settlements in southeast and east England through the 6th century. (A journey along Hadrian's Wall can be like taking a walk through Roman-era Britannia.) With time, Germanic language and culture melded with existing Romano-British practices and traditions. By 600 A.D., individual kingdoms took shape throughout the British Isles. These Germanic kingdoms were formed in accordance with peoples living in an area, as opposed to physical boundaries or borders. In time, smaller kingdoms coalesced to become larger ones, and what's been called the Heptarchy emerged. While the Heptarchy is a vast oversimplification of a complex social, political, and religious setting in England, it was built of seven kingdoms: Kent, Sussex, East Anglia, Northumbria, Essex, Wessex, and Mercia. Each major kingdom included minor kingdoms with leaders of their own, many of whom vied for power within the larger sphere of influence. Rule was established and maintained through reciprocal relationships based in loyalty and protection, as well as an economic system contingent upon coordinated dues and services. According to lore, King Aethelstan ordered the Bible to be translated into the Anglo-Saxon language, the decree of which is depicted here circa 930. The History of England by George Courtney Lyttleton, 1805. Image by Hulton Archive, Getty Images Contenders for the king of England Major kingdoms in England competed for superiority among themselves, eventually resulting in a struggle that revolved around Mercia dominating the other kingdoms through much of the 8th century. This resembled what Bede described in his Ecclesiastical History—completed in 731 A.D.—as a ruler who 'held sway' over peoples outside his own kingdom. The Anglo-Saxon Chronicle, a history of the Anglo-Saxons created in the 9th century, used the term bretwalda to represent this concept, applying it retroactively to Anglo-Saxon kings who ruled as early as the late 5th century. (The Sutton Hoo cache is a time capsule of 7th-century Anglo-Saxon life.) Mercia's hegemony shifted during the reign of King Eghbert of Wessex (r. 802-839 A.D.). Under King Eghbert, Wessex defeated the Mercians at the battle of Ellendon in 825 A.D., after which the major kingdoms acknowledged his supremacy. The Anglo-Saxon Chronicle identified King Eghbert as a bretwalda (again with the gift of hindsight), which serves as the crux of his candidacy for first king of England. One additional factor influenced King Eghbert's contention for the distinction as England's first king. Where Mercia had struggled with the idea of peaceful succession, Wessex succeeded. After Eghbert's death, his son, Aethelwulf (d. 850 A.D.) ascended to the throne. A son ascending to the throne upon his father's death infused the principle of hereditary succession in Wessex. Following King Aethelwulf's death, three of his sons served as King of Wessex, ultimately leading to the accession of a fourth in 871 A.D. This was Alfred, another considered contender for the first King of England. (Here's what life in medieval Europe was really like) Alfred, the unlikely king Alfred was never supposed to rule Wessex. When his older brother Aethelred died while campaigning against Scandinavian marauders, Alfred became king. As King of Wessex, Alfred continued defending his kingdom from what the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle termed the 'Great Heathen Army.' Comprising Danes, Norwegians, and Swedes, the Great Heathen Army first arrived in East Anglia in 865 A.D. and, within a decade, the only kingdom they left standing was Wessex. After defeating Scandinavian forces at the Battle of Edington in 878 A.D., Alfred entered into a peace agreement with their leader, Guthrum, formally establishing a boundary between Wessex and the Viking-controlled areas. The latter came to be known as the Danelaw. (Viking myths can be exciting, but are they always true?) However, this permanent Scandinavian presence to the north, as well as continued Viking raids and incursions, prompted Alfred to take steps to secure the kingdom. He reformed the military, established defensive settlements called burhs, and established a navy to defend the coasts of Wessex from attacks. Alongside these efforts, Alfred undertook intellectual activities that have been credited with helping to create the cultural and political identity of England. All of this—and the designation of Alfred as 'King of the Anglo-Saxons' in charters attributed to him—make a solid case for his candidacy for the first king of England. (Britain's first Black queen? The real story of Queen Charlotte.) In this illuminated manuscript from the 14th century, Aethelstan kneels before the legendary English hero Guy of Warwick. Illustration by Peter of Langtoft, Alamy Stock Photo Aethelstan, the first king of England Alfred died in 899 A.D. and his son, Edward the Elder, took the throne. Edward died in 924 and, after his demise, his son Aethelstan was crowned king in 925 A.D. Just like his grandfather Alfred the Great and father, Aethelstan began as King of the Anglo-Saxons. He differed in the extent of his domain, notably after the Battle of Brunaburh in 937 A.D. Aethelstan's authority was never uncontested and, according to the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle, he spent the decade after he became king bringing York and Northumbria under his control. By 937, Welsh kings, as well as those of the Scots and Viking Dublin, united against Aethelstan, ultimately facing off against their common foe at Brunanburh. The exact location of Brunanburh remains unclear, but the fight that took place there is considered by many scholars to be one of the defining events in British history. (England was born on this battlefield. Why can't historians find it?) The Anglo-Saxon Chronicle includes a poem about the Battle of Brunanburh that details how West Saxons slaughtered their enemies, with five opposing kings and seven defiant earls laying dead. The poem explains how 'no slaughter yet was greater made e'er in this island,' an expression of how devastating yet significant the conflict was to the people and land alike. 'Despite the arguments in favor of [other contenders], the weight of the evidence rests with Aethelstan. It was Aethelstan who went to York, defeated the Viking kingdom there, and brought the north (if sometimes only nominally) under English rule,' summarizes Karl Shoemaker, Robert F. and Sylvia T. Wagner Distinguished Professor, UW-Madison History and Law. 'By the end of his reign, he had achieved more bureaucratic and administrative centralization than any of his predecessors.' It was Aethelstan's victory at Brunanburh that extended the King of the Anglo-Saxons' dominion into Scotland and Wales. It also solidified his rule as king of the English. Aethelstan only lived for two years after this fight but, to many, he became the true first king of England with that victory. This story originally published on May 2, 2023. It was updated on July 29, 2025.


Spectator
7 days ago
- Business
- Spectator
What's the score on ‘score'?
The courtship rituals of the Treasury and the Office for Budget Responsibility last ten weeks. The consummation is a fiscal event, such as the Budget coming in the autumn, if we survive. Eligible young ladies used to have dance cards on which to enter the names of their suitors. The Treasury has a scorecard on which its proposed measures are drawn up for the OBR to score. The analogy is with the cricket field rather than the ballroom. The OBR score indicates its forecast for spending, receipts and public debt. It also takes into account knock-on effects of a policy change. This is called dynamic scoring. I had to ask Veronica about this and, since it's years since she split up with her unsatisfactory City trader, she might have got it wrong. In 2021 the OBR had to explain that the dynamic effect of a rise in tobacco duty was so large that 80 per cent of the increase was lost to the Treasury. After the increase, people changed their behaviour: some gave up cigarettes, some rolled their own and not a few got cigarettes from illegal sources. Is that where all those Turkish barbers come in? There was a response that benefited government coffers when it cut the top rate of tax from 50 to 45 per cent in 2012. The static effect would have cost the Treasury £3.8 billion. But behavioural changes, such as hours worked, meant the OBR's estimate of the loss of revenue was only £100 million. Dynamic scoring shares an etymology with the score cut in pork skin to make crackling – from a productive ancient Germanic word that also gives us shear, shard and share (used for ploughing). Dynamic scoring is also a variant of the scoring done by our Anglo-Saxon forebears cutting a score in a stick every time they'd counted 20 sheep. 'The days of our age are threescore years and ten,' says the Psalm, 'and though men be so strong that they come to fourscore years, yet is their strength then but labour and sorrow.' We know the score.


Economic Times
18-07-2025
- Business
- Economic Times
France's new revolution: Work more, earn less in the land of the 35-hour work week
iStock There's been only one topic of conversation in the brasseries of France this week: Prime Minister Francois Bayrou's proposal to scrap two of three public holidays in the month of May to contain the spiraling budget deficit. In the land of the 35-hour work week, this is tantamount to treason. Most of the public seems to hate it, unions have called it a declaration of war and the far right has called it a outrage is a little overdone. Knocking off two public holidays would leave the French with nine, which looks positively Germanic — until you add their 25 paid vacation days, which gets France in almost the same ballpark as Spain. (And no need to mention the extra days that many private-sector workers get for working more than 35 hours.) And while there's been plenty of gnashing of teeth at Bayrou's description of the month of May as 'gruyere' cheese — full of holes — it's kind of true. France is a place where the calendar is a Sudoku puzzle to find the ideal combo of holidays and vacation; this year, it's been possible to strategically place five days' vacation and get 32 days off. But even if this idea somehow survives the political backlash, there are two problems with it. One is that in terms of getting the French economy out of the doldrums, it's small beer. It would theoretically add about €4.2 billion ($4.9 billion) to the public purse, which works out to about 10% of the savings the government is looking for next year. The other is that it amounts to working more for less, instead of the 'work more to earn more' philosophy promoted by President Emmanuel Macron when he was first elected. Workers would get no extra pay for the month while at the same time being exposed to other belt-tightening measures the government has in store. It's a stopgap, not a structural structural reforms are what France needs to keep its social model from running out of road. While it's wrong to say that France is the new Greece, it has among the highest debt and deficit ratios in the euro area and among the lowest growth rates (though ahead of Germany). Its 'open-bar' economy is under long-term pressure from demographic decline and weak productivity. And while recent reforms have gone in the right direction, even Macron has reverted to type by spending big in a crisis but failing to cut back when the storm subsides. That makes it harder in the long term to invest in the skills, technology and infrastructure that are critical to boosting prosperity in the long of adopting the language of a household living beyond its means, which will only aggravate parliamentary bust-ups over soaking the rich and shrinking the state, the Macron administration should talk more about valuable resources that remain untapped. These include getting more people into work, not shaking an extra two days out of those already in it. OECD data suggests that France's overall employment rate of 69% is still below average — closing the gap could add as much as 10% to output, according to Natixis SA economist Patrick Artus. More jobs for older workers, getting more women into work and a smart approach to immigration would help growth, offset the demographic challenge of the boomer retirement wave and reduce the pressure on public finances. The tax burden on workers already saps firms' ability to raise obviously won't suddenly defuse the mud-slinging in a divided society. Nor will it suddenly create a productivity miracle, unless artificial-intelligence startups like Mistral suddenly deliver a breakthrough. But if the aim is preserving a French and European way of life at a time of slowing growth, there are better ways to get there than re-slicing the public-holiday gruyere. (Join our ETNRI WhatsApp channel for all the latest updates) Elevate your knowledge and leadership skills at a cost cheaper than your daily tea. What's keeping real retail investors out of the Nvidia rally Instagram and YouTube make billions off creators. Should they pay up for their mental health? Markets need to see more than profits from Oyo The hybrid vs. EV rivalry: Why Maruti and Mahindra pull in different directions. What's best? Stock Radar: Why is CDSL looking an attractive buy at current levels? Check target & stop loss for long positions Get ready for volatility with the big, better & experienced. 7 large-caps from different sectors with an upside potential of up to 39% Buy, Sell or Hold: Motilal Oswal sees over 20% upside in Tech Mahindra; YES Securities maintains add call on ICICI Lombard Weekly Top Picks: These stocks scored 10 on 10 on Stock Reports Plus


Mint
18-07-2025
- Business
- Mint
Work More to Earn Less: France's New Revolution
(Bloomberg Opinion) -- There's been only one topic of conversation in the brasseries of France this week: Prime Minister Francois Bayrou's proposal to scrap two of three public holidays in the month of May to contain the spiraling budget deficit. In the land of the 35-hour work week, this is tantamount to treason. Most of the public seems to hate it, unions have called it a declaration of war and the far right has called it a provocation. The outrage is a little overdone. Knocking off two public holidays would leave the French with nine, which looks positively Germanic — until you add their 25 paid vacation days, which gets France in almost the same ballpark as Spain. (And no need to mention the extra days that many private-sector workers get for working more than 35 hours.) And while there's been plenty of gnashing of teeth at Bayrou's description of the month of May as 'gruyere' cheese — full of holes — it's kind of true. France is a place where the calendar is a Sudoku puzzle to find the ideal combo of holidays and vacation; this year, it's been possible to strategically place five days' vacation and get 32 days off. But even if this idea somehow survives the political backlash, there are two problems with it. One is that in terms of getting the French economy out of the doldrums, it's small beer. It would theoretically add about €4.2 billion ($4.9 billion) to the public purse, which works out to about 10% of the savings the government is looking for next year. The other is that it amounts to working more for less, instead of the 'work more to earn more' philosophy promoted by President Emmanuel Macron when he was first elected. Workers would get no extra pay for the month while at the same time being exposed to other belt-tightening measures the government has in store. It's a stopgap, not a structural reform. And structural reforms are what France needs to keep its social model from running out of road. While it's wrong to say that France is the new Greece, it has among the highest debt and deficit ratios in the euro area and among the lowest growth rates (though ahead of Germany). Its 'open-bar' economy is under long-term pressure from demographic decline and weak productivity. And while recent reforms have gone in the right direction, even Macron has reverted to type by spending big in a crisis but failing to cut back when the storm subsides. That makes it harder in the long term to invest in the skills, technology and infrastructure that are critical to boosting prosperity in the long run. Instead of adopting the language of a household living beyond its means, which will only aggravate parliamentary bust-ups over soaking the rich and shrinking the state, the Macron administration should talk more about valuable resources that remain untapped. These include getting more people into work, not shaking an extra two days out of those already in it. OECD data suggests that France's overall employment rate of 69% is still below average — closing the gap could add as much as 10% to output, according to Natixis SA economist Patrick Artus. More jobs for older workers, getting more women into work and a smart approach to immigration would help growth, offset the demographic challenge of the boomer retirement wave and reduce the pressure on public finances. The tax burden on workers already saps firms' ability to raise wages. This obviously won't suddenly defuse the mud-slinging in a divided society. Nor will it suddenly create a productivity miracle, unless artificial-intelligence startups like Mistral suddenly deliver a breakthrough. But if the aim is preserving a French and European way of life at a time of slowing growth, there are better ways to get there than re-slicing the public-holiday gruyere. More From Bloomberg Opinion: This column reflects the personal views of the author and does not necessarily reflect the opinion of the editorial board or Bloomberg LP and its owners. Lionel Laurent is a Bloomberg Opinion columnist writing about the future of money and the future of Europe. Previously, he was a reporter for Reuters and Forbes. More stories like this are available on


The Star
18-07-2025
- Business
- The Star
The road to wealth? Why formerly Roman-populated areas remain richer
Formerly Roman-populated areas of Germany still tend to be wealthier than areas where they did not settle, in part thanks to the Roman Empire's infrastructure, new research suggests. That, plus political unity and Roman economic systems all boosted trade, agriculture and the extraction of resources. These difference can still be seen today, according to a new study that shows former Roman areas are richer and more densely populated than former Germanic territories. The differences can even be proven for directly neighbouring regions, says historian Fabian Wahl from the Vienna University of Economics and Business. The Roman Empire, lasting from 625 BCE to 476 CE, started with the establishment of the city of Rome. Over the centuries that followed, it expanded militarily and economically, increasing its reach throughout the Mediterranean and beyond. The Romans built forts, roads and engineering feats such as aqueducts. Beyond infrastructure they also established a unified currency, administration and bureaucracy. They erected buildings, including facilities for plumbing and sanitation. Germany as we know it today was never fully conquered by the Romans. During the Roman Empire, Germania was a vast area stretching from the east of the Rhine River to the Danube – encompassing today's Germany, Poland, the Czech Republic, Slovakia, Hungary and Austria. The frontier of the Roman Empire ran from the left bank of the Rhine through to Augsburg in Bavaria, with the Romans covering a third of modern-day Germany. The line that marks the area they reached is known as the Limes Germanicus, the frontier of fortifications that bound the Roman provinces, separating them from the Germanic tribes further north and east. The former Roman areas in Germany are more densely populated even today, and they are also wealthier and more life-affirming. Citizens start more businesses and live on average six months to a year longer, the research shows. 'We compared counties, cities and even individuals in the immediate vicinity of the old Roman border, the Limes,' says Wahl. You would actually expect there to be no major differences because the regions are so close and the landscape is almost identical, he says. 'The Roman border was often drawn rather randomly and not according to economic considerations,' he adds. The Limes north-east of Stuttgart ran for 80km in a dead straight line as if drawn with a ruler. 'So it wasn't the case that the Romans consistently colonised fertile areas and ignored poor soils,' Wahl says. 'Then today's differences would be relatively easy to explain – but that's not the case.' From economic development, innovation and entrepreneurship through to personality traits, life satisfaction and health of inhabitants, Wahl published three studies each focusing on a different aspect of the advantages stemming from Roman settlement. For example, trying to ascertain population density, Wahl and his team looked at night-light intensity of the different German regions and realised that the former Roman areas still shine brighter at night. Looking into the effects of the Romans on personality traits such as conscientiousness or consideration, they analysed data from some 90,000 survey participants. 'In total, over 100,000 observations were included in the studies,' says Wahl. Roads played a key role in the differences, according to Wahl. The persistence of the Roman road network until the present is an important factor giving formerly Roman areas a developmental advantage, both by fostering city growth and by allowing for a denser road network, the researchers say. Today, many German motorways still follow Roman trade routes amazingly closely. Roman foundations such as Cologne, Trier and Mainz became bishoprics early on and therefore remained important administrative centres in the Middle Ages. Within the city of Cologne, property prices in the once Roman-populated left bank of the Rhine are still higher today than on the right bank of the Rhine, then seen as barbarian country. 'It can be argued, for example, that the Roman bathing culture established higher standards of hygiene, which then had an effect far beyond Roman times,' Wahl says. – dpa